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i 


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Phis  item  it  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below  / 

:e  document  est  fiim<  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqui  ci-dessou*. 


lOx 


14x 


18x 


12x 


16x 


20X 


22x 


26x 


y 


30x 


24x 


28x 


32x 


The  copy  filmed  h«r*  has  b««n  raproducad  thanks 
to  tha  ganaroaity  of: 

National  Library  of  Canada 


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Tha  imagaa  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
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of  tha  original  copy  and  in  Itaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  apacif Icationa. 


Original  copias  in  printad  papar  covars  ara  fllmad 
beginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illuatratad  impraa- 
sion,  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriate.  All 
othar  original  copiaa  ara  filmed  beginning  on  the 
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da  la  nattet*  da  I'exemplaire  film*,  et  an 
conformity  avac  les  conditions  du  contrst  de 
filmage. 

Lee  exempleires  originaux  dont  la  couvanure  sn 
pepier  eat  imprimee  sont  filmis  en  commsngant 
par  la  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  Is 
darniire  paga  qui  comporta  una  empreinte 
d'impreasion  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  selon  le  caa.  Tous  las  autres  axemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmts  an  commen^ant  par  la 
pramiire  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impreasion  ou  d'illustrstion  at  an  terminant  par 
la  darniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  eech  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  ▼  (maening  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  spparaitra  sur  la 
derniire  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  salon  la 
cas:  le  symbols  -«■  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  ▼  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bonom,  as  many  frames  ss 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartas,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  etre 
filmis  k  des  taux  de  reduction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  itre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  filmi  A  partir 
de  I'sngla  supirieur  gauche,  de  gauche  k  droits, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombra 
d'imagas  nicessaira.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mathode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

Miaoeopy  hsouition  tbt  chait 

(ANSI  ond  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


A  ><PPLIED  irvMGE    Ir 

S^^  16S3   Edit   Main    Stmt 

Sr^  Rochester,    New   Yorh         14600       USA 

^B  ("6)  482  -  0300  -  Phone 

^S  (716)    288-5999  -  Fo> 


THE   OLD   COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

1660-1754 
Part  I.  — Vol.  II. 


i^^ 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

HEW  VOKK    •    BOSTON       CHICAGO 
DALLAS   •    SAN    FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Lihitkd 

LONDON   •    BOMBAY   '    CALCUTTA 
USLBOUIINE 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO,  OF  CANADA,  Ltd. 

TOIOMIO 


THE 

OLD   COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

1660-1754 

BY 

GEORGE   LOUIS    BEER 

AUTHOR  OF  "BRITISH   COLONIAL  POLICY,    I7S4-I765,"  "THE  ORIGINS 
OF  THE  BRITISH  COLONIAL  SYSTEM,    I578-1660" 

PART  I 

THE  ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE  SYSTEM 

1660-1688 


IN   TWO   VOLUMES 
VOL.   II 


Neto  gotfe 

THE   MACMILLAN    COMPANY 

1912 

jiil  rights  reserved 


Copyright,  1913, 
By  the  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 

Set  up  and  elcctrotypcd,    Publiihtd  January,  1913, 


Kottiootl  9tifl 

J.  8.  Cashing  Co.  —  Berwick  '_  Smith  Co. 

Norwood,  Maas.,  U.S.A. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   VI 

Barbados  and  the  Leeward  Islands 

The  sugar  trade  —  Barbados 's  objections  to  the  policy 
of  enumeration  —  Futile  attempt  to  raise  the  price  of  sugar 
by  means  of  a  monopoly  —  Protests  of  the  VVilloughbys  and 
Governor  Atkins  against  the  commercial  regulations  —  The 
English  government's  refusal  to  change  the  laws  — Analy- 
sis of  the  colony's  grievances— Illegal  trade  in  Barbados 
—  The  Leeward  Islands  —  Their  development  — Illegal 
trade  —  Attitude  towards  the  colonial  system. 


rAOB 

I 


CHAPTER  Vn 

Jamaica  and  the  OtrrLviNO  Islands 

Great  expectations  from  Jamaica  — Its  economic  devel- 
opment—The buccaneers  and  their  suppression  —  The 
logwood  trade  and  the  difficulties  with  Spain  — The  enu- 
meration of  log^sood  —  Growth  of  the  colony  —  Illegal  trade 

—  The  settlement  of  the  Bahamas  and  their  development 

—  The  Bermudas  — Their  struggle  with  the  proprietary 
Company  and  its  downfall. 


47 


CHAPTER  VIII 


Virginia  and  Maryland 


English  policy  towards  the  colonial  tobacco  industry  — 
Virginia  under  the  laws  of  trade  -  Criticisms  of  John 
Bland  and  Sir  William  Berkeley  —  Attitude  of  the  colony  — 
Attempts  to  restrict  the  tobacco  output  and  to  diversify 
Virgmia's  economic  life  — Bacon's  rebellion  —  The  causes 


I  OS 


VI 


CONTENTS 


of  the  social  unrest  —  Economic  development  of  Virginia 
—  Illegal  trade  — Maryland  — Quarrels  with  the  customs 
officials  —  Their  significance. 


r«oa 


CHAPTER  IX 

Tub  Carolinas        .        .        ,        . 

*  •  •  •  • 

The  economic  aims  of  the  proprietors  —  Foundation  of 
South  Carolina  — Its  development  —  Piracy  —  Character 
of  North  Carolina  — The  New  England  traders  —  Attempts 
to  collect  the  1673  export  duties  on  tobacco  — The  Cul- 
pepper rebellion. 

CHAPTER  X 

Newfoundland 

The  fishing  regulations  —  Disputes  between  the  settlers 
and  the  English  fishermen  —  Agitation  for  the  appointment 
of  a  royal  governor  — The  decision  to  remove  the  settlers 

—  Sir  john   Berry's  reports  reopen  the  quesUon  — The 
planters  are  allowed  to  remain,  but  no  governor  is  appointed 

—  The  colony  and  the  laws  of  trade- New  England's 
trade  to  Newfoundland  —  Development  of  the  fishery. 


«77 


30 1 


CHAPTER  XI 

i.iASSACHUSETTS 

England's  attitude  towards  the  New  England  colonies  — 
Massachusetts's  view  of  the  imperial  relation  — The  situa- 
tion m  1660— The  royal  Commissioners  of  1664  — The 
claims  of  Mason  and  Gorges  — New  England's  irregular 
trading  threatens  the  integrity  of  the  colonial  system  — 
Edward  Randolph's  mission  in  1676 -His  reports  and  the 
beginnings  of  the  movement  to  abrogate  the  Massachusetts 
charter-  Randolph  appointed  Collector  of  the  Customs  in 
New  England -His  difficulties  in  enforcing  the  laws- 
Extent  of  illegal  trade -The  Massachusetts  Naval  Office 
Act  — Abrogation  of  the  charter  —  Summary. 


230 


>77 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XII 
The  DoMlNlo^  or  New  Enoi.anh 

Attitude  of  Massachusetts  on  the  loss  of  the  charter 

English  plans  for  the  political  recunstruction  of  New  England 
—  The  failure  of  royal  government  in  New  Hampshire  and 
the  situation  there— New  Plymouth,  Rhode  Island,  and 
Connecticut  —  Joseph  Dudley's  administration  and  that  of 
Andros  — The  English  government's  plan  to  reorganize  all 
the  charter  colonies  —  Inclusion  of  the  Jerseys  and  New 
York  in  the  Dominion  — New  York's  development  as  an 
English  colony. 


vU 


3'4 


aoi 


30 


CHAPTER  VI 

BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS 

The  sugar  trade  —  Barbados's  objections  to  the  poUcy  of  enumeration  — 
Futile  attempt  to  raise  the  price  of  sugar  by  means  of  a  monopoly  — 
Protests  of  the  WiUoughbys  and  Governor  Atkins  agamst  the  commercial 
regulations  —  The  English  government's  refusal  to  change  the  laws  — 
Analysis  of  the  colony's  grievances  —  Illegal  trade  in  Barbados  —  The 
Leeward  Islands  —  Their  development  —  Illegal  trade  —  Attitude  to- 
wards the  colonial  system. 

The  Restoration  commercial  system,  in  particular  the 
enumeration  of  sugar  under  the  law  of  1660  and  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Staple  Act  of  1663,  meant  a  far  more  stringent 
control  of  the  commerce  of  the  West  Indian  colonies  than 
had  prevailed   during   the   Cromwellian  era.    Under   the 
Act  of  1650,  foreign  ships  were  not  allowed  to  trade  to  the 
English  colonies ;  but  all  colonial  products  could  be  sent  in 
English  bottoms  directly  to  any  market  whatsoever,  and 
such  carriers  could  also  bring  to  the  colonies  European 
goods  from  places  other  than  England.'    The  more  restric- 
tive system  of  the  Restoration  period  was  put  into  effect 
at  a  most  inopportune  moment  —  just  when  the  enormous 
profits  of  the  early  years  of  the  sugar  industry  were  rapidly 
disappearing,  in  consequence  of  the  ever  increasing  output  of 
the  English  and  foreign  colonies.    The  ahnost  perpendicular 
fall  in  the  price  of  sugar  was  fundamentally  due  to  this 
large  increase  in  supply,  in  combination  with  a  much  more 

»  Beer,  Origins,  pp.  384  et  seq. 


2  THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

Slowly  expanding  demand.    The  bonanza  years  were  gi^•ing 
way  to  a  period  of  more  normal  industry,  during  which  the 
seUmg  price  tended  to  bear  some  more  or  less  approximate 
relation  to  the  cost  of  production.     While  this  process  was 
gomg  on,  and  some  time  before  it  would  normally  have 
reached  its  inevitable  conclusion,  the  English  government 
a  :opted  the  comprehensive  restrictive  commercial  system 
which  aggravated  the  hardships  inseparably  connected  with 
an  economic  readjustment  of  this  nature.    As  a  result,  the 
chief  of  the  sugar  colonies,  Barbados,  complained  bitterlv, 
and,  forgetting,  or  not  realizing,  that  the  fundamental  cause 
of  the  lower  prices  for  sugar  was  the  increased  production  » 
tended  to  attribute  it  solely  or  mainly  to  the  policy  of  the 
English  government.^ 

This  colony  insistently  opposed  the  system  adopted  for 
carrymg  on  the  slave-trade,  claiming  that  it  raised  the  cost  of 
their  indispensable  labor.  Constant  objections  were  made 
to  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent  duty  on  the  alleged  ground 
that  this  revenue  was  diverted  from  the  colony's  public  ser- 
vices. Moreover,  the  English  schedule  of  sugar  duties  im- 
posed in  1660  was  not  whoUy  satisfactory  to  the  planters- 
and  when,  in  1685,  a  heavy  additional  tax  was  imposed,  the' 
economic  ruin  of  the  colony  was  confidently  predicted 
FmaUy,  Barbados  strenuously  opposed  some  of  the  provi- 

J  ^-  ^'u  ^r?  '''^°''  '^"  Restoration,  it  was  stated  that  the  price  of  raw 

ZcV^tl  rrr;  ^V°^^'^'^'-  ^'^■'^"^•^-  ^-hardLig„„'ATrueand 
fr  B^  M  ^;^''^^°\(L-d-'  '657),  p.  95.  In  X670,  the  price  was 
i2s  Bnt.  Mus.,  Egerton  MSS.  .395,  S.  639-641;  CO.  1/26  57-  ibid 
3i/2,ff.54etscq.;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  533,  534.  ^'''■"'   ""'^^ 

'Bnt.  Mus.,  Stowe  MSS.  3662,  f.  59a  reversed. 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS  3 

sions  embodied  in  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation.  Thus, 
throughout  this  entire  period,  the  colony  was  incessantly 
complaining  of  this  or  that  phase  of  English  policy.  In 
these  complaints  there  was  that  marked  tendency  to  over- 
accentuate  all  unfavorable  features,  which  is  a  character- 
istic of  all  periods  of  falling  prices.  The  colony  was  in  a 
decidedly  pessimistic  and  querulous  mood.  In  addition, 
as  is  seemingly  inevitable  in  all  statements  made  by  inter- 
ested parties  to  influence  the  government,  the  facts  pre- 
sented were  not  only  those  most  favorable  to  the  cause 
advocated,  but  they  were  also  at  times  grossly,  and 
apparently  wilfully,  inaccurate. 

In  Barbados,  at  the  time  of  the  Restoration,  sugar  had 
to  a  grea*  extent  displaced  the  earlier  crops  of  tobacco  and 
cotton,»  and  the  colony's  welfare  was  intimately  bound  up 
with  the  sugar  trade.  Its  main  interest  in  the  Navigation 
Act  of  1660  was  in  the  clauses  enumerating  sugar.  In  166 1, 
the  Barbados  government  stated  that  they  would  enforce 
this  Act,  but  at  the  same  time  they  forwarded  a  petition  to 
the  CouncU  for  Foreign  Plantations,  stating  that  sugar, 
their  'chief  and  almost  only  manufacture,'  commanded  so 
inconsiderable  a  price  that  many  would  be  forced  to  leave 
the  island.  They  argued  that  the  new  Act,  by  forcing  all 
their  sugar  into  one  market,  would  cause  a  glut  'and  a  still 
further  fall'  in  its  value,  and  therefore  prayed  for  permission 

>  In  1661,  the  colony  stated  that  sugar  was  .he  principal  commodity; 
'some  parts  afford  cotton,  the  country  is  too  barren  for  indigo,  and  ginger 
(at  the  present  price)  is  not  worth  planting.'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  84. 
On  sugar  and  cotton  in  this  colony,  sec  also  Davies,  The  History  of  Barbados, 
S  Christophers,  elc.  (London,  1666),  pp.  9,  igS. 


4  THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

to  ship  their  produce  to  any  market  whatsoever  on  giving 
security  to  pay  the  lawful  customs.*     In  addition,  very 
shortly  thereafter,  the  President  and  the  Council  (the  As- 
sembly refused  to  join,  judging  the    oment  unfavorable)  sent 
a  similar  petition  to  the  King  and  dt  the  same  time  wrote 
to  the  Secretary  of  State.^    In  this  letter,  they  stated  that 
their  lands  were  already  becoming  less  fertile  and  yielded 
poorer  and  less  sugar;  that  the  people  were,  as  a  rule,  not 
prosperous,  but  being  vainglorious,  made  an  ostentation 
of  riches  which  they  did  not  possess;    that  the  planters 
were  generally  indebted  to  the  merchants,  and  that  sugar 
was  then  "of  no  price  worth  making."    Furthermore,  it 
was  pointed  out  that  the  sugars  shipped  by  the  planters 
to  England  yielded  only  contemptible  returns,  for  the  Eng- 
lish merchants  'having  us  in  their  power  that  we  can  send 
sugars  nowhere  else,  give  us  what  they  please,  and  soe 
having   the   market  in  themselves  .  .  .  make  us    simple 
planters  only  the  property  of  their  gain,  and  seU  the  poor 
for  bread  and  the  rich  for  shoes.'    Therefore,  they  begged 
to  be  released  from  the  enumeration  clauses  of  the  Naviga- 
tion Act,  and  lest  the  King's  revenue  should  suffer,  they 
proposed  that  there  be  established  at  Barbados  a  custom- 
house, where  should  be  collected  on  all  sugars  exported 
tc      n.  "gn   countries   in    legally    qualified    vessels    duties 
cquiviiient  to  one-half  of  the  English  subsidy  of  1660.' 

>  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  84,  85. 

^C.  O.  i/is,  69-71;  Brit.  Mus.,  Egerton  MSS.  2395,  flf.  305  et  seq.; 
C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  127,  129. 

'  This  was  equivalent  to  the  amount  such  sugars  would  have  paid  if 
shipped  via  England. 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS  5 

At  about  the  same  time,  the  government  also  received  a 
petition  from  the  Barbados  planters,  merchants,  and  trad- 
ers,' who  stated  that  'scarce  any  island  in  the  world  yields 
so  great  a  revenue  or  employs  so  much  shipping  and  stock,' 
and  that  its  destruction  would  not  only  spell  their  ruin,  but 
would  also  gravely  prejudice  England's  shipping  and  the 
customs  revenue.  But  such,  they  said, '  has  been  the  increase 
and  unmerchantableness  of  the  sugars  lately  made'  that  its 
value  is  utterly  destroyed,  'not  yielding  above  one  or  two 
and  twenty  shillings  per  hundred.'  ^  As  a  means  of  rais- 
ing the  price  and  improving  the  quality,  they  suggested  that 
no  one  should  be  allowed  to  sell  merchantable  sugar  for  less 
than  thirty  shillings  a  hundredweight,  the  rate  at  which 
sugar  was  valued  in  the  English  tariff  of  1660. 

This  suggestion  did  not  meet  with  an  unfavorable  recep- 
tion, because  just  at  this  time  some  English  merchants, 
with  the  support  of  the  government,  were  trying  to  make 
arrangements  to  monopolize  the  European  sugar  trade. 
They  were  willing  to  buy  the  entire  Enghsh  colonial  crop 
at  a  fixed  price,  and  also  proposed  to  secure  control  of  that 
of  Brazil.3    The  Council  of  Foreign  Plantations,  to  whom 

•  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  130;  p.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  314. 

'  They  stated  that  formerly  raw  sugar  had  sold  in  England  for  £3  10s. 
the  cwt.  In  1663,  in  a  letter  to  Willoughby,  Charles  II  also  stated  that 
excessive  planUng  was  the  cause  of  the  low  prices.  C.  C.  1661-1668  no 
576.  '      ■ 

'  Prior  to  the  cultivation  of  sugar  in  the  English  West  Indies,  the  great 
source  of  supply  was  Brazil.  On  the  expulsion  of  the  Dutch,  onerous  taxes 
were  imposed  by  the  reinstated  Portuguese,  and  at  the  same  time  Brazil 
had  to  compete  with  the  newly  developed  sources  of  supply  in  the  West 
Indies.    As  a  result,  according  to  a  memorial  written  in  1668,  the  BrazUian 


6  THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

the  petition  of  the  Barbados  traders  had  been  referred,  re- 
ported on  August  19,  1661,  that  a  letter  should  be  written 
by  the  King,  acquainting  Barbados  with  the  overtures  made 
by  these  merchants  to  buy  their  sugars  at  such  rates  as  would 
make  the  planters  comfortable  and  ordering  the  convening 
of  an  Assembly  to  consider  these  proposals.'    In  order  to 
carry  into  effect  the  Portuguese  section  of  the  scheme,  Sir 
Richard  Fanshaw,  who  was  at  this  time  sent  as  Ambassador 
to  Portugal,  was  instructed  to  make  careful  inquiries  about 
the  sugar  situation  there,  with  the  special  object  of  ascertain- 
ing "whether  it  may  be  practicable  that  the  English  may 
engross  to  themselves  the  sole  trade  of  sugar,  taking  the 
whole  commodity  at  a  price,  and  we  being  bound  to  send 
our  fleet  to  Brazil,  and  therewith  to  convoy  such  a  propor- 
tion of  sugar  to  Portugal  as  shall  every  year  be  assigned  to 
that  consumption,  and  may  then  transport  the  rest  whither 
shall  seem  best."  ^ 

This  far-reaching  scheme  resulted  in  nothing.     Portugal 
was  by  no  means  inclined  to  enter  upon  such  an  arrange- 

exports  to  Europe  feU  oflf  from  70,000  chests  yearly  to  20,000,  and  the  Eng- 
lish seemed  to  be  in  a  fair  way  to  monopolize  the  sugar  trade.  Memorial 
on  f^e  sugar  trade,  endorsed  September,  1668,  in  Public  Record  Office, 
ShaftesLury  Papers,  SecUon  X;   Bodleian,  RawUnson  MSS.,  A  478,  f.  88. 

»  C.  O.  1/14,  50,  ff.  37,  38;  c.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  158. 

» In  conclusion  the  instrucUon  read:  "You  have  had  so  much  said  to 
you  upon  this  argument  by  those  who  manage  that  design  that  there  need 
be  no  more  enlargement  upon  it  in  this  place."  Section  5  of  the  instructions 
to  Fanshaw,  Aug.  23,  1661.  Heathcote  MSS.  (H.M.C.  1899),  p.  19.  On 
Dec.  6,  1661,  Clarendon  wrote  to  Fanshaw:  "You  are  enough  instructed 
m  the  business  of  the  sugar  to  make  at  least  such  approaches  to  it  as  to 
discover  what  is  pracucable  in  that  kind."    Ibid.  pp.  23,  24. 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS  7 

ment;*  and  the  negotiations  with  Barbados  were  deferred 
until  the  future  political  status  of  the  colony  was  definitely 
settled.     Finally,  vhen  in  1663  Lord  Willoughby  was  sent 
out  as  Governor,  he  was  instructed  to  lay  this  matter  before 
the  colony,  and,  if  a  reasonable  price  could  be  agreed  upon, 
tht  King  promised  to  "recommend  it  in  such  manner  to  a 
Body  of  good  and  substantiall  Merchants,  that  the  whole 
Growth  of  Sugars  shall  be  taken  oflF."^    Thirty  years  before 
this,  under  similar  circumstances,  a  number  of  attempts  to 
raise  the  price  of  Virginia  tobacco  by  such  means  had 
utterly  failed.'    Experience  had  shown  that  it  was  impossible 
for  the  English  merchants  and  the  colonial  planters  to  agree 
upon  a  mutually  satisfactory  price.   Willc  '.ghby,  apparently, 
saw  the  futility  of  any  such  attempt  and  did  not  waste  his 
energies  on  it.    Instead,  having  large  interests  in  Barbados 
as  well  as  m  his  own  proprietary  colony  at  Surinam,  where 
sugar  was  also  produced,*  he  fully  adopted  the  viewpoint 

»  Eventually,  this  part  of  the  scheme  dwindled  down  to  an  attempt  to 
secure  permission  for  the  Duke  of  York  to  send  three  ships  to  Brazil  to 
fetch  sugar.  Concerning  this,  Fanshaw  wrote,  in  1663,  that  he  had  put 
the  matter  in  the  hands  of  the  King's  favorite,  but  that  it  had  to  be  laid 
before  the  Council,  who  of  late  have  objected  to  granting  such  licenses, 
even  though  paid  for,  believing  them  to  be  detrimental  to  Portugal.  Ibid. 
pp.  123,  124. 

'  The  instructioT  stated  that  Willoughby  had  been  present  "at  seuerall 
Debates  in  Our  CounciU  of  Plantations  upon  the  finding  some  Expedient, 
by  which  both  Merchant  and  Planter  might  be  encouraged  in  carrying  on 
the  Trade  and  Manufacture  of  ^ugars,  and  preventing  the  same  from 
bemg  become  a  Drugg  of  smaU  value."  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  360,  361 ;  C.  C. 
1 66 1- 1 668,  no.  489. 

»  Beer,  Origins,  pp.  152  et  seq. 

*  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  83. 


y 


---■23: 


8 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


of  the  colonial  planters  and  complained  bitterly  of  the 
restrictions  imposed  on  the  sugar  trade. 

On  September  lo,  1663/  shortly  after  his  arrival  in  the 
colony,  Lord  Willoughby  wrote  to  Charles  II  that  he  hoped 
some  relief  might  be  granted  by  relaxing  the  Navigation 
Act,  and  a  few  weeks  later  he  reported  that  otherwise  the 
colonies  would  all  be  ruined.'^    The  following  year,  he  again 
wrote  of  the  ill  effects  of  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation.' 
At  this  time  events  were  inevitably  leading  to  war  with  the 
United  Provinces.    In  this  conflict,  the  French  joined  hands 
with  their  Dutch  allies,  and,  as  a  result  of  this  combination, 
the  EngUsh  West  Indies  were  exposed  to  disastrous  assaults 
and  their  commerce  was  grievously  harassed.    On  May  12, 
1666,*  Willoughby  sent  to  Charles  II  a  vigorous  and  frank 
expression  of  his  views.    The  French,  he  WTote,  had  captured 
the  English  part  of  St.  Kitts,  and  Nevis  was  about  to  sur- 
render to  them,  so  that  he  feared  for  the  safety  of  Barbados, 
"  that  fair  Jewell  of  your  Majesty's  Crown,"  which  is  the 
best  peopled  spot  in  the  western  hemisphere  and  yields  her 
sovereign  the  largest  revenue.    As  he  apprehended  the  loss 
of  all  the  West  Indies,  the  writer  begged  the  King  to  par- 
don the  frankness  of  the  following  observation,  that  "free 
trade  is  y*  life  increase  &  beeing  of  all  CoUonyes,"  and 
that,  for  lack  of  it,  the  West  Indies  have  not  clothes  suffi- 
cient to  hide  their  nakedness  or  food  to  fill  their  bellies.* 

■  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  561.  2  Ibid.  no.  578. 

'  C.  O.  1/18,  104;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  804. 
*  C.  O.  1/20,  92;  C.  C.  i66i-i668,  no.  1204. 

'He  continued:  "May  itt  please  yof  Ma'"  to  giue  mee  leaue  to  say 
this,  whoeuer  hee  bee  that  hath  advised  yor  Ma?  to  restraine  &  tye  upp 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS  9 

Shortly  after  sending  this  letter,  Willoughby  was  drowned 
while   trymg    to    reestablish    the    English   in    St.    Kitts 
and  was  succeeded  in  the  government  of  Barbados  by' 
his  brother  and  heir  to  the  barony,  WiUiam,  Lord  wl 
loughby.' 

„f  ?\T  ""k  *"'''  *"'"''''»'«'  'he  militao-  weakness 
of  Barbados,  but  this  was  a  direct  result  of  tl,e  plantation 
system  of  pr«luction  and  could  not,  except  very  indirectly, 
be  attributed  to  English  policy.  During  the  twenty-five 
years  followmg  the  introduction  of  the  sugar  industry  the 
wealth  of  Barbados  had  increased  at  a  phenomenal  pac^and 
wasesfmated  to  have  been  in  ,666  seventeen  times  what  it 
was  m  ,643.      According  to  a  contemporary  account,  '  the 

but  ,„  ,666  plate,  jewels,  and  household  stuS  were  estimated 
at  500,000  1.  their  buUdings  ve^-  fair  and  beautiful,  and 
th  .r  houses  hke  castles,  their  sugar  houses  and  negroes' 

each  defended  by  Us  castle.'    But  this  great  increase  in 

TT'^  ,''•:■  ""  "  '"^"^'''  "''  "'""y  had  over 
hair  '^T"L  ""  ™'"'  "'  "'"'"  ™-  'han  one- 
half  were  landed  proprietors.    In  .666,  there  were  only 

y«r  Colonyes  in  pom.e  „f  „.j     ,,„  y     |^ 

C.  C1661-1668,  nos.  1341,  ,34,,  ,3.3. 
^  ^  According  to  one  estimate,  Barbados  was  forty  times  as  rich  in  ^667  as 


10 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


about  8000  white  men,'  and  of  these  less  than  800  were 
proprietors  of  sugar  estates.  Hand  in  hand  with  this 
diminution  in  the  white  population  and  the  concentra- 
tion of  the  ownership  of  land  went  a  large  increase  in 
the  number  of  negro  slaves.  These  were  estimated  to 
have  been  at  the  former  date  about  5000  and  at  the  latter 
approximately  eight  times  that  number.  During  these 
twenty  odd  years  Barbados  had  lost  from  12,000  to  14,000 
men  in  Willoughby's  military  expeditions  and  by  emigration 
to  the  other  English  colonies  —  especially  to  Surinam  and 
Jamaica  —  as  well  as  to  those  of  foreign  nations.* 

The  new  Governor,  William,  Lord  Willoughby,  was  con- 
siderably worried  by  the  military  weakness  of  the  colony, 
and  suggested  that  it  could  be  remedied  if  white  servants 
were  brought  from  Scotland.  The  Staple  Act  of  1663, 
which  debarred  Scotland  from  exporting  its  products  directly 
to  the  colonies,  had  excepted  servants  and  provisions,  but  it 
was  claimed  that,  unless  all  the  restrictions  on  trade  to  and 
from  Scotland  were  removed,  Scotsmen  could  not  be  in- 
duced to  emigrate  to  Barbados.  Shortly  after  his  assump- 
tion of  the  government,  Willoughby  wrote  to  the  King  that, 
if  the  West  Indies  were  not  to  be  ruined,  two  matters  had 
speedily  to  be  remedied :  one  was  the  lack  of  free  trade 
with  Scotland,  by  means  whereof  these  islands  had  formerly 

'  One-half  of  these  was  said  to  consist  of  "desolate  English, Scotch, and 
Irish." 

^  John  Scott's  Description  of  Barbados,  in  Brit.  Mus.,Stowe  MSS.  3662, 
S.  50''  el  scq.  of  the  volume  reversed;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1657.  These 
two  accounts  contain  a  number  of  loose  statements  and  do  not  fully  agree 
with  one  another.   Some  of  the  obvious  errors  have  been  corrected  in  the  text. 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS  „ 

been  supplied  with  brave  servants  and  useful  subjects;  the 
other  was  the  monopoly  of  the  Royal  African  Company.* 
Later  in  the  same  year  1667,  he  wrote  to  the  Privy  Council 
that  the  war  had  caused  a  great  scarcity  of  white  servants 
who  were  necessary,  not  only  in  themselves,  but  also  in' 
.order  to  keep  the  slaves  in  subjection,  and  that  a  trade  for 
servants  from  Scotland  was  essential.^    In  September  of 
1667/  the  Barbados  Assembly,  in  the  course  of  a  petition 
to  the  King,  stated  that  'free  trade  is  the  best  means  of 
hvmg  to  any  colony,  of  which  these  islands  having  for  some 
years  been  debarred,  the  planters  have  been  so  impoverished 
and  the  enemy's  trade  so  advanced,  that  the  English  to 
mamtam  a  livelihood  have  been  forced  to  fish  with  the 
French  nets,'  and  requested  free  trade  with  Scot'        and 
a  supply  of  servants  thence,  and  likewise  permis    jn  to 
export  their  produce  to  any  place  in  amity  with  England  in 
ships  qualified  under  the  Navigation  Act  after  payment  of 
the  Enghsh  customs. 

At  about  the  time  that  these  complaints  reached  England 
the  government  also  received  a  detailed  "Account  of  the  Eng-' 

•  C.  O.  1/21,  89;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  15 ,9 
WiUoughby  expressly  stated  that  Irbh  servants  were  not  wanted 

abou;  It        '■''■  ^-  ''''-'''''  "°-  ^^^«-    '-  -°^her  letter,  wj^ten 
about  the  same  t.me.  WiUoughby  requested  that  three  to  four  thousand 

had  lo  ^  n  '^''/-  ''■    '"  ''"''  WiUoughby  stated  that  Barbados 

had  40,000  negroes,  'whose  different  tongues  and  animosities  have  kep 

Ifno "r"'"'  •'--^^""-ncpate"  their  .asters.'  C.  C  :66.' 

*Ibid.  no.  1565. 


12 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


lish  Sugar  PlanUtions,"  •  which  was  tanUmount  to  an  elab- 
orate indictment  of  English  policy.    Therein  it  was  pointed 
out  that  the  West  Indies  were  of  great  value  and  importance 
to  England ;    that  they  had  formerly  given  employment  to 
a  large  number  of  ships  yearly,  most  of  which  were  freighted 
with  English  manufactures  and  brought  back  to  England 
sugar,  indigo,  cotton,  and  tobacco,  "w"*  great  Treasure  cost 
this  Nation  not  one  penny  of  its  Bullion."    Most  of  this 
sugar  was  again  reexported  from  England  and  was  an  im- 
portant factor  in  rectifying  the  nation's  trade  balance;  and, 
furthermore,  the  duties  on  these  West  Indian  products  greatly 
increased  the  English  customs  revenue.     This  prosperous 
state,  it  was  said,  had  contmued  until  the  passage  of  the 
Navigation  Act  of  1660,  "which  in  time  would  ruine  them." 
Suice  then  the  West  Indies  have  decayed,  their  trade  employ- 
ing only  one  hundred  and  fifty  ships  yearly.    This  decline 
was  attributed  directly  to  the  Restoration  colonial  system. 
"In  the  growth  and  former  fflorishing  Condicon  of  the 
Colonyes  the  planter  in  the  West  Indies  had  freedome  of 
Trade  with  all  Nations  in  amity  with  England  by  meanes 
whereof  they  bought  theire  supplyes  for  theire  plantacon 
on  Cheap  Tearmes  and  Sent  theire  Sugars  etc  to  the  best 
Markets."    As  a  result  of  the  Staple  Act,  it  was  further 
claimed,  the  planters  were  forced  to  pay  double  and  treble 
the  prices  formerly  demanded  for  their  supplies.'^    Moreover, 

>  C.  O.  1/22,  20;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  i6-,  ;  Brit.  Mus.,  Stowe  MSS. 
j24,  ff.  4  el  seq.;  Egerton  MSS.  2395,  ff.  629  et  seq. 

'  It  was  asserted  that  this  Act,  which  prohibited  the  importation  of 
European  goods  into  the  colonies  except  from  England,  was  of  .idvantage 
to  no  one,  aud  that  the  customs  collected  on  such  goods  in  England  did 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISL/NDS  13 

they  were  cut  off  from  trading  with  Scotland,  whence 
formerly  Barbados  had  obtained  numerous  servants. 

Early  in  t668,  these  various  complaints  were  considered 
by  the  English  government.  The  Committee  for  Foreign 
Plantations  reported  that  they  apprehended  that  Barbados 
was  in  ill  condition,  on  account  of  the  multitude  of  negroes 
and  Irish  there  and  the  great  decrease  in  its  other  population, 
but,  pendinf.'  further  consideration  of  the  mr.tter,  they  recom- 
mended the  despatch  of  a  dilatory  lettei  *  In  the  mean- 
while a  disastrous  conflagration  ^  had  caused  considerable 
distress  in  Barbados,  in  consequence  whereof  a  special  Com- 
mittee of  the  Privy  Co<"  i\  was  appointed  to  confer  with 
the  merchants  and  planter  m  London  about  the  best  means 
for  the  colony's  relief.''  These  mercnants  and  planters  pro- 
posed among  other  things  that  the  Committee  should  take 
into  consideration  the  petition  of  the  colony,  especially  in  so 
fa.  as  it  concerned  a  free  trade  for  negroes  from  Africa  and 
for  servants  from  Scotland.*  Shortly  after  this  conference, 
in  August  of  1668,  the  Barbados  legislature  renewed  its  com- 
plaints and  suggestions  of  the  preceding  year,"  but  on  these 

not  compensate  for  the  decay  of  Barbados.  "Neither  is  the  Custome  the 
tenth  part  of  the  damage  the  planter  sustaincs  thereby;  for  that  the  losse 
of  time  the  paying  a  double  fraught,  a  double  Adventure,  together  with 
the  decay  and  damage  the  said  Goods  doe  sustaine  doth  infinitely  surmount 
his  Ma';"  duty,  and  no  man  is  the  better  for  this  losse." 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1712;   P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  465,  466. 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  1734,  1739. 

'  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  472;   C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1768. 

*  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1769.  These  suggestions  were  referred  to  the 
Commitiee  on  Trade.     P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  475,  476. 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1816. 


'H. 


k'  Al 


•  ;  ■ 


14 


THE  OLD   COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


points  no  satisfaction  could  be  obtained.*  In  1670,  Barbados 
again  forwarded  a  similar  petition,^  and  instructions  were 
sent  to  the  Committee  of  Gentlemen  Planters  in  London, 
which  was  composed  of  influential  men  of  whom  some,  like 
Sir  Peter  Colleton  and  Henry  Drax,  were  large  landed 
proprietors  in  Barbados,  to  endeavor  to  secure  redress  for 
their  grievances.'  These  included  requests  for  liberty  to 
ship  their  sugar  directly  to  any  friendly  port  on  giving 
security  for  the  payment  of  the  English  duties  and  for  free 
trade  with  Scotland  so  as  to  secure  servants  thence.*  In 
1 67 1,  the  Assembly  renewed  these  complaints  and  again 
instructed  the  Gentlemen  Planters  to  work  for  their  relief.* 
This  Barbados  Committee  did  not  find  the  times  favor- 

'  P.  c.  Cal.  I,  p.  519. 

=  C.  O.  31/2,  f.  I ;    C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  15. 

'  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  134,  13s,  497.  This  committee,  which  took  the 
place  of  the  ordinary  colonial  agent,  was  a  unique  institution  peculiar  to 
Barbados.  It  was  regularly  organized,  having  a  paid  legal  adviser,  Edward 
Thornburgh,  who  acted  as  its  secretary.  Funds  for  this  and  other  expenses 
—  which  in  1671  included  about  £100  for  entertaining  members  of  Parlia- 
ment —  were  remitted  by  the  colonial  Assembly.  This  body,  which  was 
also  called  the  "Committee  for  the  Publique  Concern  of  Barbados,"  held 
meetings  at  irregular  intervals,  and  corresponded  actively  with  the  colonial 
legislature  whenever  the  occasion  demanded  it.    C.  O.  31/2,  S.  103-109; 

c.  c.  1669-1674,  pp.  370-373- 

*  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  200;  Brit.  Mus.,  Egerton  MSS.  2395,  f.  465. 

'  C.  O.  31/2,  fl.  26-29;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  199-201.  Among  the 
relief  measures  suggested  in  these  annual  complaints  was  permission  to 
set  up  a  mint  for  coining  money  in  the  colony,  or  that  a  special  coin,  which 
sliould  pass  current  there  at  somewhat  more  than  its  intrinsic  value,  should 
be  provided.  The  object  of  this  proposal  was  to  do  away  with  the  system 
of  barter  that  prevailed  in  Barbados  and  to  enable  it  to  retain  a  supply  of 
money.  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1816;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  518-520;  C.  C. 
1699,  p.  591 ;   ibid.  1669-1674,  p.  200. 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS 


15 


I 


able  for  urging  these  matters,  but  concentrated  its  atten- 
tion on  opposing  the  increase  of  the  EngHsh  sugar  du- 
ties, which  was  then  being  debated  in  ParUament.  Early 
in  1673,  however,  after  this  question  had  been  disposed  of, 
there  was  read  by  the  Privy  Council  an  able  memorial  of 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  one  of  the  most  active  of  the  Gentle- 
men Planters.  After  emphasizing  the  great  economic 
value  of  the  sugar  colonies  to  England,  Gorges  stated  that 
they  needed  white  serv^ants  to  keep  the  slaves  in  subjection 
and  to  defend  the  colony  against  foreign  enemies,  and  rec- 
ommended that,  with  this  object  in  view,  free  trade  with 
Scotland  be  allowed.*  This  matter  was  also  presented  to 
the  House  of  Commons,  where,  as  Colonel  Thornburgh, 
the  Committee's  secretary,  wrote  to  the  Assembly,  it  was 
expected  to  be  taken  under  consideration  at  the  fall  session 
of  1673.^    Nothing  could,  however,  be  effected. 

Willoughby  died  in  1673,  and,  pending  the  appointment 
of  his  successor,  the  government  devolved  upon  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  Council,  Sir  Peter  Colleton.'  Towards  the 
end  of  1673,  Sir  Jonathan  Atkins  was  appointed  Governor 
and,  somewhat  less  than  a  year  later,  assumed  th&  duties 

'  Brit.  Mus.,  Egerton  MSS.  2395,  f.  490.  In  addition,  Gorges  stated 
that  the  West  Indie.-  needed  very  great  quantities  of  provisions  and  manu- 
factures and  urged  that  liberty  be  granted  to  cxjx)rt  them  from  England 
duty  free  "as  formerly,  the  said  Plantations  being  memb"  of  England." 
In  1669,  one  Nicholas  Blake  made  the  same  suggestion,  saying  'those  of 
New  England  hav<  had  that  favour  long,  and  we  think  we  have  as  much 
reason  to  enjoy  that  privilege  as  they.'  C.  C.  1699,  p.  590.  New  England 
had  enjoyed  this  privilege  during  the  Interregnum.     Beer,  Origins,  p.  344. 

'  Ibid.  1669-1674,  p.  475. 

•  C.  O.  1/30,  43  ;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  408,  409. 


li 


r.( 


"rj 


i6 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


of  his  office.^  In  the  main  from  sincere  conviction,  but  to 
some  extent  also  in  order  to  gain  the  goodwill  of  the  colony ,2 
Atkins  fully  adopted  the  colonial  viewpoint  on  all  questions 
and  actively  sought  to  have  their  complaints  redressed  in 
England.  In  the  spring  of  1675,  the  Assembly  petitioned 
the  King,  complaining  among  other  things  of  the  scarcity 
of  white  servants  and  of  the  ill  effects  of  the  enumeration 
of  sugar.  Formerly,  they  said,  they  were  plentifully  sup- 
plied with  English  and  Scottish  servants,  but  the  first  no 
longer  came  as  there  wp.>  available  no  land,  "their  maine  al- 
lurement," which  could  be  given  to  them  on  the  expiration 
of  their  period  of  servitude.  As  tor  the  latter,  the  Act  of 
Navigation  stood  in  the  way,  for  men  would  not  bring  ser- 
vants, if  they  could  not  also  carry  commodities  directly 
from  Scotland.  The  enumeration  clauses,  they  claimed,  by 
forcing  all  sugar  into  one  market,  had  lowered  prices, 
raised  freight  rates,  and  would  shortly  ruin  the  colonies. 
They  suggested  that  it  be  permitted  to  ship  sugar  to  any 
place  on  payment  of  the  Enghsh  duties  of  1660.  This, 
they  pointed  out,  would  mean  an  increase  in  the  English 
customs  revenue,  as  sugars  shipped  via  England  to  foreign 
markets  paid  only  one-half  of  this  subsidy.  They  further 
suggested  that  the  direct  importation  of  goods  from  Europe 
be  allowed  on  payment  of  the  English  customs  in  Barbados. 
This  permission,  they  said,  could  not  prejudice  any  one  in 
England,  "since  wee  must  still  ffetch  our  Provisions,  &  all 
those  other  Goods  of  the  English  manufacture  as  fformerly." 
Finally,  they  stated  that  they  were  willing  to  trade  in  none 

'  C.  C.  1660-1674,  pp.  541,  615,         « Ibid.  1677-1680,  pp.  6,  7,  62,  63. 


J- 


f 


n 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS  17 

but  ships  qualified  under  the  Navigation  Act,  "wee  being 
lykewise  thereby  Incouraged  to  Build  Ships  of  ou'  owne, 
which  must  necessarily  Increase  Navigation."  ' 

Funds  were  sent  to  the  Gentlemen  Planters  in  London  to 
defray  the  expenses  'of  prosecuting  these  Addresses  to  his 
Majesty.'  At  the  same  time,  Atkins  wrote  to  the  Secretary 
of  State,  Sir  Joseph  Williamson,^  that  he  could  not  refuse 
his  assistance  in  securing  relief  for  these  grievances, 
'seeing  the  evil  consequences  portended,'  and  that  in  his 
opinion,  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation  were  greatly  in- 
juring the  West  Indies.  A  few  months  later,  in  the  fall  of 
1675,  the  Assembly  renewed  its  complaints,  pointing  out 
that  a  recent  plot  of  the  slaves  to  rebel  against  their  masters 
had  still  further  emphasized  the  necessity  of  free  trade  ."'th 
Scotland,  and  besides  requesting  that  the  export  duties  on 
enumerated  goods  imposed  by  Parliament  in  1673  might  be 
repealed,  since  they  hampered  the  colony's  trade  with  New 
England  for  provisions.'  In  this  connection,  howev.^r,  Atkins 
wrote  that  the  scarcity  of  provisions  was  due  to  the  embargo 
laid  thereon  in  New  England,  which  was  then  in  the  throes 
of  a  severe  Indian  war,  and  that  it  was  this  war  which  was 
the  primary  cause  of  the  bad  state  of  the  colonies,  but  that 
these  conditions  were  'made  much  worse  by  the  severity  of 
the  Act  of  Trade.'*  In  April  of  1676,  Atkins  again  ad- 
dressed Secretary  Williamson  on  this  subject.    "  Butt  I  con- 

•  C.  O.  31/2,  s.  i6s,  172, 177-1S3;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  193,  206, 208, 
30^,  304;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  63s,  636,  676. 

'  C.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  210.  8  7^.  pp  jg8_  289. 

*  Ibid.  pp.  3ot,  302, 

(2) 


„g  THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

fesse"   his  despatch  reads,  "I  lye  under  some  affliction 
when  I  consider  the  threatened  Dissolution  of  these  Planta- 
tions impending  them,  being  so  considerable  a  Perquisite  to 
the  Crowne  of  England,  for  if  the  Indians  did  not  hasten 
their  Fate,  the  Act  for  Trade  and  Commerce  in  a  short  tyme 
wiU  effect  it,  for  by  bringing  all  their  Commodities  to  one 
Market  it  hath  brought  do^vne  the  price  of  them  to  so  low 
an  Ebb"  that  it  is  less  than  the  cost  of  production.    He 
further  added  that  It  was  inconsistent  with  all  reason  and 
against  all  practice  not  to  allow  free  trade  to  an  island. 

In  October  of  1676,  the  Lords  of  Trade  took  under  con- 
sideration Atkins's  statements,  and  resolved  'to  give  him  a 
cheque  for  upholding   this  maxim  of   free  trade'  and   to 
censure  him  severely  for  '  these  dangerous  principles  which  he 
entertains  contrary  to  the  settled  laws  of  the  Kingdom  and 
the  apparent  advantage  of  it.'  ^    At  the  same  time   they 
ordered  the  Commissioners  of  the  Custorr.s  and  other  in- 
terested parties  to  attend  a  hearing  on  the  grievances  and 
remedial  suggestions  forwarded  by  the  Barbados   Assem- 
bly     On  this  occasion,'  Sir  George  Downing,  represent- 
ing the  Customs,  argued  that  the  established  method  of 
trade  was  necessary  for  the  increase  of  shipping  and    Wel- 
fare of  Old  England,"  and.stated  that  Barbados  had  least 
reason  to  complain  of  these  restraints,  since  the  English 
customs  on  sugar  were  inconsiderable  in  comparison  with 

.  C  O   1/36,  3.;  C.  C.  1675-1676.  p.  368.    Later  in  the  year  Atkins 
repeated  thes^  ;iews  in  a  despatch  to  the  Lords  of  Trade.    Ib^.  P-  4=4. 
2  Ibid.  pp.  474.  475 

3  c.  o.  391/1,  ff.  240, 241 ;  c.  c.  1675-1070,  p.  4S2. 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS 


19 


those  on  tobacco.    Colonel  Thomburgh  and    Sir    Peter 
Colleton  were  then  called  in,  and  the  Lords  of  Trade  rep- 
resented to  them  the  necessity  of   the  Acts  of  Trade  and 
Navigation.    Colleton  then  stated  that  the  condition  of 
the  colonies  had  changed  very  much  since  these  laws  were 
first  enacted,  and  that,  "the  occasion  being  now  ceased,  It 
is  his  Maj""  Interest  to  Suspend  Some  part  of  those  Lawes 
w'.*"  are  hurtfull  to  the  English  Trade."    He  claimed  that 
the  sugar  trade  was  so  much  burdened  by  being  confined 
to  one  market  that,  in  time,  the  English  would  be  ousted  by 
the  French.    Furthermore,  he  asserted  that  other  nations 
gave  greater  encouragement  to  their  sugar  colonies,  and 
complained  that  the  sugar  schedule  in  the  tariff  of  1660  al- 
lowed the  importation  into  England  of  some  refined  Brazil- 
ian sugar.^ 

Downing,  in  answer,  asserted  that  the  repeal  of  the  enu- 
meration of  sugar  "would  quite  destroy  the  Trade  of  Eng- 
land, and  consequently  ruyne  Barbados."  Colleton  replied 
that  this  restraint  had  lessened  the  employment  of  English 
shipping  and  asserted  that  before  these  Acts  all  European 
commodities,  except  oil  from  Spain  and  salt  from  France, 
had  been  imported  from  England.  Downing  denied  this, 
stating  that  at  that  time  over  three-quarters  of  the  ships 
trading  to  Barbados  were  Dutch.  DowTiing  further  dem- 
<jnstrated  "the  necessity  of  bringing  the  groweth  of  Our 
Plantations  unmediately  into  England  by  the  Scale  of  Co- 
modities,  w'>  are  imported  in  far  greater  quantities  then  are 

»  He  stated  that  the  expenses  involved  in  landing  in  England  such  sugars 
as  were;  exported  thence  to  foreign  markets  amounted  to  175.  a  ton. 


Ml 


p' 


1 


yfU  i 


H 


30 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


exported,  So  that  vnlesse  Wee  had  the  groweth  of  Our 
Plantations  and  Fish  to  Export,  Our  Ships  would  go  out,  and 
forreigners  return  Empty,  w'.**  would  occasion  a  great  decay 
of  our  Navigation." 

The  Lords  of  Trade  accordingly  unanimously  agreed  that 
the  (lomands  of  Barbados  should  lot  be  granted,  and  rep- 
resented to  the  King  "of  what  evill  Consequence  it  is,  that 
any  of  your  Subjects  should  presume  to  petition  your  Majesty 
against  Acts  of  Parliament  (which  are  the  Laws  they  must 
live  under)  and  call  them  Greivances,  And  Acts  upon  which 
the  whole  fframe  of  the  Trade  and  Navigation  of  this  King- 
dome  doth  turne,  and  indeed  would  be  destroyed  by  such  a 
Dispensation. "  ^  They  then  added  that,  in  their  opinion,  the 
colony  would  not  have  presumed  to  make  such  an  address, 
had  it  not  been  for  the  connivance  of  Governor  Atkins,  who, 
instead  of  restraining,  had  encoure.ged  these  views.*  Ac- 
cordingly, they  recommended  that  he  be  severely  repii- 
manded  and  also  instructed  in  the  future  to  suppress  any 
such  notions,  "which  tend  not  only  to  the  ruine  of  the  Trade 
of  this  Kingdome,  but  in  the  end  would  be  the  ruine  of  the 
Trade  of  that  Island  also."  Such  a  severe  letter  of  censure 
was  sent  in  the  King's  name  to  Atkins,'  who  in  reply  stated 


>  C.  O.  1/38,  31 ;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  676H579;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  484, 

48s- 

»  "  Wee  finde  him  if  not  the  Prompter,  yet  the  Consenter  with  the  In- 
habitants of  the  Island  for  suspending  the  Acts  of  Navigation  and  Trade, 
and  that  he  doth  labour  with  more  Arguments  for  it  then  the  Inhabitants 
themselves  in  their  said  Paper  of  Greivances." 

»  C.  0.  324/2,  ff.  103-106 ;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  t  *> ;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp. 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS 


21 


I 


that  he  had  agreed  to  the  Assembly's  address,  lest  "by 
shocking  with  them  at  my  first  coming,  might  render  me 
incapable  of  doing  the  service  I  had  done  and  hope  to  do."* 
This  decision   was   so   xmcompromisingly  explicit   that 
thereafter  Barbados  abandoned  its  attempts  to  secure  an  ex- 
tensive alteration  of  the  trade  laws.    It  was  at  last  realized 
that  it  would  be  futile  to  work  for  a  fundamental  change  in 
the  policy  of  the  English  government.    Hence,  in  the  future, 
such  efforts  were  abandoned,  and  the  colony's  attention  was 
limited  to  securing  only  minor  modifications  of  these  Acts.' 
In  the  main,  however,  during  the  decade  preceding  the  Eng- 
lish Revolution  of  1688/9,  Barbados  centred  its  efforts  on 
securing  a  modification  of  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent  export 
tax  and  the  repeal  of  the  additional  duty  on  sugar  imposed 
by  Parliament  in  1685.    This  cessation  of  agitation  against 
the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation  does  not,  however,  imply 
any  change  in  attitude  towards  them,  since  it  was  chiefly 
due  to  a  recognition  of  the  futility  of  attempts  to  secure  so 
radical  a  departure  in  English  policy. 

'  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  63. 

'  In  1679,  the  Barbados  legislature  wrote  to  the  Gentlemen  Planters 
that,  as  free  trade  with  Scotland  was  unobtainable,  they  shou'-*  endeavor 
to  secure  permission  for  six  ships  to  engage  yearly  in  this  trade  with  the 
object  of  bringing  white  servants,  'the  want  of  which  is  become  an  ap- 
parent hazard  of  the  place,'  on  account  of  the  danger  of  a  foreign  attack 
and  the  still  graver  peril  of  a  slave  insurrection.  In  addition,  they  were 
instructed  to  secure  for  Barbados  the  same  trade  privileges  as  Tangier  en- 
joyed, and  also  a  more  favorable  construction  of  the  law  as  regards  the 
importation  of  tallow  from  Ireland.  Hitherto  tallow  had  been  considered 
as  provisions,  which  legally  could  be  imported  into  the  colonies  directly 
from  Ireland,  but  a  recent  decision  had  held  that  it  was  "noe  provision." 
C.  0.  11/2,  G.  .^.^g-?4i ;  C.  C. 


1O77-1OS0,  p.  352. 


23 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Barbados's  complaints  against  the  laws  of  trade  and 
navigation  were  in  the  main  directed  against  two  points: 
the  enumeration  of  sugar  and  the  prohibition  of  free  trade  to 
and  from  Scotland.  The  colony  approved  of  the  Navigation 
Act,  in  so  far  as  it  excluded  foreign  ships,  since  protection 
was  desired  for  its  own  fleet  of  small  trading  sloops.*  In 
addition,  there  was  some  opposition  to  the  Staple  Act  of 
1673,  which  it  was  claimed  added  to  the  cost  of  their  Euro- 
pean supplies.  The  overshadowing  grievance,  however, 
was  the  enumeration  of  sugar.  According  to  the  law,  sugar 
could  not  be  shipped  directly  from  the  colonies  to  foreign 
markets,  but  had  first  to  be  unloaded  and  landed  in  England, 
whence,  after  the  payment  of  slight  duties,  it  could  be  sent 
to  its  ultimate  destination.  A  considerable  portion  of  the 
English  sugar  crop  was  sold  in  the  markets  of  continental 
Europe,  where  it  had  to  compete  with  the  produce  of  the 
colonies  of  foreign  nations.  The  roimdabout  course  en- 
joined in  reaching  this  international  market,  together  with 
the  additional  expenses  necessitated  thereby,  unquestion- 
ably hampered  the  English  sugar  colonies  and  diminished 
the  profits  of  the  planters. 

It  was  claimed  in  1668  that  the  restrictive  English 
policy  had  led  directly  to  the  rapid  development  of  the 
sugar  industry  in  the  French  West  Indies.^  Up  to  that 
time,  the  colonial   policy  of  France  was  somewhat  more 


'  In  1676  and  1684,  it  was  stated  that  Barbados  owned  about  60  sloops 
C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  348,  349,  423 ;  Brit.  Mus..  Sloane  MSS.  2441,  f.  14. 

2  Memorial  of  1668  on  the  Sugar  Trade,  in  Shaftesbury  Papers,  Section 
X;    Bodleian,  Kawlinson  MSS.,  A  478,  f.  88. 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS  23 

liberal  than  that  of  England,  but  shortly  thereafter  it 
was  modified  and  became  much  more  restrictive.  In 
their  broad  features,  the  regxUations  of  both  countries  ran 
parallel.  France,  like  her  neighbor,  prohibited  foreigners 
from  trading  to  her  colonies,  and  obliged  them  to  ship  their 
sugars  to  the  metropolis.  But  the  French  duties  and  fiscal 
arrangements  were  such  that  the  colonial  producer  was 
largely  at  the  mercy  of  the  refiner  in  France.'  In  this 
connection  may  be  quoted  a  significant  remark  of  Sir  Will- 
iam Stapleton,  the  able  Governor  of  the  Leeward  Islands.  In 
1 68 1,  he  conceived  the  project  of  exchanging  the  English 
island  of  Montserrat  for  the  French  portions  of  St.  Kitts,  as 
the  close  proximity  of  the  two  rival  nations  there  had  led 

»  Up  to  1670,  the  French  duties  on  raw  sugar,  amounting  to  four  livres 
a  cwt.,  were  repaid  on  reshipments  to  foreign  markets.  In  that  year,  this 
privilege  was  withdrawn,  but  the  duties  were  reduced  to  tv.o  livres.  They 
remained  at  this  figure  until  1675,  when  vhe  higher  rate  was  restored.  This 
duty  virtually  prevented  reshipments  of  raw  sugar  from  France,  and  finally 
in  1684  such  exports  were  formaUy  forbidden.  Thus  the  French  sugar 
colonies  were  confined  to  one  market.  On  the  other  hand,  the  raw  sugars 
of  the  English  colonies  had  to  pay  in  England  duties  amounting  to  only 
js.  6d.  a  cwt.,  of  which  one-half  was  repaid  on  reshipments  to  foreign  markets. 
The  French  tariff,  however,  encouraged  refining  in  the  colonies.  Up  to 
1682  there  was  a  uniform  duty  in  France  on  all  sugars  from  the  French 
colonies  and,  as  a  result,  it  was  found  profitable  to  establish  refineries  in 
the  West  Indies.  In  that  year,  however,  the  duty  on  refined  sugars  was 
raised  from  four  to  eight  livres.  This  ratio  between  the  rcfmed  and  raw 
product  of  2  to  I  was  considerably  more  favorable  to  the  colonial  refiner  than 
that  adopted  in  the  English  tariff  of  1660,  which  was  35  to  i.  The  French 
refiners  were  not  satisfied  with  this  additional  duty  imposed  on  their  colonial 
competitors'  product,  and  accordingly,  in  1684,  an  arrtt  prohibited  the 
establishment  of  new  refineries  in  the  French  colonies.  S.  L.  Mims,  Col- 
bet  Ls  West  India  Policy,  pp.  260  2S1. 


•I 


24 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


to  incessant  bickering.  In  this  connection,  he  wrote  to  the 
Lords  of  Trade  that,  in  his  opinion,  the  French  in  St.  Kitts 
would  be  induced  by  self-interest  to  prefer  to  'live  under 
the  English  Government  which  is  so  sweet  and  easy.'  * 

Irrespective  of  the  comparative  liberality  or  stringency 
of  the  English  and  French  regulations,  it  would  manifestly 
be  most  unjust  to  judge  English  policy  in  its  entirety  by 
merely  one  of  the  provisions  of  a  cohesive  and  complex  sys- 
tem.   The  sugar  islands,  located  in  the  centre  of  Europe's 
cockpit,  required  continual  protection,  in  return  for  which 
England  felt  fully  justified  in  imposing  such  commercial  re- 
strictions as  might  seem  advisable.     Moreover,  the  direct 
complement  to  the  enumeration  restriction  was  the  virtual 
monopoly  of  the  home  market  accorded  to  English  colonial 
sugar.    But  as  at  this  time  a  large  portion  of  such  sugar, 
approximately  one-half,^  was  sold  in  foreign  markets,  the 
price  there  largely  controlled  the  price  in  England;  and 
hence  this  monopoly  by  no  means  offset  the  disadvantages 
of  enumeration.  But  the  time  was  to  come  when  England, 
consuming  practically  its  entire  colonial  crop,  had  in  con- 
sequence of  these  preferential  duties  to  pay  the  West  Indies 
monopoly  prices,  far  in  excess  of  those  ruling  in  the  neutral 
international  markets. 

The  second  of  the  colony's  two  main  grievances  was  based 
on  far  less  solid  grounds.     There  was  but  little  likelihood 

»  He  pointed  out  that  the  French  paid  120  pounds  of  sugar  as  capital 
rent  yearly  for  themselves,  servants,  and  slaves,  and  4  livres  in  France  for 
every  100  pounds  weight  of  their  produce  imported,  and  we  only  pay  the 
4'  per  cent  here  and  eightcenpence  at  home.'     C.  C.  1681-1685,  p-  05. 

'  Dalby  Thomas,  in  Harleian  Miscellany  II,  p.  346. 


BARBADOS  AND   THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS 


25 


that  free  trade  with  Scotland  would  materially  have  added 
to  the  island's  white  population.  The  total  area  of  Barbados 
is  somewhat  over  one  hundred  thousand  acres,  about  equal  to 
that  of  the  Isle  of  Wight.  All  of  this  small  territory  was  at 
that  time  in  a  comparatively  advanced  state  of  cultivation, 
and  land  commanded  high  prices.  The  lack  of  free  land  and 
the  great  extension  of  the  system  of  slave  labor  not  on!}' 
cut  down  the  white  immigration,  but  had  even  stimulated  a 
movement  in  the  opposite  direction.*  As  Governor  Atkins 
wrote  in  1680  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  numbers  were  leaving 
Barbados  for  Carolina,  Jamaica,  and  the  Leeward  Islands  in 
the  hope  of  securing  land,  while  few  white  servants  had  come 
to  the  island,  'since  people  have  found  out  the  convenience 
and  cheapness  of  slave-labor.' ' 

As  a  rule  in  communities,  where  the  opposition  to  a  law 
is  virtually  unanimous,  its  effects  are  greatly  mitigated  by 
wholesale  violations  of  its  provisions.  In  Barbados,  how- 
ex  or,  there  does  not  seem  to  have  prevailed  extensive  illegal 
trading.  The  evidence  on  this  point  is  indirect  and  neces- 
sarily inconclusive.  Violators  of  the  kw  naturally  do  not 
publish  details  of  their  actions,  and  the  extent  of  the  evasion 
must  largely  be  judged  by  suits  brought  for  its  enforcement 
and  by  other  circumstantial  evidence.  The  bulk  of  the 
sugar  was  exported  from  the  island  in  English  trading  ships 
that  had  given  bond  in  England  to  bring  the  enumerated 

'  In  the  year  ending  June  24,  1683,  446  freemen  left  Barbados,  of  whom 
2S5  went  to  the  other  colonies.  During  the  same  period  325  freemen  and 
385  white  servants  arrived  in  the  colony.  Brit.  Mus.,  Sloane  MSS.  2441, 
f.  20. 

»  C.  C.  1677-16S0,  p.  485. 


f' 


¥  !il 


^  THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

products  back  to  the  metropolis.    There  is  every  reason  to 
believe  that  the  terms  of  these  bonds  were  rigidly  enforced 
by  the  English  customs  authorities.    A  portion  of  the  crop, 
however,  was  shipped  in  vessels  either  belonging  to  Barba- 
dos or  that  had  come  to  the  island  from  places  other  than 
England,  mainly  from  the  continental  colonies.    Th  -e  ves- 
sels were  required  to  give  bond  in  Barbados  not  to  cc.ry  the 
enumerated  commodities  elsewhere  than  to  England  and  the 
other  colonies.    These  bonds  were  exacted,  but  apparently 
during  the  years  from  1666  to  1681  no  attempt  was  made 
to  see  that  their  terms  were  complied  with.    In  1681,  Sir 
Richard   Dutton,  the  mercenary  Governor  of  Barbados, 
stated  that  since  1666  no  certificates  had  been  received  in  the 
colony  that  the  goods,  for  whicV-  bonds  had  been  given  there, 
had  been  duly  landed  in  England  or  in  the  colonies;  and  he 
petitioned  for  the  proceeds  of  the  suits  brought  on  account 
of  these  outstanding  bonds.»    In  reply,  the  I  ord"     f  Trade 
instructed  Dutton  to  ascertain  in  what  instances  the  terms 
of  these  uncertified  bonds  had  been  complied  with  and  to 
cause  the  others  to  be  put  in  process,  and  in  future  to  prose- 
cute all  bonds  for  which  certificates  had  not  been  returned 
within  a  reasonable  time.'^    Obviously,  such  lax  control  as 
these  facts  demonstrate  gave  ample  opportunity  for  the 
direct  shipment  of  some  enumerated  commodities  to  con- 
tinental Europe.     There  are  other  indications  also  that  the 
laws  were  not  fully  enforced. 

In  1669,  the  English  government  instructed  the  Governor 

iC.  C.  i6Si-!6S5,  pp.  112.  11^. 

»  C.  O.  1/52,  60;  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  549- 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS 


37 


of  Barbados  to  seize  two  ships  that  had  sailed  from  Holland 
for  that  island.'  In  answer  thereto,  Christopher  Codrington, 
who  was  acting  as  governor  during  Willoughby's  absence, 
wrote  that  he  had  already  seized  one  of  these  vessels,  and 
that  the  other  had  not  as  yet  arrived.  He  added  that  he 
was '  very  glad  to  find  himself  so  well  backed  by  his  Majesty's 
commands,  since  his  former  actions  of  this  nature  have  with 
some  gained  him  the  imputation  of  severity.'  "I  «ioubt 
not,"  he  further  wrote,  "  but  there  arc  generally  many  such 
thinges  underhand  done,"  but  in  his  opinion  the  English 
customs  authorities  were  in  part  to  blame,  since  they  per- 
mitted ships  from  Holland  to  touch  in  England  and  there 
gave  them  the  certificates  upon  which  permission  to  trade 
had  always  been  granted  in  the  colonies.'  While  apparently 
there  was  some  violation  of  the  enumeration  clauses  and 
also  some  illegal  importation  of  European  goods,  there  is, 
however,  no  reason  to  doubt  the  essential  accuracy  of 
Governor  Atkiis's  statement  that  no  foreign  shirr,  were  ever 
permitted  to  come  to  Barbados.'  All  the  officials  were  prob- 
ably not  so  conscientious  as  Deputy-Governor  Edwyn  Stede, 
who  wrote  in  1687  of  his  care  "to  prevent  all  frauds  or 
dealeing  contrary  to  the  Acts  of  Trade  and  Navigation  haue- 
ing  some  time  since  confiscated  a  Small  Vessel  or  two  for 
breach  thereof,"*  yet  the  essential  principles  of  the  laws 
were  apparently  fairly  adequately  enforced.* 

»  C.  0.  1/24,  4;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  2. 
'  C.  O.  1/24,  42;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  15. 
'  C.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  424.  *  C.  O.  1/60,  12. 

'  In  1673.  discussing  the  question  of  a  fit  successor  to  Willoughby  in  the 
govummeat  of  Barbados,  Sir  Peter  Colleton  wrote  that  in  his  opinion  'a 


i 


V:^ 


iii    II 

Si', 


9    'S 


r   .  1 


■'I 
4 


*i 


28 


THE  OLD  COLONLVL  SYSTEM 


During  the  course  of  the  incessant  campaign  against  this 
or  that  feature  of  English  policy  it  was  claimed,  with  weari- 
some reiteration  and  in  exaggerated  terms,  that  Barbados 
was  on  the  verge  of  economic  ruin.    In  general,  these  parti- 
san statements  have  been  uncritically  accepted,  and  the  de- 
velopment of  the  island  has  usuaUy  been  represented  as  one 
of  unexampled  prosperity  culminating  rapidly  and  then 
changing  equaUy  swiftly  to  decay  and  decline.    In  reality, 
Barbados's  record  had  been  one  of  fairly  constant  progress, 
with  intervening  periods  of  stagnation  and  even  of  reces- 
sion, and  the  island  to-day  has  a  far  more  extensive  foreign 
trade  and  supports  a  much  larger  population  than  in  the 
heyday  of  its  glory.    In  historical  evolution,  growth  and 
decadence  are  terms  used  more  frequently  in  a  relative, 
than  in  an  absolute,  sense.    The  prosperity  of  the  island 
towards  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  was  espe- 
cially conspicuous  because  contemporary  writers  contrasted 
it  with  the  meagre  results  attained  in  the  other  colonies. 
The  small  area  of  Barbados,  however,  absolutely  prevented 
a  growth  commensuratj  with  that  of  some  of  the  other 
dominions;  and,  as  those  increased  in  wealth  and  numbers, 
the  importance  of  this  colony  became  relatively  less.    When 
viewed  from  this  comparative  standpoint,  which  inevitably 

man  that  has  an  interest  on  the  place  will  be  more  certain  to  be  such  than 
one  sent  from  England,  who  may  think  his  employment  a  rewar.l  for  past 
services  and  that  he  shall  be  winked  at  if  for  his  particular  prol.t  he  break 
the  Acts  of  Trade  and  Navigation  and  other  orders;  which  the  other  w.U 
never  dare  to  do,  especially  if  he  have  also  an  estate  in  England,  and  other 
than  such  he  would  never  advise  to  be  trusted.'  C.  O.  J,  43;  C.  C. 
i66g-i674,  pp.  498,  49Q. 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS 


29 


gave  a  false  perspective,  the  island  seemed  even  to  be  de- 
clining. Only  relatively  was  this  true ;  absolutely  the  pro- 
cess in  general,  after  th'-  .niiiai  j^iant  strides  following  the 
introduction  of  the  sug:  industry-,  v^..^  one  of  intermittent 
and  slow  progress.  Bu,  tiuoughout  Ihe  entire  Restoration 
period,  and  for  a  considerable  :iix.e  thereafter,  Barbados 
continued  actually  to  be  from  the  imperial  standpoint  by 
far  the  richest  and  most  important  of  the  English  colonies. 
The  introduction  of  the  comprehensive  commercial  sys- 
tem was  accompanied  in  time,  and  only  to  a  minor  extent 
in  the  relationship  of  inseparable  cause  and  effect,  by  a  se- 
vere fall  in  the  price  of  sugar;  and  the  difficulties  of  the 
planters  were  further  increased  by  tLe  liminishing  fertility 
of  the  soil.*  The  abnormally  large  profits  of  the  bonanza 
period  disappeared,  and  with  them  the  inordinate  luxury 
always  accompanying  such  an  era,^  but  the  sugar  industry 
was  placed  on  a  more  permanent  and  solid  basis.  At  the 
time  of  the  conclusion  of  the  Dutch  and  French  war  in  1667, 
the  worst  days  of  the  economic  readjustment  were  over,  and 
despite  the  curtailed  profits  derived  from  sugar,  Barbados, 
though  expanding  very  slowly,  continued  to  remain  the  most 
considerable  of  the  English  colonies.    The  white  population, 

'  In  1668,  Lord  Willoughby  stated  that  the  land  was  almost  worn  out 
and  did  not  jield  two-thirds  as  much  per  acre  as  formerly.  C.  C.  i66i- 
1668,  no.  1788. 

"In  1671,  Sir  Thomas  L3mch  wrote  to  Lord  Arlington:  'The  island 
(Barbados)  appears  very  flourishing,  and  the  people  numerous  and  live 
splendidly:  what  they  owe  in  London  does  not  appear  here,  but  has  caused 
the  Deputy  Governor  and  .Assembly  to  make  an  Act  prohibiting  the  im- 
portation of  all  wines  for  three  years,  to  cnt-ench  the  expense  of  the  planter 
and  pride  of  the  Portuguese.'    Ibid.  i66()-i674,  p.  223. 


*S; 


J}  j 


30  THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

which  in  1668  was  estimated  roughly  at  20,000,  continued 
about  stationary,  but  the  number  of  slaves  increased  from 
40,000  in  1668  to  about  50,000  twenty  years  later.^ 

This  white  population  and  the  slaves  belonging  to  it  were 
chiefly  occupied  in  producing  sugar  and  its  by-products, 
molasses  and  rum.    But  in  addition  to  sugar,  Barbados 
yielded  other  exotic  commodities.     Tobacco,  the  first  staple 
of  the  island,  was  no  longer  raised  for  export,  but  a  little 
indigo  and  relatively  considerable  quantities  of  cotton  and 
ginger  were  shipped  to  England.^    There  the  cotton  was 
used  to  make  candle-wicks  and  textiles;  and  it  was  claimed  m 
1690  that,  as  a  result  of  its  production  in  the  English  West 
Indies,  the  price  in  England  had  fallen  from  one  shilling  to 
five  and  a  half  pence  a  pound.'    The  ginger  to  some  extent 
took  the  place  of  pepper  in  England,  and  had  fallen  even 
more  considerably  in  price  as  a  result  of  the  large  supplies 
coming  from  the   English  colonies.*    No   reliable  figures 

» There  are  available  numerous  documents  on  the  population  of  Bar- 
bados  but  they  disagree  with  one  another,  and  are  especially  inaccurate 
in  so  far  as  the  number  of  slaves  is  concerned.    The  estimates  of  the  negro 
population  were  based  on  the  tax  returns,  which  grossly  understated  the 
actual  numbers.    C.  C.   1661-1668,  no.    1788;   ibid.  1699,  p.  59°;   ^b>d. 
1669-16-4,  pp.  495,  496;  ibid.  1675-1676,  pp.  348,  349;  /6j^-  1677-1680, 
p  sog;  ibid.  1681-168S,  pp.  110,  150;  Brit.Mus.,SloancMSb.  2441,  f-  12  • 
2C  C  1669-1674,  p.  107;  ibid.  i6qo,  p.  S9i ;  i^'^-  1675-1676,  p.  422 ; 
ibid.  1677-1680,  p.  no;   ibid.  1681-1685,  p.  71;   Davies,  The  History  of 
Barbados,  S'  Christophers,  etc.  (London,  1666),  p.  198. 

'D.ilby  Thomas,  in    Harleian    Miscellany  H,    pp.    347,    332;    Social 

EnsUmd  (ed.  1893)  IV,  p.  449. 

^  Dalby  Thomas,  in  Harleian  Miscellany  H.  pp.  347.  353-  .\ccordmg 
to  this  writer,  the  English  West  Indies  produced  yearly  1000  tons  of  cotton 
and  4000  tons  of  ginger. 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS 


31 


as  to  the  quantity  a  id  value  of  the  colony's  er  >orts  during 
this  period  are  available,*  but  it  was  generally  Stated  that 
from  150  to  200  ships  were  yearly  required  to  load  its  prod- 
uce.- 

The  attention  of  the  colony  was  so  largely  concentrated 
on  raising  these  exotic  products  for  export,  that  the  pro- 
duction of  food-stuffs  was  neglected.  Instead  of  devoting 
its  valuable  and  limited  acreage  to  Indian  corn,  as  might 
have  been  done,'  it  was  found  more  profitable  to  impc  t 
provisions  from  Europe  and  the  continental  colonies.  From 
England  the  colony  obtained  its  clothing,  tools,  utensils,  and 
other  manufactures,  as  well  as  some  provisions  and  liquors ; 
from  Ireland  were  imported  meats,  fish,  cheese,  and  butter ; 
the  continental  colonies  supplied  peas,  pork,  fish,  flour,  ai\d 
other  food-stuffs,  as  well  as  horses  and  lumber,  taking  in 
return  sugar,  molasses,  rum,  cotton,  and  ginger.* 

The  economic  history  of  the  Leeward  Islands  differs  in 
this  respect  from  that  of  the  Barbados,  that  whereas  that 
colony  was  from  the  standpoint  of  the  day  already  in  1660 
fully  settled,  Nevis,  Montserrat,  Antigua,  and  the  English 
portion  of  St.  Kitts  were  then  largely  undeveloped,  and  the 

'  In  1676,  Governor  Atkins  stated  hat  it  was  impossible  to  give  the 
value  of  the  imports  and  exports.     L.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  422. 

2  These  ships  ranged  from  20  to  300  tons,  the  vessels  trading  from  New 
England  and  the  other  colonies  being  as  a  rule  considerably  smaller  than 
those  from  England. 

'  In  1676,  it  was  stated  that  Barbados  yielded  two  crops  of  Indian  com 
yearly.     C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  348,  34Q- 

*  C.  O.  33,  13  and  14  passim;  C.  O.  390/6,  f.  51 ;  C.  C.  1675-16,;,  p. 
423;  Cal.  Treas.  Books,  1672-1675,  p.  100;  Richard  Blome,  A  Descriptioa 
of  the  Island  of  Jamaica  (London,  1672).  pp.  65-70. 


I      i 


b}m 


32 


THE  OLD   COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


lesser  islands  of  this  group  were  virtually  in  their  pr.  ative 
state.  As  Lord  Willoughby  wrote  in  1664,  these  settlements 
were  as  yet  but  "very  poore  things."  ^  Their  population 
was  small,  and,  in  addition,  the  sugar  industry  did  not  as 
yet  completely  dominate  their  life.  In  St.  Kitts,  ginger 
was  a  staple  crop;'^  and,  in  Antigua  and  elsewhere  as  well, 
tobacco  still  continued  to  be  planted  on  a  comparatively 
extensive  scale. ^ 

The  Leeward  Islands  had  been  included  in  the  grant  made 
by  Charles  I  to  the  Earl  of  Carlisle,  and  by  the  Restoration 
settlement  these  islands  and  Barbados  were  united  in  one 
government.  As  Governor  of  the  Caribbee  Islands,  Wil- 
loughby was  their  chief  magistrate.  In  1664,  the  Council 
and  Assembly  of  Nevis  complained  to  him  that  'they  had 
been  debarred  from  free  trade  by  the  self-driving  interest 
of  some  not  well  affected  to  our  well-being.'  *  The  other 
islands  sent  similar  petitions  to  Willoughby,*  who  strongly 
supported  their  complaints.  He  wrote  to  Lord  Arlington 
that  these  settlements  "indeed  are  too  hard  pinched  by  the 
acts  of  trade  and  navigation,"  and  that  the  French,  allowing 
a  free  trade,  have  all  their  ports  full  of  vessels,  while  none 
come  to  the  English,  which  formerly  was  quite  otherwise; 
"  for  when  there  was  a  free  and  open  trade  the  English  had 
all  the  shipping  and  the  French  little  or  none."  ®    Later 

1  C.  O.  1/18,  97. 

2  Davics.  The  History  of   Barbados,    S'  Christophers,    etc.    (London, 
1666),  p.  108. 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  731.  *  li'id. 

'  C.  O.  1/18,  104  Hii. 

■•'  C.  O.  i/'iS,  97 ;  C.  C.  i66i-i668,  no.  792. 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS 


33 


in  the  same  year,  1664,  Willoughby  wrote  to  the  King  of  the 
"Heavie  &  Insupportable  Pressures"  these  islands  suffered 
from  the  Acts  of  1660  and  1663,  "whereby  they  are  brought 
into  that  great  want  &  Necessity,  as  if  not  Relieued  by  yo' 
Majestie,  they  must  bee  Inforced  eyther  to  Seeke  out  for 
Some  other  Place  (as  many  haue  of  late  Yeeres  don)  Or 
els  Perish  where  they  are ;  there  being  few,  or  noe  English 
Shipping  that  come  at  them."  * 

After  making  all  allowances  for  the  personal  bias  in  these 
statements,  it  still  cannot  be  questioned  that  the  laws  of 
trade  were  retarding  the  economic  development  of  these 
islands.  In  addition,  shortly  after  the  despatch  of  these 
complaints,  the  Dutch  and  French  war  all  but  compassed 
their  ruin.  The  French  took  the  English  part  of  St.  Kitts, 
as  well  as  Montserrat  and  Antigua,'^  and  Nexis  barely  ex- 
caped  the  same  fate.  The  English  succeeded  in  retaking 
Antigua  and  Montserrat,  and  their  part  of  St.  Kitts  was 
restored  by  the  Treaty  of  Breda  in  1667,  but  great  damage 
had  been  inflicted  in  the  course  of  these  vicissitudes.  Plan- 
tations were  in  ruins,  the  indispensable  slaves  had  been 
taken  away  by  the  French,  and  many  of  the  English  settlers 
had  permanently  abandoned  the  islands  for  more  sec.re 
homes.^  The  islands  were  but  sparsely  settled  and  required 
fresh  capital  and  settlers.*    Their  economic  life  had  virtually 

»  C.  O.  1/18,  104;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  S04. 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  1180,  1392. 

'  C.  O.  1/42,  36;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  222,  223. 

*C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1788;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  521,  522.  In  1668,  An- 
tigua petitioned  that  for  some  years  it  might  be  a  free  port  for  all  friendly 
nations.    C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1687. 

D  (2) 


If 

n^  i, 


't 


24  THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

to  begin  anew.  The  comparative  insignificance  of  these 
islands  is  concrptely  manifested  by  the  fact  that  in  1670 
the  rent  of  the  farm  of  the  export  duties  in  Barbados  was 
ten  times  that  of  the  Leeward  Islands. 

The  Leeward  Islands  objected  to  their  political  connection 
with  Barbados,  claiming  that  their  interests  were  subordi- 
nated to  those  of  this  rich  colony,  which  was  not  desirous 
that  the  resources  of  competing  islands  should  be  developed.* 
Despite  the  opposition  of  Lord  Willoughby,  the  English 
government  granted  this  demand  for  separation;  and,  in 
167 1,  Sir  Charles  Wheler  was  appointed  Governor-in-Chief 
of  the  Leeward  Islands,  which  thereafter  constituted  a 
separate  jurisdiction.^  Wheler  was  an  ardent  mercantilist, 
and  urged  an  even  more  extensive  system  of  commercial 
control  than  the  one  in  force,'  but  his  conduct  being  in  other 

»  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  97,  98;  Brit.  Mus.,  Sloane  MSS.  2441,  f.  8^ 
In  1671,  while  at  Barbados  on  his  way  to  assume  the  government  of  Jamaica, 
Sir  Thomas  Lynch  wrote  to  Lord  .\rlington:  'Nobody  here  thinks  of  St. 
Kitts  or  the  Leeward  Isles,  but  judges  it  oleum  et  opera  perdere  to  endeavour 
their  settlement.'    C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  223. 

^  Ibid.  pp.  119,  120,  126,  127,  157. 

'1.  167 1,  in  his  answers  to  the  detailed  inquiries  of  the  Council  for 
Foreign  Plantations,  Wheler  wrote  that  so  much  cotton  and  indigo  were 
produced  in  these  islands  that  he  hoped  His  Majesty  would  favor  them  by 
prohibiting  the  importation  into  England  of  Cyprus  cotton  and  East  India 
indigo,  which  robbed  England  of  money.  He  further  added  that  in  his 
government  was  "noe  manufacture,  nor  shall  be  while  I  am  Goverrour, 
unless  I  have  further  Commands  therein."  He  pointed  out  that  the  exports 
of  these  islands  could  all  be  exchanged  for  Engli-^h  merchandise  if  the 
English  merchants  would  do  their  part,  but  that  instead  Irish  beef  and 
New  England  hsh  had  to  be  bought.  "I  aske  the  English  merchant  if 
euer  he  failed  yet  of  vending  whatsoeuer  he  brought  to  Neuis  of  Pease, 
beefe,  Bisquett,  flower,  butter,  Cheese?    how  Comes  it  to  pass  then,  >• 


BARBADOS  AND  THE   LEEWARD  ISLANDS 


35 


respects  unsatisfactory  —  he  was  guilty  of  "many  indis- 
creet managements,"  says  Evelyn  —  he  was  in  the  very 
year  of  his  appointment  recalled.'  In  1672,  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  William  Stapleton  was  appointed  to  succeed  him.'^ 
During  this  public-spirited  soldier's  efficient  administration 
of  nearly  fourteen  years,  the  islands  increased  greatly  in 
wealth  and  prosperity.' 

At  the  date  of  their  separation  from  Barbados  and  for 
a  considerable  time  thereafter,  Nevis,  a  small  island  of  but 
fifty  square  miles,  was  the  most  highly  developed  of  these 
communities  and  was  the  chief  centre  of  trade.  The 
produce  of  Antigua  and  Montserrat  was  regularly  sent 
there  for  export.*  Of  the  other  islands  of  this  group,  Mont- 
Ireland  does  interlope  in  these  particulars?"  English  salted  sahnon,  he 
argued,  might  drive  out  New  England  fish,  and  if  not,  then  the  New  Eng- 
land trade  could  be  prohibited.  Similarly,  he  suggested,  that  under  proper 
regulations  the  West  Indies  might  be  obliged  to  buy  only  English  beef, 
which  would  raise  gentlemen's  rents  in  England  and  make  the  land-tax 
less  burdensome.    C.  O.  1/27,  52 ;   C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  165,  287-292. 

'C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  2/s,  276,  i3i;  Evelyn,  Aug.  15  and  Nov.  14, 
1671. 

2  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  274,  27s,  300,  301,  331,  333,  334. 

'  In  1684,  the  Council  of  St.  Kitts  wrote  to  tlic  .ords  of  Trade  that 
they  understood  that  Stapleton  -.vas  soliciting  to  be  relieved  of  the  govern- 
ment and  begged  them  not  to  accede  to  this  request.  If  this  petition 
arrived  too  late,  they  prayed  that  his  successor  might  be  an  experienced 
soldier.  The  Council  of  Nevis  sent  a  similar  petition.  On  May  7,  1684, 
the  Lords  of  Trade  took  notice  of  'the  too  great  forwardness  of  these  Islands 
in  meddling  with  the  King's  intentions  as  to  the  appointment  of  a  new 
Go%-crnor.'  Ihid.  1681-1685.  pp.  582,  383,  5S7,  628.  In  1685,  Stapleton 
returni'd  to  England,  and  the  following  year  he  died  in  France,  where  he 
was  taking  a  cure.    Ibid.  1685-1688,  pp.  127,  229. 

^  C.  O.  1/27,  52;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  2qi,  292.  In  1676,  Stapleton 
estimated  the  value  of  the  estates  of  the  planters  and  the  wealth  of  the 


¥<l\ 


^  II 


ii,d 


36 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


serrat  was  in  good  shape,  as  the  French,  out  of  a  fellow  feel- 
ing for  the  Catholic  Irish  there  — so  it  was  alleged  — had 
refrained  from  inflicting  much  damage  during  the  war.' 
Moreover,  it  had  received  a  number  of  refugees  from  the 
English  settlement  in  St.  Kitts.^  Its  possibilities  were, 
however,  small,  as  its  area  was  even  more  insignificant  than 
that  of  Nevis.  The  English  colony  on  St.  Kitts  was  em- 
broiled in  constant  altercations  with  its  French  neighbors; 
and  Antigua,  which  still  continued  to  grow  tobacco  on  a 
comparatively  extensive  scale,  was  suffering  from  the  low 
price  of  this  commodity.'  The  population  of  these  islands 
was  at  this  time  very  sparse.  The  whites  numbered  roughly 
about  6000,  of  whom  3500  were  capable  of  bearing  arms, 
and  the  slaves  amounted  approximately  to  3000.*  Nevis, 
it  was  said  in  167 1,  was  not  half  planted  for  want  of 
negroes.'    The   population,    however,    quickly    increased. 

islands  in  general  as  follows :  Nevis  £384,660 ;  St.  Kitts  £67,000 ;  Antigua 
£67,000;  Montserrat  £62,500.  C.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  501.  In  1680,  the 
Council  of  Montserrat  stated  that  few  ships  traded  there  and  that  a  great 
part  of  their  sugar  and  indigo  had  in  consequence  to  be  transported  in 
sloops  to  Nevis  for  export  thence.     Ibid.  1677-1680,  pp.  574,  57£- 

«  MSS.  of  Earl  of  Egmont  (H.M.C.  1Q09)  II,  p.  17. 

'  C.  O.  1/26,  73 ;  C.  C.  i66g-i674,  pp.  226,  227. 

'  C.  O.  1/26,  73;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  226,  227,  288;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p. 
582;  Cal.  Dom.  1675-T676,  p.  293;  ibid.  1676-1677,  p.  312;  ibid.  1677- 
1678,  pp.  328,  349.  At  this  time,  tobacco  and  sugar  were  used  as  alternate 
standards  of  value  in  Antigua.  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  274,  320.  In  1685 
was  shipped  from  this  island  to  England,  on  account  of  the  4J  per  cent 
revenue,  some  tobacco  which  did  not  realize  enough  to  pay  the  freight  and 
other  charRcs.    Treas.  Books,  Out-Letters,  Customs  10,  f.  49. 

♦P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  521,  522;  CO.  1/26,73;  ibid.  1/29,1^1;  C.  C.  1669- 
1674,  pp.  226,  227,  391-393- 

5  C.  O.  1/27,  52 ;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  291- 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS 


37 


In  1678,  there  were  in  all  10,500  whites  and  8500  negroes 
in  the  four  main  islands  of  this  group,* 

This  increase  in  population  was  naturally  accompanied  by 
a  larger  trade.  The  products  of  the  Leeward  Islands  were 
in  1671  far  more  diversified  than  those  of  Barbados.  In 
addition  to  sugar  —  the  chief  commodity  —  tobacco,  ginger, 
and  indigo  were  grown  on  a  comparatively  extensive  scale.* 
As  time  passed,  tobacco  was  virtually  entirely  abandoned 
except  in  Antigua,  and  the  other  crops  became  less  and 
less  important,  while  sugar  assumed  a  dominant  position.' 
In  1676,  according  to  Stapleton,*  the  chief  products  were 
sugar,  tobacco,  and  indigo,  and  only  insignificant  quan- 
tities of  cotton  and  ginger  were  exported.    About  3600 


Whites 

Negroes 

St.  Kitts 

1897 
3521 
2682 
2308 

1436 

3840 

992 

Nevis 

Montserrat 

Antigua 

10,408 

8449 

C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  266.  See  also  ibid.  pp.  222,  223;  C.  O.  1/42,  36. 
Naturally  this  does  not  include  the  French  population  of  St.  Kitts. 

'C.  O.  1/26,  73;  ibid.  1/29,  i4i;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  226,  227,  392. 
In  1680,  the  Council  of  Montserrat  stated  that  the  scarcity  of  negroes  and 
white  servants  compelled  the  inhabitants  to  plant  a  little  tobacco  (which 
was  of  poor  quality  and  of  little  value)  and  indigo  (whose  price  was  low), 
and  that  as  a  consequence  the  people  were  kept  poor.  C.  C.  1677-1680, 
PP'  S74-  57.V  For  details  of  the  amounts  of  sugar,  tobacco,  cotton,  and  indigo 
exported  from  Montserrat  in  1683-1684,  see  C.  0.  1/54,  Part  I,  9 ;  C.  C. 
1681  -1685,  p  627. 

'C.  C.  i68:~i68s,  p.  627. 

*  C.  0.  i/j8,  C,3 ;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  soo. 


''In 

>i 

38 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


tons'  of  sugar  were   shipped  yearly  to   England,  as  op- 
posed to  not  more  than  40  tons  exported  to  New  Eng- 
land, New  York,  and  Virginia.    From  England  was  imported 
merchandise  to  the  value  of  £50,000.    The   imports  of 
wine  from  the  Madeiras  and  of  he  ses  and  provisions  from 
Scotland,  Ireland,  and  New  England  amounted  to  about 
£20,000  yearly.    Thus,  in  general,  the  trade  of  these  settle- 
ments followed  the  same  course  as  that  of  Barbados.    Not 
being  self-supporting  and  having  no   manufactures,  these 
islands  exported  a  large  proportion  of  their  produce,  secur- 
ing in  return  provisions,  European  goods,  and  slaves.'^    From 
England  were  obtained  manufactures  and  also  food-stuffs, 
such  as  beef  and  pork;  from  the  Madeiras,  wine;  from 
Africa,  negroes;  from  Ireland,  beef,  butter,  and  candles; 
from  the  Ktw  England  colonies,  horses,  lumber,  fish,  and 
provisions  of  various  sorts,  such  as  peas,  bread,  beef,  and 
cider.'    The  great  bulk  of  the  trade  was  with  England, 
where  was  shipped  most  of  the  sugar  produced.* 

In  1672,  Stapleton   said  that  about  a   hundred   ships, 


«  According  to  contemporary  estimates,  the  total  sugar  output  of  the 
French  islands  was  in  1674  only  12,000,000  pounds  and  in  1682,  18,000,000 
pounds.     S.  L.  Mims,  Colbert's  West  India  Policy,  p.  280. 

»  From  Oct.  4,  1682,  to  Feb.  2,  1684,  were  imported  'into  St.  Kitts 
33Q?i  tons  of  provisions.     C.  0.  1/33,  87  ;  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  627. 

''C.  O.  1/47,  32- 

*  Of  34  vessels  arriving  in  St.  Kitts  from  Oct.  4,  1682,  to  Feb.  2, 
1684.  23  were  cither  English  or  Irish  and  11  belonged  to  the  continental 
cc^  nies.  As  the  colonial  vessels  were  far  smaller  than  the  others,  the 
disparity  is  much  greater  than  these  figures  seemingly  indicate.  C.  O. 
1/53.  R7.  Sec  ahr>  C  O.  1/47,  32;  ibid.  1/64,  134;  if>'d.  i/4<),  Part  I, 
18;  ibid.  1/54,  Part  I,  9. 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS 


39 


all  less  than  200  and  most  of  them  under  100  tons,  came 
yearly  from  Europe  and  New  England  to  supply  the 
islands  and  to  take  off  their  produce.'  Six  years  later, 
another  authority  stated  that  the  Leeward  Islands  con- 
sumed "gp'ate  quantities  of  Comodities  and  Manufac- 
tures and  uad  of!  yearly  some  two  hundred  Sail  of  Ships 
with  Sugar  Tobacco  and  Indigo  considerable  to  His  Ma'*' 
Customs  Revenue."  According  to  this  writer,  these  islands 
were  in  themselves  worth  one  million  sterling,  and  more- 
o\xr  their  loss  to  the  French  would  endanger  Barbado?.^ 
So  prosperous  was  this  federal  colony  that  the  jealousy 
of  opulent  Barbados  was  aroused.  In  1683,  Sir  Richard 
Button  reported  that  the  people  in  his  government  were 
little  interested  in  the  welfare  of  the  Leeward  Islands, 
which  they  thought  were  'already  growing  too  fast  upon 
them,'  and  that  they  would  be  content  to  see  them  lessened 
rather  than  advanced.' 

During  the  period  of  their  political  connection  with  Bar- 
bados there  was  considerable  evasion  of  the  laws  of  trade 
and  navigation  in  the  Leeward  Islands.  Sir  Thomas  Lynch 
reported  in  16  71  that  most  of  the  produce  of  Montserrat 

^Ihid.  1/29,  141;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  3Q3.  Cf.  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p. 
2S0.  In  1676,  Stapleton  repeated  this  statement.  C.  O.  1/38,  65;  C.  C. 
1675-1676,  p.  SOI. 

^  C.  O.  1/42,  36;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  222,  232. 

'C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  181.  C/.  fWJ.  pp.  96,  97,  140.  One  factor  retard- 
ing the  rapid  development  of  these  islands  was  their  close  proximity  to  the 
French  and  the  virtually  incessant  hostihties  with  them.  A  number  of 
English  ships  were  seized  on  trivial  grounds.  These  difficulties  were  greatly 
mitigated  by  the  .\nglo- French  treaty  of  neutrality  concluded  in  1686. 
C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  133,  134,  301. 


40 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


and  Antigua  was  carried  to  St.  Eustatius  by  the  Dutch, 
and  th:it  the  preceding  year  these  traders  had  thus  secured 
nearly  40o,ocxi  pounds  of  tobacco.*    The  first  Governor  of 
the  newly  organized  colony,  Sir  Charles  VVheler,  tried  to 
remedy  this,  and  enforced  the  law  vigorously.    Early  in 
1672,  he  wrote  to  the  English  government  that,  at  the  time 
of  his  arrival,  there  were  in  Nevis  'ill  sorts  of  shipping,  but 
that  now  there  were  none  but  English-built  vessels  all  trad- 
ing according  to  the  Act  of  Navigation,  yet  their  number 
was  not  less.'    He  further  stated  that  last  year  some  mill- 
ions of  pounds  of  sugar  produced  in  these  islands  had  been 
shipped  to  Holland,  but  that  this  year  he  hoped  there  would 
not  be  a  ton,  unless  his   deputy-governors  in  the  various 
islands  failed  in  their  duty.    He  then  remarked  that  this 
had  not  been  accomplished  in  eight  months  without  hold- 
ing  the  reins   very  tight,  in   consequence  of  which  'the 
merchants'  pens  have  flown  abroad  liberally  and  falsely,' 
but  that   he  would  not   knowingly  act   against  the   law 
to  the  value  of  a  barleycorn  for  all  the  sugar  in  the  West 
Indies.^ 


'  C.  O.  1/26,  73;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  226,  227.    In  1670,  Du  Lion 
wrote  to  Colbert :  "The  quantity  of  merchandise  is  so  great  at  St.  Eustatu. 
that  the  Dutch  do  not  know  what  to  do  with  it  and  are  forced  to  sell  ii  : 
very  low  prices  to  the  English  at  Nevis,  Montserrat  and  Antigua."     S.  1. 
Mims,  Colbert's  West  India  Policy,  p.  207. 

'■i  C.  C.  i66()-i674,  p.  330.     See  the  petition,  ibid.  p.  353,  wherein  it  wa- 
alleged  that  Wheler  had  arbitrarily  and  unjustly  forced  the  condemna:   - 
of  a  free  ship.     In  1682,  Wheler  also  complained  of  the  hardship  he  labon 
under,  writing:    "I  haue  reason  to  suspect  y'  noe  other  Gouemour  hatr 
beene  sworne  but  my  ?clfc"  to  enforce  the  l.iws  of  trade  and  naviEatio".   A 
a  consequence,  for  aught  he  could  see,  masters  and  merchants  punisht 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLmVDS  4, 

VvTieler's  successor,  Stapleton,  was  equally  diligent  in 
enforcing  the  law.  In  1679,  he  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade 
that  he  knew  of  no  violator  of  the  laws  of  trade  and  naviga- 
tion in  late  years  who  had  not  been  prosecuted,  and  that  all 
precautions  were  being  taken  to  prevent  illegal  trade.*  In 
fact,  the  trade  regulations  were  occasionally  enforced  with 

by  him  might  trade  (rtxly  to  the  other  islands.  Even  his  deputy-governors 
might  permit  such  iUcgal  trade  and,  as  a  result,  Whclcr  feared  that  this 
would  drive  trade  away  from  St.  Kitls  where  he  resided.  C.  O.  i/j8,  9; 
C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  327,  318. 

'  Bonds,  he  wrote,  were  taken  according  to  law  from  aU  that  had  not 
certificates  that  these  bonds  for  the  enumerated  commodities  had  been 
given  in  England,  and  these  certificates  were  carefully  examined.     Further- 
more, all  the  deputy-governors,  marshals,  secretaries,  and  customs  officials 
as  well  as  he  himself,  had  taken  the  oaths  to  obey  these  laws.     In  conclu- 
sion, he  wrote  that  'their  Lordships  kind  admonishment  of  the  penalties 
he  might  incur  by  wUful  neglect  of  the  Act  are  too  fresh  in  his  mind  to  aUow 
him  to  fail  in  his  duty  in  respect  of  the  Acts ;  5000  1.  fine  and  incapacity  to 
serve  his  sovereign  would  make  a  great  hole  in  his  estate,  and  he  would  rather 
resign  than  have  the  least  complaint  of  him  made  with  any  colour  of  jus- 
tice.'   C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  3q7.     The  following  year,  the  Lords  of  Trade 
wroi,  to  Stapleton  that  they  had  heard  that  some  goods  had  been  imported 
into  .^t    Katts  in  a  Dutch  vessel.    In  reply,  Stapleton  wrote:   'I  protest 
before  t)o<i  that  there  is  no  such  thing  really  as  goods  brought  by  a  Dutch 
ship  t(   English  St.  Christophers-  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge  and  as  far 
as  a„    negative  can  be  swurn  to.'    Ibid.  pp.  475,  5^6,  527-     In  1680  also, 
the  .    unci  oi    St.  ^  itts  stated  that  their  'trade  inward  and  outward 
was  tsr-ia  torward     tr>-  regularly  by  the  merchants,  conformable  to  your 
°^^'-'^_-^    '^    3KA  ts  of  Trade  .ind  Navigation-    Ibid.  p.  571.     A  letter 
01      smmmm.   .«!t  ^  the  King's  name  to  Stapleton  in  1670  had  stated 
tiu^   m^mm^z  ojui  \M,cn  received  in  England  that  "great  quantities  of 
•iraiMm  gMe,  i^r  -  •.  remissness  of  the  officers  employed  under  you  im- 
>"mK    nw  ajT  mamis  under  your  Government"  by  ships  directly  from 
""^  ^"^  J^'°^^^'  tt^^nd.  and  other  parts,  and  that  several  of  these 
"sei   treaacTTTiv  ssported  the  enumer.itod  goods  wthout  giving  bond 
-      -reax  jteoKs.  1676-16-t),  pp.  1208,  1209. 


'  f.:. 


i, 

i!  f 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

a  diligence  that  appears  excessive.^  Thus,  in  1682,  Stapleton 
ordered  a  New  England  vessel  trading  at  St.  Kitts  to  be 
seized,  because  a  native  of  France  was  a  part  owner.    But 
as  this  Frenchman  had  received  letters  of  naturaUzation 
from  Lord  Culpeper,  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  Stapleton 
deferred  execution  of  the  sentence  of  condemnaUon  and 
wrote  to  England  for  instructions.    Acting  on  the  opmion 
of  Chief  Justice  North,  that  naturaUzation  m  any  colony 
was  only  local,  the  Lords  of  Trade  decided  that  the  con- 
demnation was  just  and  ordered  it  carried  into  effect.^ 
Similarly,  in  1685.  was  received  by  the  English  government 
a  petition  from  one  Arnall,  whose  ship  and  bond  had  been 
forfeited  because  he  had  carelessly  and  in  ignorance  neglected 
to  bring  the  necessary  certificate  from  Boston  to  Antigua. 
Sir  WiUiam  Stapleton  recommended  Amall  as  a  fit  object 
for  royal  mercy;  and,  as  no  prejudice  had  been  sustained 
and  the  violation  of  the  law  was  merely  a  technical  one,  the 
forfeiture  was  remitted."    Despite  Stapleton's  zeal  there 
is  good  reason  to  believe  that  there  were  occasional  viola- 
tions of  the  law  which  escaped  his  attention,  and  some 
which  he  was  unable  to  check  in  a  government  of  such 
geographical  formation  and  location  as  was  his.     These  isl- 

1  In  16S1,  Stapleton  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  that  the  orders  he 
had  received  from  the  Treasury  not  to  remit  any  fines  or  forfeitures  would 
^vork  hardship;  for,  if  a  man  transgressed  the  Acts  of  Trade  and  Nav.ga- 
tion  and  imported  something  iUegal  in  his  canoe,  he  lost  it  and  then  could 
not  support  his  family.    C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  96,  97. 

^  Z  pp.  198,  -X,  m,  no.  2SS,  346;  P.  C.  Cal.  II.  p.  38;  Blathwayt, 
Journal  I,  f.  102. 

»  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  71,  79,  81,  88,  116. 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS 


43 


ands  afforded  too  many  tempting  opportunities  to  evade  the 
customs  officials.  Moreover,  they  had  as  close  neighbors 
the  possessions  of  France  and  the  United  Provinces,  and  it 
was  a  virtual  impossibility  to  stop  all  trade  between  them.^ 
In  1685,  Stapleton  left  the  islands  for  Europe,  where  he 
died  in  the  following  year.  His  successor.  Sir  Nathaniel 
Johnson,  who  is  better  known  from  his  later  connection  with 
Carolina,'*  did  not  assume  the  government  until  1687. 
During  the  interval,  the  colony  was  in  the  charge  of  the 
deputy-governors  of  the  separate  islands,'  and  the  law 
was  no  longer  so  strictly  enforced.  In  1686  arrived  in 
the  Leeward  Islands  Captain  St.  Lo  of  H.M.S.  Dartmouth, 
with  instructions  to  prevent  interloping  and  also  illegal 
trade  in  general.*  He  soon  became  involved  in  an  acri- 
monious quarrel  with  the  Deputy-Governor  of  Nevis,  Sir 
James  Russell.  Both  parties  forwarded  detailed  complaints 
to  England.'    Russell  accused  St.  Lo  of  continual  disobedi- 

'  In  1682,  Governor  Lynch  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  that,  if  Tobago 
were  settled  by  the  Duke  of  Courland,  it  would  be  supplied  by  the  Dutch, 
'  who  can  sell  European  goods  thirty  per  cent,  cheaper  than  we,  and  will 
pay  dearer  for  American  goods '  and  consequently  this  island  would  supply 
Barbados  with  sloops  and  ruin  the  trade  with  England.  He  further  added : 
'The  neighbourhood  of  Statia,  Saba,  Curafoa,  and  the  French  islands  to 
our  Leeward  Islands  has  done  the  customs  and  trade  of  England  much 
hurt.'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  P-  285.  It  was  naturally  also  impossible  to  pre- 
vent trade  between  the  French  and  English  colonies  in  St.  Kitts,  and  France 
even  recognized  its  legality.  S.  L.  Mims,  Colbert's  West  India  PoUcy, 
pp.  Qi,  192,  216-218. 

'  McCrady,  South  Carolina,  1670-1719,  p.  368. 

'  In  addition  to  the  deputies  in  the  four  chief  islands,  there  were  also 
m  1685  deputy-governors  in  Anguilla,  Tortola,  and  Barbuda.  C.  C.  1685- 
168S,  p.  132. 

'  Ibid.  p.  146.  •  Ibid.  pp.  311,  312,  363,  364,  378,  379,  399,  400. 


w 


J^ 


m 


'i:. 


h: 

H 
ill 


f     I 


THE  OLD  COLO^fIAL  SYSTEM 
44 

ence  to  the  instructions  issued  by  him,^  which  St.  Lo  denied 
and,  in  his  turn,  charged  RusseU  with  countenancing  viola- 
tions of  the  laws  of  trade.*    According  to  St.  Lo,  Dutch 
vessels,  on  pretext  of  watering,  stopped  at  the  EngUsh  islands, 
and,  while  there,  managed  to  smuggle  ashore  the  bulk  of 
their  cargoes  to  the  manifest  loss  of  the  revenue  and  to  the 
detriment  of  the  EngUsh  merchants,  who  could  not  sell  so 
cheaply  since  they  had  paid  customs  duties  in  England. 
These  Dutch  ships  then  proceeded  to  St.  Eustatius,  whence, 
after  being  laden  with  sugar  clandestinely  imported  from 
the  EngUsh  islands,  they  sailed  for  HoUand.'    In  addition, 
St.  Lo  claimed  that  most  of  the  brandy  and  French  wines 
consumed  in  these  islands  was  illegally  imported.*    On 
account  of  the  number  of  bays  and  inlets,  he  added,  the  cus- 
toms officers  could  not  stop  this  iUegal  trade  unless  they 
had  several  smaU  and  swift  vessels  to  examine  aU  sloops  and 
boats  passing  to  and  fro.    In  connection  with  this  memorial 
of  St.  Lo,  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  reported  that 
they  could  not  acquit  the  governors  from  connivance  in 
this  illegal  trade,  and  in  especial  pointed  out  that  they  had 
advice  that  Sir  James  RusseU  in  one  instance  had  refused 
to  send  the  frigate  on  the  Leeward  Island  station  to  prevent 
a  Dutch  ship  from  trading  at  Antigua.    They  advised  that 

1  c,  O.  I/S9,  56.  '  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  398-400. 

»  C  O.  1/60,  62 ;  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  378.  370- 

♦  "Most  of  y'  Brandys  &  ffrench  Wines  they  drink  in  those  parts  which 
is  a  considerable  quantity  are  all  brought  either  from  Ireland  dirccUy 
(mixt  amongst  their  Beef  Cask)  or  else  are  brought  from  French  St.  Chris- 
tophers: our  Merchants  who  pay  his  Maj"^  Customes  being  not  able  to 
Supply  them  at  near  y«  Price  they  so  illegally  gel  them." 


BARBADOS  AND  THE  LEEWARD  ISLANDS 


45 


the  governors  be  again  instructed  as  to  their  duties  and 
that  the  captains  of  the  frigates  of  the  navy  should  have 
particular  orders  to  enforce  the  laws.*  Accordingly,  in  1687, 
the  Lords  of  Trade  wrote  to  the  Governor,  Sir  Nathaniel 
Johnson,  to  prevent  such  abuses  in  the  future  and  to  permit 
no  Dutch  vessel  to  come  to  an  English  colony  unless  driven 
there  by  storm,  pirates,  or  other  urgent  necessity.' 

In  the  Leeward  Islands,  there  were  not  nearly  so  many 
complaints  against  the  trade  laws  as  in  Barbados.  In 
the  main,  this  was  due  to  the  fact  that  their  economic  struc- 
ture grew  up  imder  this  system,  while  in  Barbados  an  already 
nearly  fully  developed  industry  had  to  adjust  itself  to 
changed  conditions.  In  addition,  Barbados  was  weu  repre- 
sented in  England  by  influential  men,  while  the  Leeward 
Islands  had  no  means  of  giving  similar  expression  to  what- 
ever grievances  they  may  have  felt.  When  the  trade  with 
the  Dutch  was  suppressed  in  167 1,  Sir  Charles  Wheler 
wrote  that  such  illegal  intercourse  was  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  English  merchants  not  only  demanded  far  larger  profits 
and  declined  to  give  credit,  but  they  also  refused  to  take 
tobacco,  which  the  poo-  mostly  planted.  This,  he  said, 
"makes  the  Planter  cry  out  for  the  Kings  favour,  that  a 

'  C.  O.  1/60,  67 ;   C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  380,  382, 

^  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  384.  By  the  Treaty  of  Breda  such  access  was 
allowed  to  the  ships  of  the  contracting  parties  provided  trade  were  not 
carried  on.  Ibid.  pp.  383,  384.  Russell  died  in  the  summer  of  1687,  but 
the  illegal  trade  with  the  Dutch  did  not  disappear  with  his  removal  from  the 
scene.  A  year  later,  Governor  Johnson  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  that 
one  Crispe  was  represented  to  him  by  the  customs  officials  and  those  of 
the  Royal  African  Company  as  a  persistent  smuggler  of  negroes  and  sugar 
to  and  trom  the  Dutch  islands.    Ibid.  pp.  415,  552-555- 


/I' 


I   <  '. 


«  '  i 


i. 


46 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


I.    f 
I 

!     ! 


Shipp  or  two  onely  might  trade  w^^  them  from  Holland  or 
from  them  to  HoUand  or  Elsewhere."  ^    Thereafter,  how- 
ever such  general  complaints  virtually  disappeared.    But  it 
was  frequently  pointed  out  that  the  great  need  of  the  islands 
was  an  abundant  supply  both  of  slaves  and  of  white  ser- 
vants.''   St.  Kitts  especially  needed  a  larger  population,  be- 
cause the  presence  of  a  French  colony  on  the  same  island 
and  the  resulting  friction  drove  off  the  EngUsh  settlers  and 
prevented  fresh  immigration.    In  case  of  war  with  France, 
there  was  imminent  danger  of  the  English  colony  f  alhng  a 
helpless  prey  to  their  better  protected  neighbors.'     In  order 
to  obviate  this,  the  EngUsh  government  in  1676  agreed  to 
contribute  to  the  expense  involved  in  transporting  three 
hundred  'malefactors'  to  the  island.*    Four  years  later,  as 
this  order  had  not  been  and  was  not  likely  to  be  executed, 
the  St.  Kitts  Council  suggested  that  the  money  that  this 
would  have  required  should  be  used  to  encourage  other 
immigration  into  the  colony,  and,  further,  that  for  this 
purpose  Scottish  ships  should  be  allowed  to  trade  there.' 
It  was  only  to  this  limited  extent  that  complaints  against 
the  colonial  system  were  registered  and  that  attempts  were 
made  to  secure  a  modification  of  the  laws. 

» c.  0. 1/27, 52 ;  c.  c.  1669-1674,  pp.  287-292. 

« c.  o.  I  /29,  ui ;  c.  c.  1669-1674,  pp.  391-393 ;  c.  o.  1/38,  OS ;  ^.  »-• 

1675-1676,  pp.  497-502. 

»  C  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  I,  222,  223 ;  C.  O.  7/42,  36. 
*  C.  C.  167S-1676,  pp.  335,  346,  347 ;  P.  C  Cal.  I,  pp.  708,  709- 
»  Such  ships,  they  said,  could  give  bonds  to  obey  the  enumeration  clauses. 
C.  C.  1677-1680.  pp.  572,  573.  At  this  time  also,  the  Council  of  Mont^ 
serrat  slated  that  the  scarcity  of  negroes  and  white  servants,  especially  the 
former,  retarded  the  development  of  the  island  and  kept  the  people  pcor 
Ibid.  pp.  574,  575. 


CHAPTER  VII 

JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 

Great  expectations  from  Jamaica  —  Its  economic  development  —  The  buc- 
caneers and  their  suppression  —  The  logwood  trade  and  the  difficulties 
with  Spain  —  The  enumeration  of  logwood  —  Growth  of  the  colony  — 
Illegal  trade — The  settlement  of  the  Bahamas  and  their  development  — 
The  Bermudas  —  Their  struggle  with  the  proprietary  Company  and  its 
downfall. 

The  determination  to  retain  Cromwell's  conquest,  Jamaica, 
even  at  the  risk  of  not  concluding  peace  with  Spain,  showed 
cleariy  the  great  interest  taken  by  the  Restoration  govern- 
ment in  colonization,  more  especially  in  that  of  tropical  re- 
gions. Herein  the  Court  had  the  full  support  of  the  House 
of  Commons.^  The  development  of  plantations  that  pro- 
duced exotic  products,  such  as  sugar,  cotton,  indigo,  and 
cacao,  promised  the  greatest  advantages,  not  only  to  the 
individual  settler,*  but  also  to  the  state.  It  was  clearly 
recognized  in  those  days  that  national  strength  was  funda- 

'  Com.  Journal  VIII,  p.  163. 

'  See  Sir  Balthazar  Gerbier,  A  Sommary  Description,  manifesting  that 
greater  Profits  are  to  bee  done  in  the  hott  then  in  the  could  parts  oflF  the 
Coast  oft  America,  published  in  1660.  In  1662,  Gerbier  gave  the  govern- 
ment some  valuable  advice  about  the  method  of  settling  Jamaica.  C.  C. 
1661-1668,  no.  216.  On  Gerbier,  see  the  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biography.  CJ. 
also  Otto  Keyen,  Kurzer  Entwarff  von  Neu-Niedcrland  und  Guajana 
(einander  entgegengesetzt  um  den  Unterschied  zwischen  warmen  u.  kalten 
Landen  herauz  zu  bringen),  Leipzig,  1672.  This  work  was  translated  from 
the  Dutch. 

47 


m 


n 


i 


48 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


mentaUy  based  upon  economic  conditions,  and  it  was  gener- 
aUy  held  that  foreign  commerce  was  the  ultimate  source  of 
power.'    The  bulk  of  England's  colonial  trade  was  with 
the  dominions  producing  tobacco  and  sugar,'  and  it  was 
a-    -ed  that  any  further  development  in  this  general  direc- 
tion would  correspondingly  add  to  the  national  prosperity. 
In  view  of  the  great  economic  value  of  Barbados,  large 
hopes  were  naturally  entertained  for  Jamaica,  whose  soU 
and  climate  were  essentially  similar  and  whose  area  was 
twenty-five  times  greater.    Barbados  only  somewhat  ex- 
ceeded the  size  of  the  Isle  of  Wight,  whUe  Jamaica's  area 
was  considerably  more  than  half  that  of  Wales.    During 
the  Interregnum,  every  encouragement  was  at  the  outset 
given  to  the  settlers  on  the  conquered  island,  and  a  start 
was  made  in  the  production  of  tobacco,  sugar,  cacao,  and 
cotton."    But  Uttle  could,  however,  be  accomplished  during 
these  first  five  years  of  English  possession.     The  soldiers 
proved  poor  planters,"  and  moreover  were  kept  on  the  alert 
to  resist  several  Spanish  attempts  for  the  recovery  of  the 
island.    While  the  Spanish  perU  thus  necessitated  the  mam- 

1  English  statesmen  in  general  agreed  with  the  sUtement  made  in  167 1  by 
the  VeneUan  Ambassador  to  England  that  commerce  was  "  la  vera  base  aUa 
grandezza  degli  sUti."    Le  Relazioni  DegU  Suti  Europei,  Bene  iv,  Inghil- 

terra  (Venezia,  1863).  p.  449-  .  Tr„„i;,i, 

5  "Of  all  the  Colonies  which  these  three  European  Nations  (the  English, 
French,  and  Dutch)  have  planted  in  America,  those  that  settled  themselves 
in  the  Ce^nhhy-Islands  are  of  greatest  account,  and  the  most  frequented 
by  Merchants,  as  being  the  most  advantageous  upon  the  score  of  Trade. 
Davies,  The  History  of  Barbados,  St  Christophers,  etc.  (London,  1666), 

^'  'Beer,  Origins,  p.  413.  *  ^-  ^-  ^675-1676,  P-  m. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


49 


tenance  of  a  military  government,  this,  in  turn,  naturally 
deterred  planters  from  settling  in  Jamaica.    Finally,  during 
the  confusion  following  the  death  of  Cromwell,  the  affairs  of 
the  colony  were  perforce  somewhat  neglected,  and  the  pay 
of  the  army  of  conquest  was  inarrear.'    '.'he  Restoration 
statesmen  devoted  their  especial  attention  to  Jamaica  and 
devised  various  schemes  for  its  rapid  development.     The 
essential  condition  was  an  adequate  population,  for  on  the 
island  there  was  as  yet  only  a  handful  of  settlers.    Accord- 
ing to  one  estimate,  its  population  was  then  about  3350 
whites  (of  whom  2450  were  men)  and  500  negroes.*    In 
order  to  people  the  island,  the  Earl  of  Marlborough,  who 
had  been  personally  concerned  in  the  colonization  of  Santa 
Cruz,  proposed  that  emigration  from  the  other  West  Indies 
be  encouraged;  that  the  settlement  of  New  England  affairs 
be  hastened,  since  plenty  of  men  might  be  expected  thence; 
and  also  that  women  — not  inmates  of  Newgate  and  Bride- 
well, but  poor  maids  who  burdened  the  English  parishes— 
be  transported  to  furnish  wives  for  the  planters.     In  addi- 
tion, he  suggested  that  the  commodities  of  the  island  be 
exempted  for  a  short  period  from  the  payment  of  the  Eng- 
glish  customs  duties.'     Several  of  these  recommendations 
were  adopted  by  the  English  government;  and,  besides,  it 
was  determined  to  establish  civil  government  in  place  of  the 
military  system  that  had  been  in  force  since  the  conquest. 


,.'  > ' 


'  Ibid.  1683-1688,  p.  632. 

Ubid.  1661-1668,  no.  204;  i'o'd.  1685-1688,  p.  632.    Another  account 
gives  about  looo  more.    Ibid.  1574-1660,  p.  492. 
•  Ibid.  p.  491. 

(2) 


Ill 


li    i 

-.  f-l      ' 

!     ' 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

The  CromweUian  Governor,  Edward  Doyley,  was  tempo- 
rarily continued  in  office,  but  was  instructed  to  govern 
with  the  advice  of  a  councU.»    Doyley  was  also  directed  to 
employ  such  ships  as  could  be  spared  from  the  task  of 
defending  the  island  in  fetching  planters  from  the  other 
colonies.'^    At  the  same  time,  the  CouncU  for  Foreign  Plan- 
tations recommended  that  the  soldiers  in  Jamaica,  with 
the  exception  of  200,  be  aUotted  land  aiid  be  converted 
into  p.anters,  and    further    that    Jamaica  be    exempted 
for  seven  years  from  paying  customs  in  England  on  all 
commodities  except  sugar,   tobacco,  cotton,  and  indigo.' 
The  task  of  settlmg  Jamaica  was  entrusted  to  Thomas, 
Lord  Windsor,  who  was  appointed  Governor  of  Jamaica  m^ 
1661,  and  assumed  the  administration  about  a  year  later.* 
His  salary,  and  subsequenUy  also  the  expense  of  fortifying 
the  island,  was  made  a  charge  on  the  English  Exchequer.' 
That  so  exceptionaUy  large  a  sum  as  £21,200  was  ordered 
paid  to  Lord  Windsor  for  carrying  on  the  plantation  of 
Jamaica  is  ample  proof  of  the  government's  keen  interest 
in  this  colony.'    Windsor's  instructions  were  carefully  pre- 
pared.^   By  them  8  he  was  directed  'to  promulgate'  the 
King's  license  for  transporting  planters  from  the  neigh- 
t  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  20,  21,  22.  *  Ibid.  no.  22 

» Ibid.  nos.  S,  I07-    Of  the  army  of  conquest  there  were  at  this  time 
about  2200  men  in  Jamaica.    Ibid.  1574-1660,  pp.  489,  492. 

*  Pepys,  April  10,  1662.  ,  ^  ,  ^  a*      b  r 
»  C  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  135, 145.     See  also  ibid.  nos.  616, 656, 664 ;  l--  L- 

Cal.  I,  pp.  484,  48s;  Cal.  Treasury  Books,  1660-1667,  PP.  259,  267,  303, 
589,  617,  667,  68s,  720. 

•  Cal  Treasury  Books,  1660-1667,  pp.  362,  534- 

'  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  309,  312.  313.  '  C.  C.  1661-X668,  no.  239. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


SI 


boring  colonies  to  Jamaica,  to  grant  lands  on  liberal  terms, 
to  permit  the  free  exportation  of  all  goods  for  five  years, 
after  which  an  export  duty  of  five  per  cent  was  to  be  paid  to 
the  Crown.*  In  addition,  Windsor  was  authorized  to  call 
Assemblies  to  levy  money  and  to  make  laws,  which,  how- 
ever, were  to  be  in  force  for  only  two  years  unless  confirmed 
by  the  Crown. 

On  account  of  ill-health,  Windsor  remained  in  the  island 
but  a  very  short  time,  returning  to  England  unexpectedly, 
which  fact  made  Mr.  Bland,  one  of  the  most  prominent 
colonial  merchants  of  the  day,  and  Pepys  agree  that  "these 
young  Lords  are  not  fit  to  do  any  service  abroad.'" 
Pending  the  appointment  of  his  successor,  which  occasioned 
some  discussion  in  England,'  the  Deputy-Governor,  Sir 
Charles  Lyttelton,  was  in  charge  of  affairs.    During  the  ad- 
ministrations of  Windsor  and  Lyttelton,  civil  government 
was  definitely  established,  and  in  1664  the  first  Assembly  of 
the  colony  met.*    Towards  the  end  of  1663,  Lyttelton  re- 
ported that  the  island  was  more  prosperous  than  when  he 
had  arrived  somewhat  over  a  year  prior  thereto,  but  that  the 
population  was  not  increasing  rapidly.'    Since  the  Restora- 
tion a  few  settlers  had  come  from  the  other  colonies,'  and 


» Article  xii  of  these  instructions.    C.  O.  1/16,  nos.  35,  36. 

'  Pepys,  Feb.  13,  1663.    See  also  Feb.  23,  1663. 

»  MSB.  of  J.  M.  Heathcote  (H.M.C.  iSgg),  pp.  88,  89. 

*  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  379.  573.  810,  812. 

'  Lyttelton  wrote  that  'since  Lord  Windsor's  arrival  not  more  than  200 
have  come  and  the  year  has  been  very  sickly,  and  carried  away  great  num- 
bers.'   Ibid.  no.  566. 

'  Ibid.  no.  267. 


:1 


[i  h 


I 


52 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


apparently  some  convicts  were  transported  from  England,' 
but  there  was  no  influx  commensurate  with  the  immense 
opportunities  offered  by  Jamaica.* 

In  1664,  Sir  Thomas  Modyford,  a  prominent  Barbadian 
and   a  relative  of   Monck,   was  appointed   Governor  of 
Jamaica  with  instructions  similar  to  those  issued  to  Windsor, 
and  in  addition,  for  the  further  encouragement  of  the  colony, 
providing  that  for  twenty-one  years  goods  imported  into  or 
exported  from  Jamaica  should  be  exempt  from  the  payment 
of  customs,  and  that  for  five  years  the  products  of  the  island 
could  be  imported  into  England  free  of  duty.'    When  he 
received    his    instructions,    Modyford    was  in    Barbados, 
where  he  gathered  together  as  many  settlers  for  Jamaica  as 
was  possible.    About  800  sailed  with  him,  but  he  claimed 
that  a  yearly  supply  of   1000  might  be  expected  from 
this  colony.      The  English  government  had  made  some 
provision   for    the   transportation   of   settlers   from    Bar- 
bados, but  Modyford  proposed  that  the  Crown  should  as- 
sume this  entire  expense.    Governor  Willoughby  objected 
to  this  policy,  and  requested  Lord  Arlington  to  'divert  his 
Majesty  from  giving  any  more  s'lch  orders,  for  it  is  not 
beginning  at  the  right  end  to  improve  his  interest  in  these 

>  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  310,  314,  315- 

'  In  1664,  the  President  of  the  Jamaica  Council,  Thomas  Lynch,  wrote 
that  the  island  was  in  a  hopeful  state,  but  that  its  population  did  not  ex- 
ceed 5000.     C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  744. 

'  Ibid.  nos.  664,  998,  1003, 1165 ;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  515.  516 ;  C.  O.  1/26, 
15.  .Although  the  five  years  had  already  expired,  on  June  18,  i66g,  the 
Treasury  instructed  the  Fanners  of  the  Customs  to  allow  the  Mary  6* 
Jane  of  Jamaica  to  unload  free  of  duties,  since  this  vessel  had  been  delayed 
by  storms.    Treas.  Books,  Out-Letters,  Customs  i,  f.  166. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


53 


parts  for  he  doth  but  take  out  of  his  right  pocket  to  put 
into  his  left.  Europe  is  the  magazine  of  people,'  he  con- 
tinued, '  and  from  thence  his  Majesty  ought  to  send  them  a 
constant  supply  every  year.'  In  addition,  before  departing 
for  Jamaica,  Modyford  wrote  a  careful  letter  to  the  English 
government  on  the  best  way  of  rapidly  peopling  that  island, 
advising  the  King  to  'be  prodigal  in  granting  the  first 
million  acres,'  and  that,  until  these  be  planted,  exports 
from  England  should  be  exempt  from  customs.  He  further 
proposed  that  free  trade  should  be  allowed  with  all  friendly 
nations,  and  that  all  servants  for  the  colony  should  be  trans- 
ported at  the  expense  of  the  government.*  Of  these  sugges- 
tions, the  English  government  agreed  only  to  that  about  the 
liberal  granting  of  land.' 

During  Sir  Thomas  Modyford's  administration,  which 
lasted  for  seven  years,  from  1664  to  167 1,  the  colony  made 
some  progress.  From  an  absolute  standpoint  the  develop- 
ment was  considerable,'  but  it  was  insignificant  in  contrast 
with  the  potential  capacities  of  so  fertile  and  large  an  island. 
The  natural  resources  of  Jamaica  were  more  varied  than 
those  of  the  other  West  Indies,  and  in  addition  the  colony  was 

>  C.  O.  1/18,  6s ;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  739,  741,  764;  P-  C.  Cal.  I,  p. 

384. 

'  C.  C.  1661-166S,  no.  784. 

'  In  1664,  the  population  was  but  5000,  while  in  1670,  according  to  an 
estimate  based  upon  an  apparently  careful  survey  of  the  island,  it  was 
15,000.  Lynch  said  that  this  latter  estimate,  which  had  been  prepared 
for  Modyford,  was  only  a  guess.  It  should  also  be  noted  that  earlier 
in  the  same  year  Modyford  had  sent  another  account  to  England,  accord- 
ing to  which  the  inhabitants,  including  2500  negroes,  numbered  in  all  but 
8200.    Ibid.  1669-1674,  pp.  52,  104,  341. 


iri' 


.! 


54 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


not  80  dependent  on  other  communities  for  its  food  supply. 
At  the  outset,  the  chief  products  were  sugar,  cacao,  and 
tobacco,  and,  as  was  usual  in  the  early  stages  of  colonial 
economic  life,  these  staples  were  used  as  standards  of  value 
in  commercial  transactions.*  In  addition,  cotton,  indigo, 
pimento,  dyeing-woods,  ginger,  and  a  variety  of  drugs  were 
produced.'  Furthermore,  in  1668,  the  English  government 
ordered  that  the  planting  of  pepper,  cloves,  and  other 
spices  be  encouraged,  but  this  attempt  to  make  of  Jamaica 
a  rival  of  the  Dutch  Spice  Islands  of  the  Far  East  was  not 
successful.'  Tobacco  soon  ceased  to  be  grown  for  export, 
and  the  most  profitable  products  for  this  purpose  were  found 
to  be  cacao,  sugar,  and  indigo.*  Besides  these  exotic  prod- 
ucts, the  island  raised  a  considerable  quantity  of  com, 
potatoes,  peas,  and  other  provisions,  and  was  well  stocked 
with  cattle  and  hogs.'  A  portion  of  its  food  supply  was, 
however,  imported  from  New  England." 

>  In  1661 ,  the  Governor  and  Council  ordered  that  sugar  should  pass  at  asj. 
a  cwt.,  tobacco  and  cacao  at  4J.  a  pound.  In  1662,  Lord  Windsor  changed 
these  valuations.    C.  O.  140/1,  S.  14,  15;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  108,  374. 

*  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  810. 

»  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  487,  488.  In  1664,  the  Committee  for  Jamaica  was 
ordered  to  consider  the  planting  of  "Coco-Nutts,  Erecting  Iron-works  there, 
and  at  Virginia,  and  about  making  Pitch  and  Tarr,  and  whatsoever  els 
they  shall  thinke  fitt."  Ibid.  p.  384-  In  1672,  the  CouncU  of  Plantations 
"entered  on  inquiries  about  improving  the  Plantations  by  silks,  galls, 
flax,  senna.  &c.,  and  considered  how  nutmegs  and  cinnamon  might  be 
obtained,  and  brought  to  Jamaica,  that  soil  and  climate  promising  suc- 
cess."   Evelyn,  Feb.  12,  1672. 

*C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  81S. 

'  Ibid.  nos.  810,  1023 ;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  104,  105. 

'  Ibid.  p.  5. 


JAMAICA   AND  THE  OUTLYING  lSi.\NDS 


55 


During  the  first  decade  of  the  Restoration  era,  cacao 
was  the  principal  staple  of  Jamaica;  and,  as  it  was  a  typically 
Spanish  colonial  product,  which  was  grown  in  no  other  of  the 
English  colonies,  great  stress  was  laid  upon  its  encourage- 
ment.* According  to  a  description  of  Jamaica,  of  about  the 
year  1670,  no  island  had  greater  abundance  of  cacao,  and 
the  claim  was  made  that  with  good  management  it  would 
be  easy  to  'beat  out'  the  Spaniard.*  Another  writer' 
said  that  "the  meanest  Labourer  in  Jar-.aica  compounds 
his  Morning-draughts "  of  chocolate  —  at  that  time  a 
considerable  luxury  in  Europe.  Sugar  was  gradually 
assuming  an  ever  increasing  importance  in  the  colony's 
economic  life,  and  was  in  the  main  shipped  to  England  in 
competition  with  that  of  the  other  West  Indies.*  Accord- 
ing to  a  Jamaica  correspondent  of  John  Winthrop,  Jr., 
indigo  in  167 1  yielded  "the  principall  profit,"  but  he  be- 
lieved that  "in  shorte  space  "  the  price  would  decline  greatly.' 
In  1670,  there  were  in  Jar^aica  57  sugar  works  with  a 
yearly  output  of  1710  thousand-weight;  47  catao  walks, 
yielding  188,000  pounds  of  nuts;  and  49  works,  producing 
490  hundredweight  of  indigo.'     Twenty  ships  of  over  80 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  259,  664;  ibid.  1675-1676,  pp.  134,  135;  ibid. 
1660-1674,  pp.  52,  53,  145-147;  C.  O.  138/1,  £f.  88-95. 

'  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  151. 

'  E.  Hickeringill,  Jamaica  Viewed  (ist  ed.  London,  1661),  pp.  23,  24. 

*  Cf.  Cal.  Treas.  Books,  1660-1667,  pp.  339,  4Si- 

'  ".Ml  matters  considered,"  he  added,  "I  iudge  our  husbandmen  in  Con- 
necticut doe  Hue  better  then  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants  heare." 
Winthrop  Papers  II,  p.  152. 

'  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  104,  105.  Cf.  Richard  Blome,  A  Description  of 
the  Islaud  of  Jamaica  (Londoa,  1672),  pp.  8-10.    Blome  said  that  Jamaica 


Hlil 


j 


VI 


':  i 


n.  I 


S6 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


tons  were  required  that  year  to  take  away  Jamaica's  prod- 
uce.* But  compared  with  Barbados,  this  development  was 
insignificant.  In  fact,  the  enormous  resources  of  Jamaica 
had  been  barely  tapped.  Of  the  total  land  in  the  colony 
only  a  small  portion  had  been  granted  to  private  owners, 
and  most  of  this  was  in  an  uncultivated  state.*  The  slow 
progress  made  in  settling  the  island  was  primarily  due  to 
the  continuance  of  the  war  with  Spain.  The  large  profits 
derived  from  privateering  diverted  the  colony's  energies 
from  the  more  humdnun  processes  of  agricultural  develop- 
ment. Until  1 67 1,  the  most  lucrative  pursuit  was  warfare 
on  the  commerce  and  colonies  of  Spain. 

At  this  time,  the  waters  of  the  Caribbean  swarmed  with 
self-confessed  pirates  and  with  nearly  equally  lawless  priva- 
teers who,  on  the  strength  of  conunissions  from  French, 
Spanish,  Dutch,  and  English  colonial  governors,  preyed  upon 
commerce.'  When  in  1660  the  monarchy  was  restored, 
England  and  Spain  were  still  at  war.  Peace  negotiations 
were  forthwith  opened,  but  on  account  of  the  determina- 
tion of  the  Restoration  government  to  retain  Jamaica,  they 
were  not  brought  to  a  successful  conclusion;  and  for  a  decade 
longer  informal  and  irregular  hostilities  between  the  two 

sugar  outsold  that  of  Barbados  by  5s.  a  cwt. ;  that  cacao  was  the  principal 
and  most  beneficial  pr'^duct  and  that  in  time  Jamaica  would  become  "the 
only  noted  place  for  that  Commodity  in  the  world." 

»  C.  C.  1660-1674,  p.  52. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  OS,  q6,  08-104,  107. 

'  There  have  been  recently  published  two  reliable  accounts  of  their 
activities :  C.  H.  Haring,  The  Buccaneers  in  the  West  Indies ;  and  Violet 
Barbour,  Privateers  and  Pirates  of  the  West  Indies,  in  Am.  Hist.  Rev. 
XVI,  3. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


57 


nations  continued  in  a  desultory  manner  in  the  West  Indies. 
Shortly  after  Lord  Windsor  was  appointed  to  succeed 
Doyley,  the  Cromwellian  Governor  of  Jamaica,  he  was 
instructed  to  preserve  good  correspondence  and  free  com- 
merce with  the  Spanish  colonies,  but,  if  this  were  refused, 
to  settle  such  trade  by  force.'  On  being  denied  this  prixi- 
lege,  and  it  being  feared  that  the  Spaniards  might  send  an  ex- 
pedition to  reconquer  Jamaica,*  Windsor  prepared  an  armed 
force  which,  in  1662,  captured  and  plundered  Santiago 
in  Cuba.'  In  the  following  year,  a  successful  assault  was 
made  on  the  town  of  Campeachy  on  the  mainland.  In 
addition,  English  privateers,  duly  commissioned  by  the 
colonial  authoriti'  were  actively  seizing  Spanish  vessels 
in  the  Caribbean.*  Such  exploits  as  the  attack  on  Cuba 
embarrassed  the  En^ish  go\ernment  and  exceeded  its 
intention.  Accordingly,  in  1663,  instructions  were  sent  to 
the  authorities  in  Jamaica  that  no  such  enterprises  'be 
pursued  for  the  future."  Again  the  following  year,  when 
Sir  Thomas  Modyford  was  appointed  Governor  of  Jamaica, 
he  was  enjoined  not  to  issue  any  letters  of  marque  and  to 
preserve  good  correspondence  with  the  Spanish  colonies." 
A  few  months  later,  Charles  II  reiterated  these  instructions, 
expressing  extreme  dissatisfaction  at  the  daily  complaints 
of  depredations  committed  by  Jamaicans  on  Spaniards,  and 
ordering  the  Governor  to  forbid  such  actions  and  to  'inflict 
condign  punishment  on  offenders.'  ^    At  the  outset,  Mody- 

'  C  C.  1661-1668,  no.  278.  *  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  571. 

*  Ibid.  no.  259.  » Ibid.  no.  443,     Cf.  no.  441. 

*  Haring,  op.  cit.  pp.  103,  106.  » Ibid.  no.  664. 

'  Ibid.  no.  753. 


i 


'i 


■  i 


S8 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


ford  apparently  tried  to  follow  his  instructions,*  but  he  met 
with  grave  difficulties.    In  the  first  place,  the    Spanish 
colonial  governors  had  no  authority  to  admit  the  English  to 
trade,  nor,  as  an  able  Jamaican  official  pointed  out,  would 
'any  necessity  or  advantage  bring  private  Spaniards  to 
Jamaica,  for  we  and  they  have  used  too  many  mutual 
barbarisms  to  have   a   sudden   correspondence."'    More- 
over, the  English  privateers,  between  1500  and  2000  hardy 
and  lawless  men  in  fourteen  or  fifteen  vessels,  could  not  be 
controlled  by  the  Governor.    As  was  pointed  out  at  the 
time,  these  privateers  could  be  suppressed  only  by  five  or 
six  men-of-war.=»    Most  of  them  were  ready  to  turn  pirate 
or  to  join  the  French,  and  then  to  prey  upon  English  com- 
merce, if  their  commissions  were  taken  from  them. 

The  outbreak  of  the  Dutch  war  gave  the  privateers  a 
more  legitimate  field  for  their  activities,  and  letters  of  marque 
were  again  freely  issued  in  Jamaica.*  Some  signal  successes 
against  the  Dutch  — St.  Eustatius  and  Saba  were  taken 
—  were  gained  by  their  efforts,'  but  in  addition  the  priva- 
teers exceeded  their  authority  and  continued  to  seize  Spanish 
vessels  and  to  plunder  Spanish  towns  on  the  Main  and  in 
Cuba.'  At  this  juncture  the  English  government  changed 
its  policy,  and,  in  the  early  summer  of  1665,  authorized  Sir 
Thomas  Modyford  to  use  his  discretion  about  issuing 
commissions  against  the  Spanish,  In  1666,  on  the  advice 
of  the  colonial  Council,  he  decided  to  issue  them  with  the 


>  C.  C.  1661-166S.  nos.  746,  767- 
«  [hiii  no   74.;.    Cf.  no.  762. 
'  Ibid.  nos.  744.  812. 


♦  Ibid.  no.  042- 

» Ibid.  nos.  1042,  1063,  1082. 

*  Ibid.  nos.  1142,  ii47- 


JAMAICA  AND   THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


59 


object  of  strengthening  the  colony,  for  it  was  fully  realized 
that  the  exceptionally  excellent  market  available  in  Jamaica 
for  Spanish  spoils  would  attract  there  a  host  of  buccaneers 
of  various  nationalities.' 

In  1667,  peace  was  concluded  between  England  and  the 
allies,  France  and  Holland,  and  thus  an  end  was  put  to  the 
half-hearted  operations  of  the  privateers  against  these  na- 
tions. At  the  same  time  also  was  signed  a  treaty  with  Spain, 
which  recognized  England's  right  to  the  American  territories 
then  in  her  possession,  but  prohibited  trade  with  the  Span- 
ish colonies.  Rumors  of  this  proposed  treaty  had  reached 
America  already  the  preceding  year.  On  August  21,  1666,^ 
Governor  Modyf  ord  wrote  to  Lord  Arlington,  then  Secretary 
of  State,  that,  in  accordance  with  the  authority  specifically 
given  to  him,  he  had  since  last  March  issued  commissions 
against  the  Spaniards,  which  had  attracted  to  Jamaica 
many  people,  especially  French  buccaneers,  and  had  en- 
riched and  strengthened  the  colony.  He  added  that  he 
had  heard  of  the  proposed  peace  with  Spain,  and  had  also 
received  orders  from  Albemarle  despite  this  to  employ  pri- 
vateers as  formerly,  'if  it  be  for  the  benefit  of  his  Maj- 

^  Ibid.  nos.  1144,  1264.  On  Feb.  22,  1666,  the  Council  of  Jamaica 
resolved  that  it  was  to  the  interest  of  the  colony  to  issue  letters  of  marque 
against  the  Spaniards,  because:  i.  it  furnished  the  island  with  neces- 
sary commodities  at  low  prices  and  enabled  it  to  buy  provisions  from 
the  N'ew  England  men ;  2,  it  attracted  many  settlers  ?nd  'is  the  only  mean.; 
to  keep  the  buccaneers  on  Hispaniob,  Tortugas,  and  the  South  and  North 
Quays  of  Cuba  from  being  their  enemies  and  infesting  their  sea-side  planta- 
tion'; 3,  'It  seems  to  be  the  only  means  to  force  the  Spaniarcb  in  time  to  a 
free  trade,'    Ibid.  no.  1138. 

'  Ibid.  no.  1 264. 


,  j: 


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41' 


60  THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

esty's  affairs,  which  is  reaUy  so,  as  the  keeping  of   this 
island  is  for  his  honour  and  sen'ice.'     Modyford  further 
wrote  that  'the  Spaniards  look  on  us  as  intruders  and  tres- 
passers wheresoever  they  find  us  in  the  Indies  and   use 
us  accordingly;  ar.a  were  it  in  their  power,  as  it  is  fixed 
in   their  wills,  would  soon  turn  us  out  of  aU  our  Planta- 
tions. .  .    It  must  be  force  alone  that  can  cut  in  sunder 
that  unneighbourly  maxim  of  their  Government  to  deny 
all  access  of  strangers.'    When,  toward  the  end  of  1667, 
the  heads  of  the  treaty  with  Spain  finaUy  reached  Mody- 
ford, he  was  muvble  to  understand  their  exact  meaning; 
and,' as  no  specific  instructions  accompanied  them,  he  wrote 
that  he  would  not  alter  'his  position,  nor  does  he  intend 
until  further  orders.'  * 

In  pursuing  this  course  Modyford  assumed  a  grave  re- 
sponsibUity.     Although  he  had  received  no  expUcit  orders 
to  stop  issuing  commissions  against  the  Spaniards,  he  knew 
fuU  well   that  the   Secretary  of   State,  Lord  Arlington, 
to  whom  he  was  immediately  responsible,  was  opposed  to 
such  action.2    Proceeding  under  such  a  commission,  Henry 
Morgan,  at  the  head  of  a  floet  of  buccaneers,  inflicted  upon 
the  Spanish  Empire  the  most  stinging  blow  that  it  had  re- 
ceived since  Crc  -nweU's  conquest  of  Jamaica.    In  1668,  after 
taking  Puerto  Principe  in  northern  Cuba,  Morgan  sailed 
to  Porto  BeUo  on  the  mainland,  surprised  and  sacked  the 
city,  securing  a  large  booty  and  ransom.    Modyford  was 
somewhat  dismayed  at  the  too  signal  success  of  this  exploit 
and  wrote  to  the  English  government  that  Morgan  had 


>  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1652. 


^  Ibid.  no.  IS37- 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


6i 


exceeded  his  instructions,  which  authorized  him  to  attack 
only  Spanish  ships  and  not  their  towns.'  But  fearing 
Spanish  reprisals,  Modyford  again  assumed  the  aggressive, 
and  in  1669  the  Jamaica  buccaneers  garnered  fresh  booty 
from  the  town  of  Maracaibo.* 

The  English  government  was  placed  in  a  disagreeable 
position  by  these  actions,  which  were  clearly  contrary  to  the 
treaty  of  1667.  Bitter  complaints  from  Spain'  and  demands 
for  satisfaction  were,  however,  answered  by  the  assertion 
that  the  Spaniards  themselves  were  not  observing  the  peace 
in  the  Indies.*  Spanish  pride  was  wounded  to  the  quick 
and  imwonted  energy  was  displayed  in  preparations  for 
reprisals,  but  in  16 70/1  the  English  struck  another  severe 
blow  when  Morgan  took  Panama.'  Shortly  before  this 
event,  in  1670,  the  two  nations  had  definitely  settled  their 
differences  in  the  treaty  of  Madrid,  which  provided  for 
a  complete  cessation  of  hostilities  and  explicitly  recognized 


i  i. 


]i 


'  Ihid.  no.  1850. 

'  Ibid.  no.  1867.  A  fiill  and  picturesque  contemporary  account  of 
the  exploits  of  Morgan  and  his  fellow  buccaneers  is  available  in  Exque- 
melin's  history,  a  well-known  book  of  vjich  many  editions  have  been 
published  in  various  languages  since  the  original  in  Dutch  first  appeared 
in  1678. 

'  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  I,  2. 

^On  Oct.  I,  1668,  Modyford  wrote  to  Albemarle:  'It  is  most  cer- 
tain that  the  Spaniards  had  full  intention  to  attempt  this  island,  but  could 
not  get  men ;  and  they  still  hold  the  same  minds,  and  therefore  I  cannot 
but  presume  to  say,  that  it  is  very  unequal  that  we  should  in  any  measure 
be  restrained,  while  they  are  at  liberty  to  act  as  they  please  upon  us,  from 
which  we  shall  never  be  secure  until  the  King  of  Spain  acknowledge  this 
island  to  be  his  Majesty's,  and  so  includes  it  by  name  in  the  capitulations.' 
Ihid.  i66i-i668,  no.  1850.  *  Ibid.  1669-1674,  pp.  72,  120-122,  142. 


w 


I'll 


'  l 


62 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


England's  title  to  all  her  American  possessions.  The  Eng- 
lish government  was  incensed  at  Modyford's  conduct.' 
He  was  immediately  dismissed  from  office  and  was  sent  to 
England  for  trial,  but  after  considerable  detention  in  the 
Tower  ultimately  escaped  punishment.*  Morgan,  likewise, 
was  ordered  home  to  answer  for  his  conduct.  His  commis- 
sion from  the  Jamaica  government  was,  however,  a  complete 
legal  justification  for  his  exploits.'  Instead  of  being  pun- 
ished, "Panama  Morgan"  was  viewed  as  a  national  hero, 
who  had  conferred  great  "Honour  to  the  Nation";  and,  as 
a  reward  for  his  services,  he  was  knighted  by  Charles  II.* 

'  On  Nov.  21,  1670,  Arlington  wrote  to  Sir  William  Godolphin, 
the  English  Ambassador  in  Spain,  that  Modyford,  on  sight  of  commissions 
issued  by  Spain  against  the  English,  "whilst  the  Matter  of  the  Treaty" 
was  in  debate,  began  a  new  war,  but  that  Hb  Majesty  will  quickly  put 
"an  end  to  all  his  Extravagancies  and  Follies"  by  sending  a  new  Governor 
to  Jamaica.  Colonel  Lynch,  he  added,  was  to  go  there  as  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor with  two  frigates,  to  put  in  execution  the  government's  orders.  On 
March  9,  167 1,  Arlington  wrote  to  Godolphin:  "This  gives  me  occasion  to 
tell  you  what  Abomination  and  Scandal  His  Majesty  hath  receiv'd  upon  the 
knowledge  of  new  Violences  committed  by  Sir  Tko.  Modiford,  upon  his 
Catholick  Majesty's  Territories  in  the  West-Indies,  in  which  perhaps  he  may 
justifie  himself  to  His  said  Majesty  for  having  committed  them  within  the 
time  limited  by  your  Treaty,  and  by  the  Provocations  he  hath  had  from  the 
Spaniards  there,  but  he  never  will  be  able  to  do  it  to  the  King  our  Master, 
it  having  been  so  contrary  to  all  his  orders."  Arlington's  Letters  (London, 
1701)  II,  pp.  309,  319.     See  also  pp.  327,  328. 

'  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  151,  152,  238,  239,  272,  401 ;  Diet.  Nat.  Biog. 

'  Governor  Lynch,  who  vigorously  opposed  the  buccaneers,  when  sending 
Morgan  to  England,  wrote  that  he  was  'an  honest  brave  fellow,'  and  had  both 
Modyford's  and  the  Council's  commission  and  instructions,  which  they 
thought  he  had  obeyed  so  well  that  they  gave  him  public  thanks.  C.  0. 
1/27,  58;  C.  C.  i()6()-i674,  p.  20Q. 

*  Dalby  Thomas,  op.  cit,  in  Harl.  Misc.  II.  p.  364. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


63 


The  English  government  was  now  determined  to  suppress 
the  buccaneers  and  to  convert  them  into  peaceful  members 
of  society.    But  the  dragon's  teeth,  which  she  herself  had 
sown,  yielded  their  inevitable  crop.     In  1669,  John  Style, 
who  had  been  a  fellow  student  with  Lord  Arlington  at  Christ 
Church'  and  had  settled  in  Jamaica  in  1665,  wrote  to  the 
former  Secretary  of  State,  Sir  WiUiam  Morice,  that  about  800 
men  were  out  as  privateers,  but  that  they  were  of  little  use 
for  the  permanent  defence  of  the  colony  as  they  had  no 
interest  in  land.    'Gold  and  gain,'  he  said,  'is  the  only  god 
they  worship ;  they  can  drive  the  same  trade  with  far  more 
profit  and  advantage  under  French  commissions,  paying 
neither  tenths,  fifteenths  nor  waiting  for  Admiralty  Courts.' » 
The  following  year,  Style  wrote  of  the  horrible  barbarities 
and  atrocities  committed  by  these  privateers  on  the  Span- 
iards.'   The  attempt  was  now  made  to  convert  these  law- 
less desperadoes,  accustomed  to  a  riotous  life  of  brawling 
and  excesses,  into  useful  citizens  of  Jamaica.    This  all  but 
impossible  task  was  imposed  upon  Sir  Thomas  Lynch,  to 
whom,  as  Lieutenant-Governor,  was  entrusted  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  colony.    He  was  instructed  to  publish  the 
treaty  of  1670  with  Spain,  to  revoke  all  commissions  issued 
against  the  Spaniards,  to  use  all  efforts  to  bring  in  the 
privateers  and  to  encourage  them  to  settle  in  Jamaica.* 
A  small  naval  force  was  placed  at  his  disposal,  for  otherwise 
nothing  at  all  could  have  been  accomplished. 
A  number  of  these  privateers  now  abandoned  their  pre- 


'  C.  C.  i66g-i674,  P-  xxiii. 
» Ibid.  pp.  3-s. 


^Ibid.  pp.  49-51  • 
*  Ihid.  pp.  145  147 


C.  O.  138/1,  S.  S8-95. 


1^ 


64 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


carious  life,  and  habituated  themselves  to  a  more  regular 
mode  of  existence.  Many  engaged  in  the  logwood  trade  to 
Yucatan.  But  some  refused  to  submit  and  continued  to 
seize  Spanish  vessels.'  Others  joined  with  the  French  and 
engaged  in  such  exploits  as  barbarous  raids  in  Cuba.*  In  a 
spirit  somewhat  approaching  disgust  and  despair,  Sir  Thomas 
Lynch  wrote  on  January  13, 1672,'  to  Sir  Joseph  Williamson, 
Arlington's  secretary,  that  "this  cursed  trade  has  been  so 
long  followed,  and  there  is  so  many  of  it,  that  like  Weeds  or 
Hidras  they  spring  up  as  fast  as  we  can  cut  them  down." 
Lynch,  however,  persisted,  and,  thanks  to  the  invalxxable 
aid  of  the  frigates  supplied  by  England,  was  in  reality  able 
to  accomplish  a  good  deal.  A  number  of  pirates  were 
brought  to  justice  in  Jamaica,  which  deterred  others  from 
their  devious  paths.*  Towards  the  end  of  1672,  he  was  able 
to  inform  the  Council  for  Plantations  that  he  had  reduced 
all  the  privateers  and  that  there  was  not  one  English  pirate 
in  the  West  Indies,  although  a  few  Englishmen  were  contm- 
uing  their  former  career  in  French  vessels.' 

This  outcome  promised  an  era  of  economic  expansion. 
As  Lynch  wrote,  "privateering  was  the  sickness  of  Jamaica, 
for  that  and  planting  a  country  are  absolutely  inconsistent.'" 
Unfortunately,  conditions  were  leading  to  a  recrudescence  of 
this  evil.  Shortly  before  the  treaty  of  1670  with  Spain,  Eng- 
lish traders  had  begun  to  resort  to  Campeachy  and  adja- 
cent places  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  logwood,  which  was 

«  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  263,  264,  298,  299.  » Ibid.  pp.  318,  32  2- 

» Ibid,  pp-  315.  316.  *  Ibid.  pp.  322,  323,  340,  342,  343. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  415-428.  •  Ibid.  pp.  339-341- 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


6S 


t 


1 


extensively  used  in  Europe  for  dyeing  textiles.  In  1670, 
Governor  Modyford  wrote  to  Arlington  that .  dozen  Jamaica 
vessels,  belonging  to  former  privateers,  were  engaged  in 
cutting  this  wood  in  Yucatan  and  elsewhere,  but  only  in 
uninhabited  places,  where  they  did  not  trespass  on  the 
Spaniards.  As  the  trade  was  very  profitable  and  as  in 
his  opinion  two-thirds  of  the  privateers  would  engage  in  it 
on  the  conclusion  of  a  definitive  peace  witn  Spain,  he  urged 
that  it  be  authorized  by  the  English  government.'  A  few 
weeks  later,  he  wrote  that  the  number  of  Jamaica  vessels 
engaged  in  the  logwood  trade  had  grown  to  twenty  and  was 
likely  to  increase  daily.* 

On  July  2,  1671,  shortly  after  his  arrival  in  Jamaica, 
Lieutenant-Governor  Sir  Thomas  Lynch  begged  Lord 
Arlington  to  give  instructions  about  this  trade.'  This 
earnest  request  he  repeated  on  various  occasions  in  subse- 
quent despatches,  but  pending  the  receipt  of  definite  in- 
structions, he  did  not  interfere  with  the  logwood  cutters.* 
In  1 67 1,  there  were  about  forty  Jamaica  ships  engaged  in 
this  trade,  which  then  was  of  especial  importance  to  the 
colony,  as  both  the  cacao  and  sugar  crops  of  that  year  had 
turned  out  failures.'  Lynch  contended  that  the  English 
had  a  right  to  cut  logwood  in  uninhabited  places  in  the  Gulf 
of  Campeachy,  as  they  had  done  so  before  the  Spanish  treaty 
of  1670,  which  recognized  England's  then  existing  posses- 

'  Ibid.  pp.  120-122.  » Ibid.  pp.  238,  239. 

'  Ibid.  p.  142.  *  Ibid.  pp.  241,  263-266,  322-324. 

'•Ibid.  pp.  241,  263,  264,  310.  According  to  one  account,  the  actual 
number  of  Jamaica  ships  in  this  trade  was  32  of  11 70  tons,  424  men  and 
74  guns.     C.  O.  13S/1,  f.  121 ;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  306. 

F  (2) 


f» 


1 


66 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


l( 


sions  in  America.'  As,  however,  it  was  highly  improbable 
that  Spain  would  take  this  view  of  the  matter,'  the  English 
government  proceeded  cautiously.  Early  in  1672,  Lynch 
received  word  from  Arlington  that  this  question  was  under 
discussion,  and  at  the  same  time  he  was  instructed  not  to 
"choque  with  Spuin  for  small  things,"  which  he  took  to 
be  "a  tacit  prohibition."  ' 

In  the  meanwhile,  Arlington  had  written  to  the  English 
Ambassador  in  Spain,  Sir  William  Godolphin,  asking  whether 
this  cutting  of  logwood  in  uninhabited  places  was  inconsist- 
ent with  the  treaty  of  1670,  and  how  Spain  would  regard 
such  practices.*  In  reply,'  Godolphin  stated  that  this 
wood  came  from  Yucatan,  a  large  province  of  New  Spain 
which  was  sufficiently  peopled.  Spain's  title  to  it,  he  con- 
tinued, was  absolutely  valid,  and  unquestionably  the  de- 
sired permission  to  cut  logwood  would  not  be  conceded,  for, 
on  the  same  grounds,  the  English  might  claim  a  right  to 
inhabit  there.  While  England  thus  had  no  legal  standing, 
Godolphin  added  that,  in  his  opinion,  if  the  wood  were  cut  in 


•  C.  O.  1/27,  58;  C.  C.  1660-1674,  pp.  207-300,  310. 

>  On  Dec.  25,  1671,  Lynch  wrote  to  Arlington  that  the  Spanish  were 
preparing  to  seize  the  log^vood  cutters.     C  C.  1669-1674,  p.  310. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  330-34'-  The  Jamaica  Council  was,  however,  of  the  opinion 
that,  since  .\rlington's  letter  of  Noveml)er,  1671,  did  not  directly  forbid  this 
trade,  it  ought  not  to  be  prohibited,  especially  as  the  Spaniards  had  nivi  r 
complained,  as  the  English  had  'great  colour  of  right'  to  it  under  the  treaty 
of  1670,  and  as  it  w.as  of  great  importance  to  the  island  and  the  only  way  to 
divert  the  privateers  from  their  vocation.    Ibid.  p.  343. 

*  Ariington's  Letters  (London.  1701)  II,  pp.  3:-,(>,  373- 

'Brit.  Mus.,Stowe  MSS.  256,  £f.  305-307;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  357, 
358. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


67 


remote  places  and  in  a  secret  manner,  the  English  govern- 
ment might  connive  at  it,  though  not  authorizing  it  until 
it  should  be  seen  to  what  degree  Spain  would  show  resent- 
ment. If  the  other  articles  of  the  American  treaty  of  1670 
were  observed  by  the  English,  and  if  this  trade  were  carried 
on  cautiously,  Godolphin  concluded,  Spain  might  overlook 
the  matter.  In  accordance  with  this  advice,  instructions 
were  sent  to  Lynch  to  permit  logwood  cutting  in  uninhabited 
places,  but  to  use  care  and  prudence  so  as  not  to  offend  the 
Spaniards.' 

Spain,  however,  did  not  overlook  this  matter.  Towards 
the  end  of  167 1 ,  a  Dutchman  named  Yellowes,  an  old  Jamaica 
privateer  of  considerable  notoriety,  who  had  entered  the 
service  of  Spain  and  was  employed  by  the  Governor  of 
Campeachy  to  break  up  this  trade,  seized  five  English  ships 
engaged  in  it.'  Subsequently,  more  logwood  vessels  were 
captured  by  this  Yellowes,  but  Governor  Lynch  refused  to 
take  any  notice  thereof,  because,  as  he  wrote, '  he  only  con- 
nives at  the  wood  cutting,  and  without  orders  dare  not 
direct  the  retaking  of  our  ships.'  *  These  seizures  were  but 
the  preliminary  to  even  greater  activity  on  the  part  of  the 
Sjxinish.  Not  only  were  vessels  actually  engaged  in  this 
trade  on  the  coast  of  Yucatan  seized,  but  also  others  guilt- 
less of  any  connection  with  it.  English  \essels  having  log- 
wood on  board  were  captured  on  the  high  seas  by  the  Spanish, 
even  though  this  logwood  had  been  purchased  in  Jamaica  or 
elsewhere.     In  some  instances  also,  ships  were  taken  wiih- 

'  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  382,  417.  '  Ibui.  pp.  298,  384,  401. 

•  Ibid.  pp.  420,  421. 


ri. 


68 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


fl 


out  even  this  excuse,  apparently  merely  because  they  were 
of  English  nationality.  It  was  said  in  1674  that  the  Span- 
iards had  seized  seventy-five  English  ships  since  the  treaty 
of  1670.'  Essentially  the  same  situation  had  arisen  that 
two  generations  later  brought  on  the  famous  war  of  1739 
between  England  a  d  Spain.  Although  the  EngUsh  had 
carried  on  this  trade  prior  to  167 .  and  with  this  object  had 
established  small  temporary  settlements  in  Yucatan,*  yet 
any  claim  of  right  on  this  score  was  of  questionable  legality 
and  certainly  would  have  been  resisted  by  Spain.  On  the 
other  hand,  logwood  was  not  contraband,  and  the  seizure  on 
the  high  seas  of  vessels  carrying  it  undoubtedly  violated 
English  rights.  On  this  point  especially,  England  made 
strong,  but  fruitless,  representations  to  Spain.  No  redress 
could,  however,  be  secured.* 

•  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  48s.  486,  50s.  S37-S39.  S5fr-SS9,  602,  608;  Win- 
throp  Papers  II,  pp.  iS3-iSS;  P-  C  Cal.  I,  pp.  577,  594,  S9S,  S98-601, 
607 ;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  20s,  J39,  261,  J63. 

*  According  to  Lynch,  the  best  logv  od  was  obtainable  in  "morose  and 
swampish"  lands  in  Yucatan,  where  it  was  impossible  to  settle.  The 
English  had  built  huts  there  for  the  convenience  o{  the  trade  and  in  1672 
had  cut,  so  Lynch  believed,  over  2000  tons.  C.  C.  1669-1674.  P-  426. 
According  to  a  deposition  sent  by  Lynch,  the  English  had  begun  this  trade 
just  prior  to  1670,  and  since  then  had  huts  and  100  to  200  people  resident 
there,  but  only  in  places  remote  from  any  Indians  or  Spanish.  Ibid.  p.  427. 
Cf.  Brit.  Mus.,  Egerton  MSS.  23QS,  ff-  481,  482.  According  to  other  testi- 
mony, 300  English  had  been  living  in  Yucatan  since  1666,  but  none  of  them 
within  43  leagues  of  any  Spanish  plantation.     C.  C.  166Q-1674,  pp.  556-559. 

'  On  Dec.  31, 1674,  Secretary  Coventry  wrote  to  Lord  Vaughan  that  the 
Council  had  not  yet  -lecided  what  to  do  about  the  claim  to  cut  logwood 
at  Campeachy;  that  there  were  many  arguments  pro  and  con,  but 
unquestionably  the  Spaniards  had  no  right  to  seize  English  vessels  carrying 
logwood.  IS  it  was  not  contraband.     Brit.  Mus.,  Add.  MSS.  25,1-0,  f.  43- 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


69 


The  matter  was  in  this  unsettled  state  when  Lord  Vaughan 
in  167  s  assumed  the  government  of  Jamaica.  What  docs 
most  injury,  he  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  Sir  Joseph 
Williamson,  was  that  their  right  of  cutting  log\vood  had  not 
been  determined.  As  a  result,  he  said,  the  trade  could 
neither  be  carried  on  profitably  nor  so  governed  as  to  cx- 


1 1  offected  if  England 
'»"-  ;."  I  Lii.  ■'nnex  it  to 
i'4'M  ;>  v  - .  1    laturally 


]ni  \u  'rs;  and, 
iiovv  ;  t.  lem,  the 
\  iin  ler  the  au- 
con  litions,  the 
irrc?  progressed 
supi'  •  jsprivateer- 


••c.- 


elude  strangers,  which  might  ea 
should  assert  its  title  to  this  pf  '  ( 
Jamaica.'  The  Spanish  seizi:  c  c 
led  to  a  revival  of  activity  "i  s  -^ ;  -  t  f 
as  the  English  colonial  of>i<<ji^  » Li- 
Jamaica  buccaneers  carr  mi  t  »-  r  - 
thority  of  French  commissim  ^  1  s  ' 
development  of  the  island's  agriruli  i 
slowly.  Governor  Lord  Vaughaii  t 
ing,  since  it  was  so  inimical  to  planting,  but  as  he  wrote : 
"These  Indies  are  so  vast  and  rich  and  this  kind  of  rapine  so 
sweet  that  it  is  one  of  the  hardest  things  in  the  world  to 
draw  those  from  it  which  have  used  it  so  long."  *    All 

See  also  ff.  47,  65.  On  July  23,  1675,  he  wrote  to  Sir  Henry  Morgan  at  Ja- 
maica: "I  hope  the  Spaniards  will  at  last  sec  their  own  Interest,  and  then 
they  will  be  wary  of  offending  ours  so  much  and  so  often  as  they  do,  th6  as 
yet  we  cannot  bragg  of  much  besides  words  obtained  from  them ;  But  that 
of  visiting  our  Sliips  and  taking  out  any  Goods  not  allowed  Counter'-ind  by 
the  Treaty,  his  Majesty  will  by  no  means  endure  and  hath  ace  ingiy 
declared  as  much  to  the  Spanish  Ambassador  here."  Ibid-  I.  50.  ^  dso 
Haring,  op.  cit.  pp.  207-211. 

'C.C.  1675-1676,  p.  282. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  368,  369.  At  the  same  time.  Governor  Atkins  of  Barbados 
wrote  to  Secretary  Williamson  that  Jamaica's  chiefest  dependence  was 
'  upon  a  difference  with  Spain  that  they  may  make  up  by  rapine  what  they 
cannot  obtain  by  industry.'    Ibid.  p.  ,>68. 


« 


I 


s 


' 


il 


I' 


I'', 


,i;i 


i 


70 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


efforts  of  the  English  colonial  authorities  to  suppress  the 
privateers  were  in  vain,  and  at  the  same  time  the  frequent 
seizures  *  made  by  Spain  did  not  break  up  the  logwood  trade, 
in  which  the  Jamaica  vessels  were  being  joined  by  an  increas- 
ingly large  number  from  New  England.'  Men  like  William 
Dampier,  then  at  the  outset  of  his  career,  readily  alternated 
between  log-cutting  and  buccaneering.  The  urgency  of  some 
settlement  of  the  disputed  right  to  cut  this  wood  was  be- 
coming daily  more  apparent.  In  1678,  Lord  Carlisle,  who 
had  succeeded  Lord  Vaughan  as  Governor  of  Jamaica,  wrote 
earnestly  to  Secretary  Coventry  about  the  necessity  of 
adjusting  this  matter.'  The  Lords  of  Trade,  however, 
rep(utcd  that  Spain  would  not  at  present  admit  of  any 
accommodation,  and  accordingly  in  1679  instructions  were 
sent  to  Cariisle  to  "discourage  as  much  as  in  him  lyeth 
all  Persons  under  his  Government  from  cutting  any  Log- 
wood at  Campeche,  or  any  other  part  of  the  King  of 
Spains  Dominions,  And  ...  to  induce  the  Privateers 
to  apply  themselves  to  Planting  upon  the  said  Island  of 
Jamaica."  ■• 
On  the  receipt  of  further  requests  from  Carlisle  that  this 

»  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  701,  704-706.  716-718 ;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  2g2. 

'  In  167,1,  Lynch  wrote  that  he  could  not  see  how  the  logwood  tr.i(lc  could 
he  long  continued  as  the  price  in  London  w.is  so  low,  the  freights  so  high, 
and  the  risk  so  great.  In  this,  however,  he  was  mistaken.  C.  C.  i66f)- 
1674,  pp.  4H5.  4S6.  In  167s,  Edward  Cranfield  reported  that  in  about  two 
ami  a  half  months,  seventeen  New  England  vessels  had  touched  at  Port 
Royal,  Jamaica.  Iwund   to   Campcachy   for  logwood.     C.  C.  1675-1676, 

pp.  .S14.  315- 

»  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  2S0,  281. 

*  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  814;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  34.?,  346- 


JAMAl     \   AND  THE   OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


71 


difficulty  with  Spain  be  adjusted,'  the  English  government 
decided  that,  as  Campeachy  was  within  the  Spanish  do- 
minions, no  settlement  could  be  sanctioned  there  without 
violating  the  treaty  with  Spain,  and  that  Carlisle  should 
govern  himself  by  the  instructions  issued  to  him  in  1679.* 
Despite  these  orders,  the  logwood  trade  still  continued 
and  with  it  the  mutual  hostilities  between  the  two  nations. 
In  addition,  the  Spaniards  now  seized  English  vessels  in  the 
Caribbean,  carrying  either  cacao  or  logwood,  on  the  unten- 
able theory  that  both  were  t>-pically  Spanish  products  that 
must  have  been  obtained  by  means  of  contraband  trade 
with  their  colonies.'  In  1680,  the  Jamaica  Council  wrote 
to  the  Lords  of  Trade  *  that  nothing  could  further  their 
trade  more  than  a  firm  and  uninterrupted  preservation  of 
the  peace  with  Spain,  but  that,  on  account  of  the  lack  of  an 
adequate  naval  force,  the  Governor  of  Jamaica  was  unable 
to  reduce  the  privateers.  They  maintained  that,  if  such  a 
peace  could  be  secured,  a  large  trade  in  English  manufactures 
could  be  carried  on  with  the  Spanish  colonies  through  the 
connivance  of  their  governors.'    The  naval  force  on  the 

'  C.  C.  1677-16S0.  pp.  3iq.  320. 

'  Ihiil.  pp.  364,  365  ;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  835,  836  In  1680,  C.irlislc  wa.s  also 
instructed  to  get  the  Jamaica  legisbture  to  pass  a  law  for  the  suppression  of 
|)rivateers. 

'  C.  C.  1677-16.S0,  pp.  406,  428,  42Q.  On  receipt  of  this  information,  the 
Lirds  of  Trade  recommended  that  speedy  satisfaction  and  redress  be  de- 
m:inde(i  of  Spain,  that  the  cacao  and  logwood  seized  be  restored,  and  that 
ill  future  English  ships  \>c  not  molested  for  such  reasons.  Ibid.  p.  471; 
1'.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  880.  881. 

*  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  531,  532. 

'On  account  of  the  heav'y  taxes  imposed  in  Spain  on  English  goods 
cxiwried  thence  to  the  Spanish  colonies,  the  merchants  in  the  English  co\- 


■d 


I 


72 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


li 


Jamaica  station,  one  or  two  frigates,  was  insufficient,  they 
added,  to  suppress  these  "  ravenous  vermin."  As  they  were 
disowned  by  the  English  authorities,  these  buccaneers 
acted  under  French  commissions.  Disregarding  these  facts, 
Spain  resented  their  English  nationality  and  laid  their 
"detestable  depredations"  at  England's  door,  treating  with 
horrible  cruelty  such  English  as  fell  into  their  clutches. 
Thus  was  kept  alive  the  bitter  animosity  between  the  two 
nations  in  the  West  Indies.' 

In  1 68 1,  Sir  Thomas  Lynch,  who  ten  years  before  had  been 
remarkably  successful  in  curbing  the  privateers,  was  again 
placed  in  charge  of  Jamaica.'  The  old  race  of  buccaneers 
had  virtually  disappeared.  Despite  their  lawlessness,  Mor- 
gan and  his  fellows  had  acted  under  regular  commissions,  and 
hence  their  deeds  were  those  of  a  lawful,  though  barbarous, 
guerilla  warfare.  In  the  eighties,  the  privateers  degenerated 
into  mere  pirates,  plundering  indiscriminately  the  commerce 
of  all  nations.  But  many  of  the  old  buccaneers,  like  Mor- 
gan himself,  being  unwilling  to  place  themselves  totally 
beyond  the  pale  of  the  law,  had  bandoned  their  roving  life 
of   adventure.      Rarely  did  they  settle  down  as  planters, 

onios  were  able  to  undersell  goods  imported  through  the  legitimate  channel. 

A  small  trade  of  such  nature  was  at  this  time  carried  on  from  Jamaica.     Sec 

also  )7»/</.  p.  630. 

'  In  1681,  Sir  Henr>'  Morgan,  the  Deputy-Governor  of  Jamaica,  reportnl 
that  the  Spaniards  continued  to  take  all  English  ships  that  they  could  master 
at  sea  or  circumvent  in  the  harbors,  refusing  all  reparation.  C.  C.  16S1- 
16S5,  pp.  s,  6.  See  also  ibid.  pp.  7.  8.  At  this  time,  Morgan  was  in  charge  of 
affairs  and  apparently  was  doing  his  utmost  to  suppress  his  former  asso- 
ciates, the  buccaneers.  Ilnd.  pp.  7,  8,  21,  22,  82,  87. 
'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  87,  113,  lis. 


JAMAICA   AND  THE  OUTLYING   ISLANDS  73 

Since  they  had  become  unfitted  for  so  routine  an  existence 
Numbers  had  engaged  in  the  logwood  trade,  but  in  1682 
Lynch  fo.bade  the  cutting  of  logwood  in  Carnpeachy  and 
consequently  for  the  time  being  this  field  was  no  longer 
open  to  them.'     At  this  time  nearly  all  the  old  privateers 
who  had  submitted  to  the  government's  orders  calling  them 
in,  were  engaged  in  a  clandestine  trade  from  Jamaica  to  the 
Spanish  colonies.    Twenty  Jamaica  sloops  were  said  to  be 
selling  negroes  and    European  goods  to  Spanish  America 
Lj-nch  ^vrote  to  England  that  all  the  privateers  would  submit, 
if  he  had  permission  to  connive  at  this  contraband  trade' 
But,  evidently  from  fear  of  offending  Spain,  the  Lords  of 
Trade  did  not  think  fit  that  the  desired  orders  should  be 
sent.'    To  some  extent  this  diminished  this  outlet  for  the  old 
buccaneers'  ener-^ies.     In  addition,  some  Englishmen  became 
outright  pirr  es.  and  with  their  Dutch,  Spanish,  and  French 
brethren,  harassed  peaceful  traders.    Especially  notorious 
at  this  time  was  a  Frenchman,  John  Hamlin,  in  the  ship 
U  Trompeuse,  whose  depredations  were  put  an  end   to 
m  1683.'    Early  in  that  year.  Lynch  wrote  to  Blathwayt  ^ 
that  Jamaica's  losses  through  these  pirates  were  intolerable 
and  fell  heavily  'on  a  young  Colony  with  a  voung  trade  ' 
All  the  efforts  of  the  energetic  Governor  to  suppress  them 
were  largely  frustrated    since    not    only  did   the   foreign 
colonies,  especially  the  French  one  in  Hispaniola,  give  these 
pirates  a  wiUing  refuge,  but  in  addition  the  English  conti- 
nental colonies,  prominently  South  Carolina,  welcomed  them 


'  C.  C.  16S1-1685,  p.  2S4. 

'Ihid.  pp.  456-459,  475-47;,  4S0-404.  519-5^1. 


'  /'"•'/.  p.  ^75. 

*  /W'/.  pp.  391-397- 


' 


ii 

t'      i 
''      It 


-      Ii 


|i 


r 

* 

Iff 


!H 


74 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


and  asked  no  indiscreet  questions  about  the  source  of  their 
cargoes.^    Although  Jamaica  had  been  the  headquarters  of 
the  English  buccaneers,  the  colony  had  no  sympathy  with 
these  pirates,  who  seized  its  trading  and  fishing  vessels  and 
retarded  its  development."    The  colonial  Assembly  passed 
a  stringent  law  against  them,  which  was  so  satisfactory  that 
the   English   government  in    1684   ordered  aU  the   other 
colonies  to  use  this  as  a  model  and  to  enact  Uke  measures.^ 
Despite  L>'nch's  orders  to  the  contrary  and  the  insistent 
opposition  of  Spain,  the  logwood  trade  was  still  continued, 
over  twenty  vessels  being  engaged  in  it  in  1687.*    A  largo 
proportion  of  this  logwood  was  shipped  directly  from  Jamaic  a 
and  New  England  to  continental  European  ports,  such  as 
Hamburg  and  Amsterdam.^    Logwood  was  placed  among 

I  In  .684  Lynch  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade :  'I  have  formerly  adviscnl 
you  that  our  laws  against  privateers  neither  discourage  nor  lessen  them  nvIuIc 
they  have  such  retreats  as  Carolina,  Now  England,  and  other  CoIouk.. 
They  have  permitted  Jacob  HaU  (of  the  only  English  ship  that  was  at  \  .ra 
C-ruz)  to  come  to  Carolina,  where  he  is  free,  as  all  such  are;  and  thereU.rc 
they  caU  it  Puerto  Franco.  The  colonists  are  now  fuU  of  pirates'  mon>y. 
and  from  Boston  I  hear  that  the  privateers  have  brought  in  8o,cxx>  /.'  (  .  <  ^ 
.6S.-16S5,  p.  50S.  See  also  S.  C.  Hughson,  The  Carolina  Pirates  an<l 
Colonial  Commerce,  1670-1740.  pp-  18-21- 

=  C.C.  168,-1685.  pp.  657,  687.  7:1.  7.S,S,  765,  766;  C.  C.  ,685-1688.  pp 

357,  4„,v4Q4.  540.  54>- 

'  V  C.  Cal.  I.  p.  7M\   C.  C.  ,677   16.^0,  pp.  ?i6,  217.  21Q.   f  •  <- .  if'-O 
1685.  p.  82;    No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I.  pp.  347.  ,uS ;   Conn.  Col    Rcc    III,  fP 

<  (■  O   I  '60.  28;  C.  C.  168:   1688.  p.  361. 

'■  In  x(-2.  T.vnrh  reportnl  that  he  ha<l  heard  there  were  at  Boston  (.oc 
tons  of  logw.K)d  which,  •vvilh  ,lhcr  .\merican  goods,  it  is  reported  they  .cvA 
to  tomgn  markets'  C.  C,  ,66,,  ,6/4.  p.  4.'6.  Ten  years  later,  l.-.r.h 
s.at.d  that  most  of  thi.  ligwood  was  earned  to  Hamburg.  HoUaixl  N^^ 


f 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS  75 

the  enumerated  commodities  by  the  Navigation  Act  of 
1660;  and  the  question  now  arose,  whether  or  no  the  prod- 
ucts of  the  EngUsh  settlements  in  Yucatan  were  included 
within  this  provision.    In  1686,  one  of  these  traders  to  the 
Bay  of  Honduras,  anchored  at  the  mouth  of  Port  Royal 
Jamaica,  preliminary  to  sailing  for  some  foreign  port  with 
his  logwood.    As  no  bond  had  been  given  to  carry  this 
commodity  to  England  or  its  colonies,   the  Lieutenant- 
Governor,  Render  Molesworth,  ordered  the  seizure  of  the 
vessel.    The  owners,  however,  protested  that  they  were 
not  within  the  compass  of  the  enumeration  clauses  of  the 
Navigation  Act,  since  Honduras  was  not  an  English  colony 
In  this  claim  they  were  undoubtedly  correct,  as  England 
nether  exercised  nor  claimed  sovereignty  over  the  log^vood 
settlements,  and  as  the  Navigation  Act  enumerated  only 
English  colonial  products.     To  this,  however,  Molesworth 
rcpheci  that  then  they  were  robbers  and  might  be  seized 
as  such,  for  unless  they  considered  this  region  an  English 
colony,  they  had  no  right  to  cut  logwood  there       "You 
had  better,"  he  said,  "own  it  to  bee  a  Plantation  belong- 
•ng  to   his   Ma'^   &   soe   u-ithin  the   Act,  than  bring  yo' 
Selves  vmkr  worse  rircumstances."     On  this  threat,  the 
"••■ners  submitted,  ami   immediatdy  thereafter  this  vessel 
^vas  seized  as  unfree  (it  had  a  certificate  of  freedom  within 
the  tropies),  but  on  trial  it  ^ns  released.' 
■'his  case  naturally  came  before  tiic  English  government. 

England,  an,l  other  plac,..  •  whi,  h  .njurcs  u.  and  the  customs  and  trade  of 
'"<■  !..iti,).,.      (  .  (  ,  ,6Si-i68s.  P    J.S4. 

'CO.  1/60,  2S;   C.  C.  .685   ,6SS,,.   361. 


I 

I 


If 


'  *! 


ri 


f* 


76 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


The  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  reported  in  1687  that 
the  colonial  governors  should  be  ordered  strictly  to  enforce 
the  Acts  of  Trade,  "and  Particularly  to  take  especial  Care 
to  the  Utmost  of  their  Power,  that  no  Ship  be  Suffered  to 
pass  with  any  Logwood  coming  from  the  Bay  on  any  Pre- 
tence whatsoever,  without  being  duly  qualified  and  giving 
Bond  to  bring  the  Same  to  England,  Wales  or  Berwick  or 
to  Some  of  His  Ma^  Plantations  as  is  provided  by  Law." ' 
Obviously,  such  an  order  would  merely  result  in  the  direct 
shipment   of  the   logwood   from  Yucatan  to  continental 
Europe,  and  it  might  even  destroy  the  English  logwood 
trade,  as  most  of  the  ships  engaged  in  it  were  not  free 
under  the   Navigation  Act.^      The   English  government 
desired  neither  of  these  eventualities,  and  in  its  dilemma 
appealed  to  the  law  officers.    The  Attorney-General,   Sir 
Thomas  Powys,   did  not  enter  Into  the   legal  question, 
whether  or  no  such  logwood  came  within  the  scope  of 
the  enumeration  clauses,  but  stated  that,  if  such  vessels 
lad  traded  within  the  Spanish  dommions  in  violation  of 
\c  treaty  of  1670,  they  might  be  punished  for  so  doing.' 
i  he  Solicitor-General,  Sir  William  WilUams,  agreed  with 
this  opinion  and  stated  that,  if  vessels  had  traded  contran- 
to  a  treaty,  "the  King  may  by  his  royal  Authority  seize 
the  Offending  Shipps  in  order  to  their  condemnation  or 
punishment."  *    As  the  seizure  of   ships  on   this  ground 

•  C.  O.  i,?8/5.  ff  .P6-,V8 ;  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  303. 

'  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  484. 

'  C.  O.  1/62,  22;  Brit.  Mus.,  Add.  MSS.  jo.-'iS,  fT.  1,15-1.^7- 

«  C.  0   I,  62,  2i ;   Brit.  Mus.,  .VW.  MSS.  30.21S,  ff.  137,  «38. 


E 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


77 


would  have  been  equivalent  to  a  renunciation  of  whatever 
rights  England  might  have  had  in  Yucatan  and  would  have 
gravely  prejudiced  her  case  against  Spain;  and  as  England 
was  as  yet  not  ready  to  assert  her  sovereignty  over  this 
region,  the  matter  was  with  characteristically  English 
common  sense  not  pushed  to  any  logical  conclusion,  but  for 
the  time  being  was  left  in  abeyance.' 

'  The  indeterminate  status  of  these  logwood  settlements  brought  up  this 
question  on  several  subsequent  occasions.  In  i6qq.  the  English  consul  at 
Venice  wrote  to  the  English  government  that  an  English  vessel  had  arrived 
there  directly  from  Honduras  with  thirty  tons  of  log\%'ood.  The  Board  of 
Trade,  to  whom  the  matter  had  been  referred,  asked  the  law  officers  whether, 
since  Honduras  was  "no  part  of  his  Maj"  plantacons,"  there  was  any  law 
against  a  ship  engaging  in  this  trade.  The  Attorney  and  Solicitor  General 
reported  that,  as  Honduras  was  not  an  English  colony,  there  was  no  law 
against  such  logwood  being  carried  directly  to  Venice,  "unless  the  Ship  doth 
belong  unto  some  of  his  Maj-  plantations."  The  statute  referred  to  was 
22  &  23  Ch.  II,  c.  26, §  vii,  which  provided  that,  in  case  any  vessel  belonging 
to  the  colonies  should  have  unloaded  any  of  the  enumerated  commodities  in 
any  place  in  Europe  other  than  England,  "such  Shipp  or  Vessell  shall  be 
forfeited."  In  their  report  to  the  Lords  Justices,  after  pomting  out  that 
Honduras  was  not  an  English  colony  and  that  logwood  might  be  cut  there  by 
any  nation,  the  Board  of  Trade  said :  "It  seems  some  sort  of  hardship  that 
Englishmen  should  not  have  the  same  liberty  as  others  to  reap  any  Advan- 
tage that  may  be  made  by  y*  Trade."  They,  however,  added  that  the  .Act 
of  167 1  laid  a  greater  restraint  on  colonial  than  on  English  ships  and  was 
designed  to  secure  the  enforcement  of  the  enumeration  clauses,  and,  as  it 
was  'highly  Necessary  that  the  utmost  Care  &  Walchfullness  be  constantly 
imployed  for  preventing  of  that  pernicious  Practice  '  (i.e.  the  evasion  of  the 
inumcration  clauses),  they  suggested  that  this  vessel  be  prosecuted  whenever 
It  should  arrive  in  England.  Orders  to  this  effect  were  accordingly  issued  to 
ilu-  Commissioners  of  the  Customs.  C.  O.  ^80/  16,  ff.  50,?.  .?04,  308,  344, 
>l  ;  P.  ('.  t  al.  II.  p.  345.  Two  years  later,  a  similar  case  came  up  in 
I  nn  rtion  with  an  Engi.sh  ship  that  had  brought  logwood  to  Leghorn. 
The  Board  of  Trade  reputed  its  former  report,  and  the  Commissioners  of 
the  Customs  were  again  instructed  to  prosecute  the  vessel  on  arrival  in  Eng- 


5      t 


> ! 
I 
■    I 


n 


If  '' 


78 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Thus,  in  spite  of  the  conclusion  of  peace  with  Spain  in 
1670,  hostilities  between  the  two  nations  were  of  almost 
daUy  occurrence  in  the  West  Indies.  Instead  of  settling 
down  as  planters,  many  Jamaicans  found  it  more  lucrati\  e 
to  prey  upon  Spanish  commerce.  Others  engaged  in  the 
logwood  trade  to  Yucatan,  or  clandestinely  sold  their 
European  wares  to  the  Spanish  colonies  in  the  Caribbean 
and  on  the  Main.    These  factors  hampered  the  agricultural 

Und.    The  Customs,  however,  reported  'o  the  Treasury  that  they  had  read 
the  clause  in  the  Act  of  167 1,  under  which  the  Board  of  Trade  claimed  that 
this  vessel  was  forfeited,  and  that  it  seemed  doubtful  to  them  whether  colo- 
nial ships  were  restrained  by  it  from  loading  logwood  in  the  Bay  of  Cam- 
peachy,  "supposing  that  to  be  a  foreign  PlanUUon,"  and  then  to  carry  it  to 
a  foreign  country,  "more  than  Other  English  Shipping,"  since  the  former  p;iri 
of  the  clause,  as  weU  as  the  entire  statute  and  also  the  other  Acts  of  Trade, 
referred  only  to  English  colonial  producU  and  not  to  those  of  foreign  colonics. 
Therefore,  as  the  case  seemed  doubtful,  before  ordering  the  prosecution  of 
the  vessel,  they  requested  the  opinion  of  the  King's  Counsel.    Sir  Edward 
Northey,  the  Attorney-General,  reported  that  he  was  "  Doublf ull  whether  the 
Ship  may  not  be  forfeited  by  the  Statute"  of  1671,  and  advised  that,  if  the 
vessel  belonged  to  the  colonies,  it  be  prosecuted  on  iU  return  to  England,  so 
that  the  matter  might  be  judicially  determined  in  the  Court  of  Exchequer. 
Brit.  Mus.,  Hargrave  MSS.  231,  fl.  10-12;  C.  O.  389/17.  «•  231-235- 
Somewhat  over  ten  years  later,  the  question  arose  again  in  a  somewhat 
different  shape.     An  English  ship  arrived  in  New  England  from  the  Bay  of 
Campcachy  with  logwoo.l,  and  being  leaky,  with  the  permission  of  the 
Boston  customs  officials,  transferred  this  logwood  to  another  vessel,  which 
then  cleared  for  the  Mediterranean.    Thereupon,  the  Surveyor  (Icnerul  oi 
the  Cu.sloms,  BirchfeUd,  seized  this  vessel,  on  the  ground  that  the  Act  ol  M,o 
enumerated  logwood  and  that  the  duties  imposed  by  the  Act  of  167  5  ''n 
1  V.W0...I  shipped  from  one  English  colony  to  another  had  not  been  paul 
in  17.4,  the  Attomey-C«:neral.  Sir  Edward  Northey.  gave  his  unquahn,,! 
opinion  that  the  two  statutes  in  question  referred  only  to  EnRlish  clonal 
produce,  and  that,  as  this  was  foreign  loRw.iod.  the  ship  and  cargo  were  noi 
lialile  to  forfeiture.     Brit.  Mus..  Hargrave  MSS.  275,  fi.  16,  17;  M'-  "• 
136,  137  ;  Add.  MSS.  8832,  ff.  198-200. 


i 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


79 


i 
I 


..1. 


development  of  the  island.'    The  white  population  in  part 

found  these  other  pursuits  more  attractive;  and,  when  the 

Jamaica   authorities  refused   any   longer   to   countenance 

privateering,  numbers  left  the  island  in  tirder  to  secure 

French  commissions.    At  the  same  time,  on  account  of  these 

incessant  hostilities  and  the  depredatlms of  the  pirates, few 

settlers  were  attracted  to  Jamaica.    In  somewhat  under 

eight  full  years,  from  1671  to  1679,  5396  white  immigrants 

arrived,  of  whom   at   least   one-quarter  left    the    island 

again.     On  the  other  hand,  during  this  period  nearly  12,000 

negroes  were  imported.*    The  slave  population,  which  at 

the  time  of  the  Restoration  was  about  500,  had  risen  to 

approximately  9000  in  1675.'    Thanks  to  this  labor,  the 

development  of  the  island's  resources  made  considerable 

headway,  even  in  the  face  of  the  existing  handicaps. 

Until  167 1,  the  chief  staple  of  Jamaica  was  cacao,  but  in 
that  year  the  trees  became  blighted  beyond  possibility  of 
recovery,  and  the  attempt  to  plant  anew  met  with  meagre 
success.*  Thereafter,  the  chief  products  exported  were 
sugar,  indigo,  and  cotton.  In  1672,  Governor  Lynch  wrote 
to  the  Council  for  Trade  and  Plantations'  that  Jamaica 
was  more  flourishing  than  ever,  and  was  likely  to  produce 
abundance  of  good  sugars,  some  indigo,  but  no  cacao. 
The  following  year,'  he  stated  that,  if  Jamaica  had  easy 

'  Cf.  C.  C.  i66q-i674,  p.  298- 

«C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  344.  'C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  314- 31.V 

♦  C.  C.  1660-1674,  pp.  2\fi,  23q,  241,  263,  264,  300,  385,  386,  426  i  Dalby 
Thomus,  op.  cU;  in  Harleian  Miscellany  II.  pp.  353.  354. 
'C.  C.  1660-1674,  pp.  330  341. 

'  c.  o.  1/30, 19;  c.  c.  1669-1674,  pp.  476-478. 


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THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


government,  were  defended  from  enemies,  were  well  sup- 
plied with  negroes  and  servants,  and  had  no  privateering, 
in  six  years  it  might  produce  as  much  sugar  as  Barbados, 
and  that  in  time  their  other  products  —  such  as  indigo, 
hides,  and  wood  —  would  be  worth  even  more  than  their 
sugar.  Such  a  flourishing  condition  was  as  yet  still  far 
distant.  In  1675,'  Jamaica  was  accurately  described  as 
being  still  in  its  infancy.  There  were  then  seventy  large 
sugar-works  in  the  island  and  forty  more  were  building. 
The  ground,  being  new,  yielded  per  acre  a  larger  quantity, 
and  it  was  even  claimed  a  better  quality,  of  sugar  than 
did  Barbados.'  The  output  of  the  colony  was  continually 
expanding  at  a  promising,  if  not  at  a  phenomenally  rapid, 
rate.  During  this  decade,  the  experts  of  sugar  averaged 
annually  1000  tons,  those  of  indigo  were  about  40  tons,  and 
in  addition  there  were  exported  considerable  quantities  of 
ginger,  fustic,  logwood,  pimento,  cotton,  and  hides.'    This 


'  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  314,  315.  At  this  time,  the  price  of  sugar  in  Ja- 
maica was  iSs.  to  20s.  a  cwt.,  that  of  pimento  gd.  a  lb.,  that  of  indigo  2s.  bd. 
alb. 

»  The  Governor  of  Barbados.  Sir  Jonathan  Atkins,  did  not  have  so  favor- 
able an  opinion  of  Jamaica.  In  1676,  he  wrote  that  the  land  was  very- 
sterile  and  would  not  last  over  three  years  if  planted  with  sugar-cant-. 
C.  C.  1675-1676.  p.  368.  At  the  same  time,  Lord  Vaughan,  the  colony's 
Governor,  wrote  that  he  had  no  doubt  that  in  a  few  years  Jamaica  would 
prove  a  most  hopeful  and  thriving  colony.  Ibid.  pp.  368,  369.  According 
to  another  account.  Jamaica  was  not  generally  so  fertile  or  proper  for  sugar 
as  was  Barbados.     The  Present  State  of  Jamaica  (.London,  1683),  p.  2. 

'  From  June  25,  1671,10  March  25,  167Q,  the  exports  consisted  of:  sugar 
7637J  tons,  cacao  44J  tons,  indigo  305  tons,  ginger  177  tons,  fustic  2357 
tons,  loRwood  5 IK)  tons,  tobacco  43}  tons, pimento  134J  tons, hides  38,587, 
cotton  S76  bags.     C.  C.  1677-16S0,  p.  344. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


8t 


was  a  considerable  improvement  on  the  record  of  the  first 
ten  years  after  the  Restoration,  but  the  advance  in  the 
eighties  was  still  more  marlted.  During  the  four  years 
from  1680  to  1684,  Jamaica  shipped  to  England  on  an 
average  8000  hogsheads  of  sugar  annually,  besides  compara- 
tively large  quantities  of  cotton,  ginger,  indigo,  logwood, 
fustic,  and  hides.  During  the  following  five  years,  nearly 
12,000  hogsheads  of  sugar  were  annually  exported  to  Eng- 
land.' The  island  was  at  this  time  on  a  firm  economic 
basis,  and,  although  not  as  yet  so  important  commercially  as 
its  smaller  rival  Barbados,  it  was  in  some  degree  answering 
the  great  expectations  aroused  by  its  conquest  from  Spain.' 
In  general,  Jamaica's  trade  took  the  same  course  as  that 
of  the  other  West  Indian  islands.'    The  bulk  of  its  exiwrts 

'  Full  details,  Ldsed  on  the  naval  oflBcc  lisU,  arc  available,  but  the  fact 
must  not  be  lost  sight  of,  that  these  accounU  are  not  absolutely  reliable. 
See  Bodleian,  Rawlinson  MS.S,,  B  250,  S.  59,  60;  C.  O.  14^/13;  C.  O. 
300/6,  ff.  31-34.  Cf.  also  Richard  Blome,  The  Present  State  of  America 
(London,  1687),  pp.  13,  14.  Ten  years  later,  each  Jamaica  hogshead  con- 
tained approximately  7  cwt.  House  of  Lords  MSS.,  1600-170^,  IV, 
P  444- 

'C/.  Brit.  Mus.,  Sloane  MSS.  3861,  f.  67^  From  Dec.  15,  1697,  to 
Sept.  3Q,  1700,  Jamaica  exported  to  England  32,438  hogsheads  and 
980  barrels  of  sugar.  Barbados  shipped  more  to  England  in  two  years. 
From  March  25,  i6g8,  to  March  25,  1700.  this  colony's  exports  to  England 
amounted  to  33.788  hogsheads,  7940  barrels,  and  2646  tierces  of  sugar. 
Moreover,  the  Jamaica  hogsheads  contained  only  about  7  cwi.,  as  opposed 
to  10  cwt.  in  those  of  Barbados.  The  imports  from  Jamaica  into  England 
in  the  year  beginning  Sept.  20,  1697,  amounted  to  £189,566,  as  opposed  to 
£308,089  from  Barbados.  The  exports  from  England  were,  however,  more 
nearly  equal;  those  to  Barbados  were  £146,849,  those  to  Jamaica  £120,774. 
House  of  Lords  MSS.,  1609-1702,  IV',  pp.  444-447. 

'  Full  details  are  available  in  the  naval  office  lists  from  1685  to  1705. 


MICROCOrV  RBOIUTION  TiST  CHAIT 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


A  APPLIED  ^J\A3El     Inc 

^K  '653  Eosl   Mom   Sl>e«l 

S^S  Ffochester.    New    York         U609       USA 

^S  ("6)  ♦82  -  0300  -  Phone 

^S  ("6)  2M  -  5989  -  Fo« 


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THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


went  to  England/  whence  were  obtained  in  return  all  sorts 
of  manufactures,  especially  wearing  apparel  and  utensils, 
as  well  as  some  provisions  and  liquors  —  beer,  cider,  French 
wines,  and  brandy.  Apart  from  the  native  rum,  the  chief 
beverage  of  the  richer  planters  in  Jamaica,  as  in  the  other 
colonies,  was,  however,  wine  from  the  Madeiras.^  From 
Ireland  were  imported  servants  and  food-stuflfs  —  pork, 
butter,  flour,  biscuit,  bacon,  and  grain.  The  continental 
colonies  supplied  Jamaica  with  lumber,  horses,  fish,  and  pro- 
visions in  general.  But,  as  in  the  main  the  New  England 
traders  refused  merchandise  and  demanded  money  in  pay- 
ment, this  trade  was  not  favored  by  Jamaica.'  From 
Yucatan  and  the  other  Spanish  colonies  were  secured  log- 
wood, hides,  and  cacao,  which  were  again  reexported.*  In 
addition,  Jamaica  had  a  miscellaneous  trade  with  Barbados 
and  the  other  English  islands,  as  well  as  with  the  French  and 
Dutch  colonies.  The  European  trade  was  carried  on  in 
English  ships,  that  from  the  contmental  colonies  mainly  in 
New  England  vessels  of  far  less  burden,  while  Jamaica's 
small  fleet  of  sloops  was  engaged  in  catching  turtles  and 


See  C.  0. 142  / 13.    Cf.  also  Brit.  Mus.,  Sloane  MSS.  3984,  ff.  20.  ^09 ;  C.  C. 
1675-1676,  pp.  314,  31S,  342-344- 

•  During  the  year  from  March  25,  1683,  to  March  25,  1684,  there  were 
exported  to  England  from  Jamaica  in  61  ships  9803  hogsheads  of  sugar,  1367 
bags  of  cotton  and  200  barrels  of  indigo.  During  the  same  period,  24  vessels 
took  302  hogsheads  and  5  barrels  of  sugar,  96  bags  of  cotton,  17I  tons  and  36 
barrels  of  molasses,  and  3!  tons  of  rum  to  the  other  English  colonies.  C.  O. 
390/6,  £[.31-34. 

'  The  Present  State  of  Jamaica  (London,  1683),  p.  22. 

»  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  342-344;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  319,  320. 

♦  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  284. 


JAMAICA  AND   THE  OUTLYLVG  ISLANDS  83 

fish,  in  conveying  the  logwood  cutters  to  Yucatan,  and  in 
evading  the  strict  laws  forbidding  foreigners  to  trade  with 
Spanish  America.* 

In  marked  contradistinction  to  Barbados,  Jamaica  did 
not  register  any  complaints  against  the  Acts  of  Trade  and 
Navigation.  When  these  laws  were  enacted,  the  economic 
life  of  the  colony  had  barely  begun,  and  hence  no  vested 
interests  were  dislocated  and  no  painful  readjustment  was 
necessary.  The  industries  developed  under  the  restrictive 
system;  and,  as  no  knowledge  was  had  of  unfettered  condi- 
tions, no  grievance  was  felt.  While  Governors  of  Barbados, 
like  the  WiUoughbys  and  Atkins,  were  fearlessly  outspoken 
in  their  condenmation  of  the  commercial  system,  equally 
public-spirited  and  well-informed  officials  in  Jamaica,  such 
as  Modyford  and  Lynch,  virtually  ignored  this  phase  of  the 
colonial  problem.^ 

'  In  1676,  it  was  said  that  Jamaica  owned  about  60  or  70  vessels,  which 
were  employed  in  fetching  logwood  and  salt,  in  '  turtling,'  etc.     Some  sloops 
traded  with  the  French  for  hides,  meat,  and  tobacco,  and  some  with  the 
Spaniards  and  Dutch.    At  this  time,  the  Deputy- Governor,  Sir  Henry 
Morgan,  forbade  trade  with  the  French  and  Spaniards.    C.  C.  1675-1676, 
PP-  342-345-    In  1679,  Lord  CarUsle  urged  that  the  French  in  Hispaniola 
be  aUowed  to  bring  cacao  and  money  to  Jamaica  for  English  manufactures. 
In  this  connection  the  Lords  of  Trade  recommended  that  he  be  reminded  that 
the  Act  of  Navigation,  which  he  had  sworn  to  obey,  prohibited  such  trade, 
and  added  that  a  "Publick  AUowance  of  a  Trade  either  with  the  Span- 
iards or  French,  would  afford  matter  of  Offence  to  those  Kings  who  are  so 
strict  in  prohibiting  any  Trafick  with  Strangers."    C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  319, 
320,  364,  36s ;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  83s,  836.    See  also  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  344.' 
In  1682,  Lynch  said  that  Jamaica  had  about  20  sloops  of  from  15  to  45  tons. 
C.  C.  1681-1685,  P-  284. 

'  On  this  point.  Lynch  merely  said  that  the  only  obstruction  to  trade  was 
the  want  of  servants  and  slaves,  and  that  had  aU  nations  permission  to  bring 


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THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Although  Jamaica  did  not  register  any  complaints  against 
the  Acts  of  Trade,  their  effect  was  apparently  only  to  a  very 
slight  extent  mitigated  by  illegal  practices.  Making  all  due 
allowances  for  the  impossibility  of  determining  such  a  ques- 
tion precisely,  there  were  seemingly  but  few  evasions  of  the 
law  in  Jamaica.  Some  of  the  ships  owned  in  the  colony  were 
not  fully  quahfied  under  the  strict  terms  of  the  Navigation 
Act,  but  this  violation  of  the  law  was  largely  a  technical 
one.'  Occasionally  also,  a  vessel  from  one  of  the  neighboring 
foreign  colonies,  especially  from  French  Hispaniola,  c  cne  to 
Jamaica.*  Apart  from  these  and  the  Spanish  ships  that  were 
authorized  to  fetch  slaves  in  Jamaica,  foreign  ships  did  not 
trade  to  the  island.'  Edward  Cranfield,  better  known  from 
his  later  connection  with  New  Hampshire,  reported  posi- 
tively to  this  effect  in  1675.*  Similarly,  the  enumeration 
clauses  and  the  Staple  Act  were  carefully  enforced.*    The 

them,  they  would  not  'feel  those  lesser  obstructions  laid  on  them  by  Act  of 
Parliament,'  that  is,  12  Ch.  II,  c.  18  and  15  Ch.  II,  c.  7.  C.  C.  1669-1674, 
p.  304. 

'  See  ante,  Vol.  I,  pp.  68,  69. 

"  In  1671,  Lynch  reported  that  every  English  ship  paid  iid.  a  ton,  every 
foreign  one  2s.    C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  304. 

»  Before  the  government  of  Jamaica  had  been  settled,  in  1661,  the  Crom- 
wellian  Governor,  Doyley,  against  the  advice  of  the  Council,  allowed  a  Dutch 
vessel  to  trade,  saying  that  the  only  penalty  was  loss  of  his  ofTice  which 
he  had  virtually  lost  already.  Captain  VVhiteing  of  H.M.S.  Diamond  then 
seized  the  vessel,  but  was  dispossessed  by  the  Governor  This  seizure  led 
to  protracted  disputes.  C.  O.  1/15,  31,  f.  15;  C.  O.  1/16,  30,  31;  C.  C. 
1661-1668,  nos.  106,  253,  461,  594,  599,  641,  643,  672. 

^  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  314,  315.  In  1681,  Sir  Henry  Morgan  reported 
that  ■  the  bare  ship '  of  an  interloping  slave-trader  was  seized  by  the  Naval 
Officer,  'by  virtue  of  the  Act  of  Navigation.'    C.  C.  1681-1685,  P-  6. 

5  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  342-344- 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


85 


bulk  of  the  island's  produce  was  shipped  to  England,  where 
also  were  obtained  nearly  all  the  European  goods  consumed. 
There  was  some  importation  of  French  commodities  from 
Hispaniola,*  but  this  was  apparently  of  slight  importance. 
In  general,  the  authorities  were  careful  about  enforcing  the 
laws.'^  Thus,  when  in  1687  the  Spanish  agent  for  the  Assiento 
in  Jamaica  petitioned  the  local  authorities  for  permission  to 
export  some  of  the  island's  produce,  especially  sugar  which 
was  cheaper  in  Jamaica  than  in  Cuba,  Lieutenant-Governor 
Molesworth  refused  his  assent,  as  this  trade  was  illegal.' 

Situated  to  the  north  of  Cuba  is  a  long  Une  of  small  coral 
islands,  collectively  known  as  the  Bahamas.  During  the 
Civil  War  in  England,  Eleuthera,  one  of  the  islands  of  this 
group,  had  been  occupied  by  settlers  from  the  Bermudas.* 
Somewhat  over  twenty  years  later,  in  1666,  another  of  these 

*  During  the  course  of  the  constitutional  struggle,  Jamaica  passed  a  tem- 
porary revenue  law  containing  among  other  duties  one  on  French  wines. 
The  Lords  of  Trade  wrote  that  they  could  not  understand  the  imposition  of 
this  duty,  as  it  was  'inconsistent  with  existing  Acts  of  Parliament.'  In 
reply.  Lord  CarUslc  stated  that  the  Assembly  had  insisted  on  continuing 
these  duties.    C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  470,  518. 

'  The  accounts  of  Sir  Thomas  Lynch  passed  in  the  Jamaica  Council  in 
1687  showed  that  five  ships  and  some  piratical  goods  were  condemned  in  the 
Admiralty  Court,  and  also  four  ships  in  the  common  law  courts.  The  total 
appraised  value  of  these  seizures  was  very  low,  the  Crown's  one- third 
amounting  to  only  £178.  C.  O.  1/61,  42.  In  1688,  Albemarle  wrote  that 
he  had  seized  two  Spanish  sloops  for  illegal  trading,  of  which  one  on  trial 
had  been  cleared  by  the  Admiralty  Judge  and  the  other  would  be  tried  in 
open  court.  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  525,  530.  In  1688,  a  Dutch  vessel  was 
seized  and  condemned  in  Jamaica  for  trading  contrary  to  the  Act  of  Naviga- 
tion.   C.  O.  140/4,  ff.  255-257;  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  621. 

»  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  jS7. 

*  Beer,  Origins,  p.  380;  Lucas,  West  Indies,  pp.  15,  16. 


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THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


islands,  New  Providence,  was  peopled  from  the  same  source. 
In  1668,  these  settlers,  then  numbering  250,  applied  to  Gov- 
ernor Modyford  of  Jamaica,  who  issued  a  commission  and 
instractions  to  their  elected  Governor,  John  Wentworth, 
until  the  King's  pleasure  should  be  known.*    In  the  mean- 
while,  there  developed   a   faction   opposed   to   Governor 
Wentworth;   and  at  its  head  were  his  brother  Hugh  and 
John  Dorrell.    In  1670,''  these  two  men  wrote  to  Lord 
Ashley,  one  of  the  Carolina  proprietors,  that,  having  heard 
of  his  desire  to  promote  new  plantations,  they  desired  to 
call  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  people  were  emigrating 
from  the  Bermudas,  then  already  over-populated,  and  had 
settled  New  Providence,  which  produced  'good  cotton  and 
gallant  tobacco. '    They  further  suggested  that  Ashley  should 
obtain  a  grant  of  the  Bahamas,  so  that  they  might  be  gov- 
erned according  to  His  Majesty's  laws.'     Accordingly,  the 
proprietors  of  Carolina  secured  a  patent  for  the  Bahamas, 
and  Ashley  wrote  to  Hugh  Wentworth  and  John  Dorrell, 
thanking  them  for  their  willingness  to  put  themselves  and 
the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  of   New  Providence  into  his 
hands.     Not  being  fully  informed  as  to  the  situation,  and 

»  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  403.    Cf.  pp.  432, 444.  « Ibid.  p.  56. 

'  On  Sept.  9,  1670,  that  is.  after  steps  had  been  taken  to  secure  the 
patent,  Governor  Sayle  and  the  Council  wrote  from  Carolina  to  the  Pro- 
prietors that  the  Bahamas  had  been  recently  settled,  but  that  no  patent 
covering  them  had  as  yet  been  issued.  They  "may  be  worthy  yo''  Hon" 
care  to  take  notice  of,"  the  letter  continued,  "for  from  thence  wee  can  be 
supplyed  with  salt  &  shipps  goeing  home  without  freight  (if  any  such  should 
be)  may  take  in  a  loading  of  Brazellettoe  wood."  So.  Ca.  Hist.  Soc.  Collec- 
tions V,  p.  180;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  86  ;  A.  S.  SaUey,  Narratives  of  Early 
Carolina,  p.  124. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


87 


confusing  Hugh  Wentworth  with  his  brother,  the  popularly 
elected  Governor,  the  proprietors  appointed  the  former 
chief  magistrate.'  Before  this  error  could  lead  to  serious 
consequences,  Hugh  died,  and  in  the  fall  of  167 1  John 
Wentworth  succeeded  to  his  post.* 

As  in  Carolina,  so  in  the  Bahamas,  the  chief  economic 
interest  of  the  proprietors  was  in  the  production  of  such 
commodities  as  were  not  indigenous  to  England  and  which 
had  to  be  imported  from  foreign  nations.  Special  stress 
was  laid  on  the  production  of  cacao,  which  up  to  that  time  had 
proven  a  very  remunerative  staple  in  Jamaica;  and  great 
interest  was  taken  in  the  possibility  of  securing  in  New 
Providence  a  dyeing-wood,  known  as  braziletto  from  its 
usual  place  of  origin.'  In  order  to  secure  some  returns  for 
the  suppUes  that  they  were  sending  to  the  colony,  the  pro- 
prietors reserved  certain  commodities,  such  as  braziletto, 
cedar,  and  ambergris  for  themselves,  and  prohibited  any  inva- 
sion of  their  royalties.*  This  attempt  to  introduce  the  system 
of  the  Bermuda  Company  led  to  considerable  opposition,  and, 
in  addition,  the  colony  was  already  dissatisfied  on  other 
counts.  Although  elaborate  plans  were  drawn  up  for  the 
settlement  of  the  islands,  they  could  not  be  carried  into 
effect,  partly  for  lack  of  funds,  partly  because  the  proprietors 
had  their  hands  already  more  than  full  with  Carolina.^    In 

'  C.  C.  i66g-i674,  PP-  "Q.  122,  123,  206,  444;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  147. 
'  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  280,  296,  297,  310. 
» Ibid.  pp.  123,433. 

*  Shaftesbury  Papers,  Bundle  48,  no.  55;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  574,  575 ; 
C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  232,  233,  418. 

'  It  was  figured  that  the  cost  of  transporting  and  settling  300  families  of 


!  'y  ii 


t: 


I  r  I 


t 


I  i 
I  ) 


88 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


1672,  Governor  Wentworth  complained  to  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Lynch  that  the  proprietors  neglected  them,  and  prayed 
that  they  might  be  joined  to  Jamaica,  'the  rock  whence  their 
first  Government  and  order  was  hewn.'  *  In  reply.  Lynch 
sent  him  a  commission,  expressing  the  hope  that  he  was  in- 
vading nobody's  rights  in  so  domg.^  The  proprietors,  how- 
ever, succeeded  in  maintaining  their  charter  rights,  but  were 
able  to  exercise  but  scant  authority  in  the  colony.  In  1687, 
New  Providence  elected  twelve  persons  to  carry  on  the 
government,  of  whom  one,  Thomas  Bridges,  was  to  act  as 
Moderator.'  A  year  later,  this  elected  official  was  appointed 
Governor  by  the  proprietors.*  Nor  was  any  material  eco- 
nomic advantage  derived  from  the  colony,  as  but  slight 
progress  was  made.'  Fundamentally,  this  was  due  to  the 
fact  that  New  Providence  had  degenerated  into  a  resort 
for  pirates. 

1000  persons  and  8000  slaves  and  of  fortifying  the  islands  would  amount 
to  over  £600,000,  an  impossible  sum  for  those  days.    C.  C.  166^1674,  P- 123. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  402,  403. 

»  C.  0. 1/29,  26 ;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  406, 407.  Wentworth  had  asked  for 
arms  to  defend  the  colony  in  the  impending  war,  and  in  reply  Lynch  stated 
that,  in  passing  on  the  needs  of  the  Bahamas,  the  Council  for  Foreign  Planta- 
tions would  only  consider  whether  you  increase  trade  and  "soe  consequently 
the  King's  Customes  and  the  English  Navigation,  or  whether  yoV  strengthen 
the  Colonyes  abroad,  or  lye  Convenient  for  Comerce  or  Receipt  of  our  Shipps 
in  their  Voyages,  or  can  produce  something  extraordinary." 

'  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  448.  Shortly  before  this,  the  Governor  of  New 
Providence  had  suggested  that  the  colony  be  annexed  to  Jamaica.  Ilnd. 
P-  357- 

*  Ibid.  p.  570. 

*  In  1683,  the  proprietors  instructed  Governor  Robert  Lilbume  to  reduce 
their  royalties  in  general  from  one-fifth  to  one-sixth,  and  to  demand  only  one- 
tenth  on  braziletto.    C.  C.  1681-1685,  P-  516. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS  89 

In  1682,  Governor  Lynch  reported  that  these  islands  'were 
once  under  this  Government  and  must  return  to  the  King's, 
or  they  will  remain  nests  of  robbers.' '    At  this  time,  a  num- 
ber of  Bahama  vessels, duly  commissioned  by  the  Goxemor, 
Robert  Clarke,  were  preying  upon  Spanish  commerce,  and  in 
reprisal  the  Spaniards  were  seizing  English  ships.    WTaose  was 
the  initial  blame  cannot  be  determined,  as  the  hostilities  were 
part  and  parcel  of  that  protracted  and  futUe  attempt  of  Spain 
to  keep  foreigners  away  from  her  Indies.    At  all  events,  they 
seriously  interfered  with  the  aim  of  the  English  government 
to  establish  peaceful  relations  with  Spain,  and  accordingly 
Clarke  was  dismissed  from  office  in  1682.2    In  his  stead  was 
appointed  Robert  Lilbume,  and  although  he  did  not  issue 
commissions,  the  attacks  on  the  Spanish  continued.'    On  their 
side,  the  Spanish  also  seized  Bahama  vessels,*  and  in  1684 
raided  and  plundered  New  Providence*    In  his  turn,  Lil- 
bume then  commissioned  a  number  of  privateers,  ostensibly 
for  the  defence  of  the  island,  and  the  hostilities  continued." 
Such,  in  general,  remained  the  condition  of  these  islands  for 
over  thirty  years.     Spain  stoutly  contested  England's  title  to 
them,  as  they  commanded  one  of  the  main  outlets  from  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico.    A  state  of  chronic  warfare  existed,  under 
which  no  settled  govermnent  could  be  established.     Lawless 
men  and  pirates  found  a  safe  refuge  in  the  Bahamas,  and 
their  scant  natural  resources  remained  undeveloped. 

'  Ibid.  p.  284. 

'  Ihid.  pp.  246,  261,  269,  284,  291,  301,  320,  386,  387. 

,  ^^-  PP-  395,  Si6.  <  Ibid.  pp.  726,  74S. 

-  Ibid.  pp.  578,  579,  717,  718,  726.        •  Ibid.  pp.  587,  609,  621,  7SI. 


,  I  fi 


11      r 


90 


THE  OLD  COLOXIAL  SYSTEM 


I  < 


Although  the  Bahamas  were  at  one  time  politically  as- 
sociated with  Jamaica,  their  connection  with  the  Bermudas 
was  much  more  intimate,  for  from  that  source  was  derived  the 
bulk  of  their  population.  Already  at  the  time  of  the  Restora- 
tion, the  Bermudas  were  almost  as  fully  developed  as  their 
small,  and  not  especially  fertile,  area  would  allow.  In  fact, 
their  natural  resources  were  already  inadequate  for  the  grow- 
ing population,  whose  surplus  drifted  to  the  other  English 
settlements,  especially  to  the  Bahamas  and  Carolina.*  The 
central  point  in  Bermudian  history  during  the  reign  of 
Charles  II  was  the  continuous  hostility  of  the  colony  to  the 
proprietary  body,  until  finally,  in  1684,  the  Company's  char- 
ter was  abrogated  and  royal  government  was  instituted. 
The  dissatisfaction  with  the  Company's  rule  was  both  polit- 
ical and  economic  in  nature,  especially  the  latter. 

The  Bermuda  Company  sought  to  monopolize  the  colony's 
commerce,  and  with  this  object  in  view  prohibited  any  one 
else  from  selling  European  goods  in  the  islands.  All  such 
supplies  had  to  be  sent  in  the  Company's  "magazine  ship," 
and  in  this  ship  also  had  to  be  exported  the  two  chief 
staples,  tobacco  and  cedar  wood.  In  addition,  the  Com- 
pany declared  the  whale-fishery  to  be  a  royalty  belonging 
to  it,  and  exacted  fees  from  those  engaging  in  it. 

Ever  since  the  earliest  days  of  the  settlement,  the  chief 
staple  of  the  Bermudas  had   been   tobacco.    Despite   the 

'  Cy.  McCrady,  South  Carolina,  1670-1719,  pp.  114,  128.  In  1666,  it 
was  said  :  "Though  Barmoodoes  be  wonderful  healthy  and  fruitful,  yet  is  it 
but  a  Prison  to  the  Inhabitants,  who  are  much  streightned  for  want  of  room 
and  therefore  many  of  them  are  come  to  Carolina  and  more  intend  to  follow." 
A.  S.  Sailey,  Narratives  of  Early  Carolina,  pp.  66,  67. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS  91 

earnest  exhortations  of  the  Company  to  develop  other  indus- 
tries, such  as  wine,  sugar,  and  silk,'  this  had  continued  to  be 
the  chief  crop  for  export  to  Europe.    After  the  Restoration, 
the  Company  continued  its  efforts  to  introduce  other  prod- 
ucts, notably  olives  and  indigo,  and  complained  frequently 
of  the  poor  quality  of  the  tobacco  produced  and  ordered  the 
destruction  of  the  lower  grades.'    It  was  aU  in  vain,  for 
tobacco  maintained  its  dominant  position.    The  output, 
however,  was  very  smal.'  in  contrast  with  that  of  Virginia  or 
Maryland.     In  1679,  the  total  value  of  this  crop  was  said 
to  be  only  £5000,'  and   its  quantity  varied  during   the 
following  years  from  about  400,000  to  500,000  pounds.* 
At  this  time  the  total  importations  of  tobacco  into  Lon- 
don alone  from  aU  sources  amounted  to  about  14,000,000 
pounds. 

Apart  from  what  was  consumed  in  the  colony,  the  entire 
crop  of  tobacco  had  to  be  exported  to  England  in  the  maga- 
zine ship,  and  on  every  pound  the  Company  ordered  the 
payment  of  a  duty  of  one-penny  for  the  stated  purpose  of 
defraying  the  cost  of  governing  the  colony.  Similarly,  the 
Company  prohibited  the  export  of  cedar  wood  except  in  the 
magazine  ship.  Against  these  regulations,  the  colony  com- 
plained steadfastly;  and,  as  the  Company  refused  to  recede 
from  its  position,  in  a  number  of  instances  its  privileges 
were  disregarded.    Tobacco,  especially,  was  clandestinely 

•  Beer,  Origins,  pp.  259-264,  413,  414. 

'  Lefroy,  Memorials  of  the  Bermudas  II,  pp.  134-136, 166, 167,  255.  261 
370-372.  ' 

^  Ilfid.  II,  p.  431 ;  c.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  30?.  304. 
'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  663,  664;  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  48-si. 


Mi  II 


■I 


;  I 


9a 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


I  1 


!  * 


exported  in  other  than  the  magazine  ship.'  Perient  Trott, 
who  in  1659  had  bought  some  shares  in  the  Company  that 
had  belonged  to  the  Earl  of  Wanvick  from  the  inception 
of  the  enterprise,*  was  accused  of  secretly  exporting  large 
quantities  of  tobacco  and  some  cedar.*  as  a  consequence  of 
these  evasions,  in  1670  the  Company  renewed  its  instructions 
prohibiting  the  export  of  tobacco  except  in  the  magazine 
ship.  At  the  same  time,  in  order  to  preserve  the  colony's 
valuable  cedar  forests,  which  were  being  rapidly  destroyed 
by  the  exportation  of  wood  to  England  and  elsewhere,  and 
by  the  building  of  sloops  for  the  colony's  trade  and  for  sale 
in  the  West  Indies,  orders  were  sent  that  in  future  no  cedar 
could  be  exported  even  in  the  magazine  ship,  and  that  the 
vessels  built  of  it  in  the  Bermudas  could  not  be  sold  to 
residents  of  other  places.*  A  year  later,  the  Company  also 
instructed  the  Governor,  Sir  John  Heydon,  that  there  should 
be  proclaimed  a  law  making  "  forfeit  all  such  goods  and  Com- 
modities that  are  usually  imported  into  the  Somer  Islands 
in  the  Company's  Ships,  in  case  the  same  be  imported  thither 
in  any  other  Ships."  * 

It  was  absolutely  impossible  for  the  Company,  from  so 
distant  a  centre  as  was  London,  to  enforce  these  regulations 
in  a  community  conspicuous  for  its  independent  spirit. 
Tae  Company's  personal  representative,  Governor  Sir  John 
H«  ydon,  paid  but  scant  attention  to  its  orders,  and  the  colo- 


'  Lefroy  II,  pp.  174,  175,  195,  196,  303. 
'  W.  R.  Scott,  Joint-Stock  Companies  II,  pp.  294,  295. 
'  Lefroy  II,  pp.  323-326.  *  Ibid. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  370-372. 


I 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS  93 

nists  flouted  its  authority.'    Since  the  regulations  continued 
to  be  violated,  he  Company's  rule  did  not.  however,  bear  so 
hard  on  the  colony  as  might  be  supposed.    Furthermore,  the 
settlement  wa^  by  no  means  so  dependent  on  its  European 
trade  as  were  Barbados  and  Virginia.    To  a  great  extent 
the  Bermudians  derived  their  livelihood  from  other  sources 
than  tobacco.    Thus  the  production  of  provisions  for  the 
other  English  colonies  had,  ever  since  the  days  of  settlement 
been  a  fundamental  industry.    According  to  the  answers  to 
the  searching  set  of  queries  prepared  by  the  Lords  of  Trade « 
the  colony  in  1679  had  8000  inhabitants,  including  slaves'; 
Its  exports  of  tobacco  amounted  yearly  to  £5000   whi'"' 
at  the  same  time  beef,  pork,  fish,  wax,  honey,  palmetto  hats^ 
baskets,  and  wooden-ware,  to  the  value  of  about  £6000 
were  annuaUy  shipped  to  the  neighboring  colonies.    About 
ten  to  twelve  small  vessels  came  yearly  from  New  England 
Barbados,  and  the  other  colonies  to  trade  for  provisions' 
eight  to  ten  ships  stopped  at  the  islands  in  their  passage  tJ 
and  from  other  places,  and  thirteen  to  fourteen  smaU  vessels 
from  twenty  to  eighty  tons,  belonged  to  the  colony.' 

Despite  these  countervaUing  factors,  the  Company's  rule 
was  irksome  and  constituted  a  distinct  grievance.     In  1677 
the  matter  was  brought  prominently  to  the  attention  of  the' 
English  government  by  a  petition  to  the  King  from  four 

'  Ibid.  p.  285. 

^'  Ibid.  pp.  428-433 ;  C.  C.  1677-1680.  pp.  i^i,  394. 
Accordmg  to  ano'her  account,  the  Bermudas  had  a  good  number  of 
handsome  vessels  m  which  they  traded  to  the  West  Indies  and  elsewh„   t 
Am  n      ,„d  exported  cattle,  swine,  and  turkeys.    A  New  and  Most  eZ 
Account ...  of  Carolina  (Dublin.  16S3),  p.  4. 


( 


i 

iff 


■'I 

•I 


1 1 


[  I 


94 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


merchants,  all  of  whom  were  members  of  the  Bermuda  Com- 
pany.* These  merchants,  among  whom  was  Perient  Trott, 
the  persistent  opponent  of  the  Company's  monopoly ,2  com- 
plained that  they  were  not  permitted  to  send  commodities 
in  their  own  ships  to  the  Bermudas,  and  that  the  Company's 
annual  magazine  ship,  which  alone  was  allowed  to  engage 
in  this  trade,  was  unable  to  take  away  the  colony's  entire 
produce.  As  a  result  thereof,  they  stated  that  not  only 
did  the  planters  suffer  grievously,  but  tobacco  and  other 
goods  were  clandestinely  loaded  on  other  vessels,  which 
then  r'ere  obliged  to  carry  them  to  foreign  markets  so 
as  to  escape  the  watchful  eye  of  the  Company  in  Eng- 
land.' They  therefore  petitioned  that  such  merchants 
as  were  members  of  the  Company  might  be  allowed  full 
liberty  to  trade  independently  in  their  own  ships  to  the 
Bermudas. 

In  reply  to  this  petition,  the  Company  stated  that  the 
magazine  ship  was  seldom  fully  freighted  and  was  more  than 
adequate  to  bring  to  England  the  entire  crop  of  tobacco,  and 
further  that  Trott  had  the  same  liberty  as  other  members 
of  the  Company  to  send  out  his  merchandise  and  to  bring 
home  his  tobacco  in  this  vessel.    After  a  careful  hearing, 

'  William  Righton,  The  Disloyal  Actings  of  the  Bermuda  Company  in 
London  (1678),  pp.  15-18;  Lefroy  II,  pp.  448-450;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp. 
5,6;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  6S5. 

■  V.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  618,  61Q,  630;  C.  C.  1609,  p.  593. 

'  They  pointed  out  "the  great  damage  of  your  Majesty  in  the  loss  of  your 
Customs,  the  Planters  and  others  being  necessitated  by  such  usage,  to  ship 
their  Tobacco  and  Goods  on  any  Strange  Vessels  which  happen  to  touch 
there,  which  carry  the  same  to  foreign  Markets,  which  otherwise  they  would 
not  do." 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS  95 

"aU  Partys  attending  and  having  been  fully  heard  two 
severall  dayes  by  their  Councill  Learned  touching  the  Law- 
fulnesse  and  Reasonablenesse  of  the  said  Lavves,"  the  govern- 
ment decided  that  there  was  no  cause  to  alter  the  Company's 
method  of  managing  its  trade,  and  dismissed  the  petition. 
But  the  adroit  charge,  that  the  Company's  regulations  had 
resulted  in  a  violation  of  the  enumeration  clauses  of  the 
Navigation  Act,  made  a  distinct  imp-ssion.  Further 
consideration  was  ordered  given  to  the  question,  whether 
the  Company  should  not  send  more  than  one  ship  yearly 
"for  the  better  Conveniency  of  the  Inhabitants  in  venting 
the  Growth  and  Product  of  the  said  Island,  and  preventing 
the  Trade  of  that  Island  with  fforrain  Nations."  ^ 

Having  thus  failed  with  the  executive,  the  insurgents  in  the 
Company  brought '  ne  matter  before  the  House  of  Commons,^ 
but  were  apparently  equaUy  unsuccessful  there,  as  no  action 
was  taken.    Two  years  later,  however,  in  1679,  the  colony 
brought  forward  the  same  economic  grievances,  complaining 
that,  as  a  result  of  the  Company's  monopoly  of  supplying 
them  with  European  goods,  they  had  to  pay  excessive  prices ; 
that  they  could  not  ship  tobacco  to  the  other  colonies,  as  the' 
Company,  in  order  to  coUect  its  one-penny  duty,  insisted 
on  all  being  exported  to  London ;  and  that  they  were  pre- 
vented from  engaging  in  the  local  whale-fisher>-.    In  addi- 
tion, they  charged  that  the  Company  had  ceased  to  call 
together  the  local  legislature  and  had  imposed  unjust  taxes.' 

»  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  686,  687. 
'  Com.  Journal  IX,  p.  394. 

•  c.  c.  1677-1680,  pp.  357-359.  a.  p.  389. 


irt 


■if 


!.( 


If: 


f 


h 


i^ 


I 


i     I 


96 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


The  Company  handed  in  a  detailed  reply  answering  these 
charges/  and  the  entire  subject  was  then  carefully  inves- 
tigated by  the  Lords  of  Trade.    They  disregarded  the  eco- 
nomic grievances  and  placed  main  stress  on  the  anomalous 
political  situation  arising  from  the  fact  that  the  colony  was 
governed  by  a  minority  of  the  Company  resident  in  London. 
By  this  time,  three-quarters  of  the  members  or  stockholders 
of  the  Company  lived  in  the  Bermudas,  and  thus  were  virtu- 
ally debarred  from  any  but  a  sporadic  voice  in  its  decisions. 
The  Lords  of  Trade  therefore  advised  that,  in  case  the  dis- 
pute could  not  be  settled  otherwise,  a  suit  should  be  entered 
against  the  Company's  charter.*    This  report  was  approved, 
and  on  January  21,  1680,  the  Attorney-General  was  ordered 
to  institute  either  quo  warranto  or  scire  facias  proceedings 
against  the  letters-patent.' 

Action  was,  however,  delayed,  and  in  1681  were  pre- 
sented fresh  petitions  for  and  against  the  Company.*  One 
from  the  Bermudas  was  strongly  m  favor  of  their  'nurs- 
ing fathers,'  the  Company,  but  this  unquestionably  misrep- 
resented the  real  sentiments  of  the  majority  in  the  colony.* 
Towards  the  end  of  1681,  the  Lords  of  Trade  advised  a 
vigorous    prosecution  of  the  writ  of  quo  warranto.    Never- 

>  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  395,  396. 

'  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  868,  869. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  878,  879. 

*C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  8-11. 

*  Mr.  W.  R.  Scott,  whose  opinions  as  a  scholarly  investigator  are  entitled 
to  the  most  careful  consideration,  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  agitation  against 
the  Company  was  to  some  extent  factitious.  It  would  seem,  however,  that 
he  has  over-accentuated  this  characteristic  of  the  contest.  W.  R.  Scott, 
Joint-Stock  Companies  II,  pp.  295,  297. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS  97 

theless,  the  definitive  decision  was  again  delayed,'  and  the 
ensuing  uncertainty  produced  considerable  disturbance  in 
the  colony .2  Matters  drifted  along  until  November  of  1683, 
when  the  Attorney-General,  Sir  Robert  Sawyer,  decided 
in  favor  of  instituting  the  suit,'  and  in  1684  judgment  was 
entered  against  the  Company.* 

As  a  result  of  this  decision,  the  Crown  took  the  place  of 
the  Company  and  inherited  aU  its  rights  and  privileges. 
These  privUeges  had  constituted  the  chief  grievance  of  the 
colony,  but  the  decision  of  the  government  to  proceed  against 
the  Company  was  based  mainly  on  the  arbitrary  nature  of 
its  poUtical  control.  In  spite  of  this  fact,  it  is  most  sur- 
prising that  the  English  government  unwisely  decided  to 
continue  the  commercial  regulations  of  the  preceding  regime. 
This  inevitably  led  to  considerable  friction,  and  within  a 
few  years  the  system  had  perforce  to  be  abandoned  since  it 
was  completely  unworkable. 

At  first  it  was  determined  to  appoint  Francis  Burghill, 
one  of  the  chief  figures  in  the  contest  against  the  Company," 
as  royal  Governor."  He  was,  however,  unpopular  with  some 
sections  in  the  colony,'  and  the  Company's  Governor, 
Richard  Cony,   was  continued  in  office.^    This  selection 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  168, 169,  270,  271,  337. 

» Ibid.  pp.  432,  439,  675. 

» Ibid.  p.  548. 

*  Ibid.  pp.  676,  738. 

'  On  his  activities,  see  especiaUy  Bodleian/RawUnson  MSS.,  D  764,  passim 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  663. 

'  Ibid.  p.  676. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  677, 678, 680,  7SI. 

(0 


I 


m  ^ 


98 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


I  I 


was  an  unwise  one,  as  Cony  was  too  closely  identified  with 
the  old  system  and  had  been  constantly  ^Tangling  with 
the  opponents  of  the  now  defunct  Company.'  When,  as 
royal  Governor,  he  conscientiously  endeavored  to  obey  his 
instructions  to  continue  the  prevailing  '"vstem  of  trade,  his 
position  became  untenable.  The  chief  i^iu  ts  of  contention 
were  the  magazine  ship  and  the  one-penny  duty  on  tobacco, 
which  at  this  time  should  have  >-ielded  yearly  at  least 
£1600  to  £1800.-  If  this  amount  could  have  been  collected, 
and  also  the  other  revenue  which,  subject  to  some  prior 
claims,  accrued  to  the  Crown  as  the  Company's  successor, 
the  income  would  have  been  far  in  excess  of  the  cost  of 
governing  the  colony.' 

In  June  of  1685,  Governor  Cony  wrote  to  the  Earl  of 
Sunderland,  James  II's  principal  Secretary  of  State,  that  the 
people  refused  to  pay  the  duty  on  tobacco  and  clandestinely 
shipped  this  product  in  casks  lined  with  fish  to  New  En<^- 

o 

»  On  Aug.  II.  16S4.  Sam-jel  Trott  and  William  Righton  wrote  from  the 
Bermudas  to  Francis  BurghiU:  We  have  transcribed  the  Company's  letters 
to  the  subordinate  otncers.  or,  as  they  now  caU  them,  the  Janissaries,  the 
Governor  being  the  .\ga.  Indeed,  it  is  ditiicult  to  distinguish  between  this 
Government  and  that  of  the  Ckand  Signor.  e.xcept  that  we  have  not  yet  got 
to  the  bowstring.'    C.  C.  ibSi-iOSj,  p.  675.     See  also  itnd.  pp.  6jS.  65.), 

-'  Ibid.  pp.  663.  664. 

'  Bunth  ited  that  the  entire  cost  of  government  had  been   I'^oo 

aimuaU>.  ddition  to  the  tobacco  duty,  it  was  tigured  that  the  Com- 

pai'v's  lands  would  yield  t'ooo  a:;d  the  whale-fishery  f  ico  yearly.  The 
colony  besides  p.iid  a  number  of  small  taxes.  C.  C.  i(iSi-iti>s.  PP-  063, 
664;  C.  C.  1085- iOS8.  pp.  .'5S.  .'5.1;  C.  O.  I  5^,  75.  Actual':-  very  n-.-.:.h 
less,  only  a  fraction  of  these  amounts,  was  obtained.  C.  C.  1665-16JS, 
p.  jgj. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS  99 

land,  Barbados,  and  elsewhere,  whence  in  the  main  it  was 
exported  to  foreign  markets.     The  people,  he  added,  es- 
teemed all  government  not   of   their  own  establishment 
to  be   slavery.^     A  few  months  later,  he  reported   that 
his  appointment  had  been  distasteful  to  the  opponents  of 
the  Company,  and  that  they  refused  to  recognize  his  au- 
thority.     It  was  estimated,  he  said,  that  at  least  100,000 
pounds   of   tobacco    had    been   transported  to   Barbados 
and  elsewhere.     'This  is  their  old  trade,  and  they  do  not 
like  to  be  obstructed  in  it.     Every  officer  that  appears  on 
the  side  of  the  Government  is  threatened,  and  stands  in 
danger  of  his  life.'  ^    !„  fact,  the  colony  was  practically 
in  open  rebellion,  and  conditions  verging  closely  on   an- 
archy prevailed.'    As  Cony  could  not  cope  with  the  situa- 
tion, he  was  recaUed;  and,  in  1686,  Sir  Robert  Robinson 
was  appointed   to  succeed   him.*     The  government   did 
not,  however,  fundamentally  alter  the  system  of  trading, 
and  the  troubles  continued."    Robinson  was  instructed  to 
propose  to  the  Assembly  the  passage  of  laws  imjiosing  a 

'  \"essels,  he  said,  refused  to  enter  and  be  searched,  'calling  it  an  gj)- 
pression  of  the  subject.'     C.  C.  1685-168^,  pp.  4S-51. 

'  I'id.  pp.  100-103.  The  private  ex^x^rtalion  of  tobacco,  he  added,  could 
be  stopped  on!>-  by  a  royal  order  forbidding  any  \essel  10  load  or  unload 
but  at  .St.  George's  harbor,  under  the  muzzle  ol  the  fort's  .vuns. 

'Il'ld.   pp.    1:8-130.    133-1.3^.    144-146.    162-164,    J08    J70.    J74,    J7r,    j;,. 

471-4:;. 

*  Ihid.  f)p.  211.  2iq.  There  was  some  question  of  apt^jinting  as  Conv's 
successor  the  -vell-kno\v-n  cusloms-ofTicial  in  .New  England.  Kdward  Ran- 
dolph.   Toppan.  Randolph  I\'.  pp.  28-51. 

-  In  I6.^6.  the  Comn-issioners  of  the  Customs  reij<jrled  ii;  favor  of  retain- 
ing the  tobacco  duly  and  the  magazine  ship.     C.  (J.  J683  -1688.  pp.  1 57,  j >t, 

;o6.  211. 


I 
I' 


' 


i 


I 


i 


I    'M 


11    ' 

i 


1 


ICX) 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


duty  on  tobacco  and  improving  its  quality;  to  prevent 
ships  from  loading  or  unloading  but  at  St.  George's ;  and 
not  to  allow  the  exportation  of  any  tobacco  until  the  maga- 
zine ship  was  fully  laden.' 
Shortly  after  his  arrival  in  the  colony,  in  the  spring  of 

1687,  Governor  Robinson  reported  on  the  inconvenience  of 
binding  the  people  to  one  ship  instead  of  giving  them  the 
same  liberty  that  the  other  colonies  enjoyed.-  Unless  this 
were  granted,  he  wrote  somewhat  later,  the  Bermudas 
would  be  undone,  as  the  magazine  ship  was  entirely 
inadequate.''  Of  the  last  crop  of  tobacco,  100,000  pounds 
had  to  be  left  in  the  colony  for  want  of  shipping  to 
England.  Similar  protests  were  received  from  Henry 
Hordesnell,  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Bermudas.     Early  in 

1688,  he  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  that  free  trade  with  all 
the  English  dominions  was  necessary  for  their  prosperity, 
and  that  last  year  the  planters  had  been  forced  to  keep  their 
tobacco  till  it  rotted.*    As  was  usual  in  such  cases,  these 

•  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  270. 

-  Ibid.  p.  J5g. 

'  INd.  pp.  30...  30J ;  C.  O.  I  '60, 88.  .\t  the  same  time,  in  the  answers  to 
the  queries  submitted  to  him.  Robinson  infonned  the  government  that  the 
limitauon  to  one  ship  was  ver>-  destructive  to  trade,  as  it  kept  other  ships 
from  coming  m  the  colony.     CO.  i  60,  S8vii;   C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  j,)4. 

'  .\s  a  result  thereof,  he  wrote,  "  the  Inconvenience  is  not  only  to  the 
People,  but  to  his  Maj'",  whose  loss  in  his  customes  has  been  more  th.m 
.;ooo''  this  last  yeare."  This  referred  to  the  English  duties  that  wouUl  have 
been  collected,  could  this  tobacco  have  been  shipped  to  England.  C.  O.  i  oj. 
jO;  t.  (.  .  16S5-1688,  pp.  4yo,  401,  jig,  551.  A  similar  request  for  the 
atxilition  of  the  magazine  ship  was  made  by  the  Bermuda  Grand  Jurv. 

I  bill.  p.  j.'g. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS 


lOl 


complaints'  were  referred  to  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Customs,  who  reported  that  they  could  see  no  reason  why 
the  Bermudas  should  not  have  liberty  to  trade  as  did  the 
other  colonies  in  any  duly  qualified  ship,  provided  the  Acts 
of  Trade  and  Navigation  were  observed.^    Accordingly,  on 
October  I,  1688,  instructions  to  this  effect  were  sent  to  the 
Governor  of  the  colony."    At  the  same  time,  the  efforts  to 
collect  the  one-penny  duty  on  tobacco  had  also  come  to 
naught ;  the  Assembly  resolutely  refused  to  pass  a  law  imi)os- 
ing  such  a  tax.*    Though  the  claim  to  this  revenue  was  kept 
alive,  henceforth  it  was  of  little  practical  importance.    Thus, 
finaUy,  the  Bermudas  were  freed  from  their  two  main  griev- 
ances, and  although  some  vestiges  of  the  Company's  regime 
were  retamed,  from  1688  on  it  was  governed  on  the  same 
general  model  as  the  other  crown  colonies  and  enjoyed  the 
same  commercial  privileges  and  rights. 

Despite  the  protracted  fight  against  the  Company's  com- 
mercial regulations,  the  Bermudas  were  in  a  prosperous 
condition.  The  colonists  simply  e%'aded  these  rules,  when 
they  interfered  too  much  ^^^th  their  interests,  and  moreover 
their  welfare  was  only  partially  dej>endent  upon  the  Kur.j- 
pean  trade.  The  population  remained  virtually  stationar>' ; 
in  1679  it  was  estimated  at  8000,  and  in  1687  at  possibly  jooo 

■  It  should  be  noted,  however,  that  Governor  Kobiriv.n  rqwrted  in  1688 
that,  not«nihstanding  al]  possible  care,  2  5o,c«o  pounds  of  tobacco  had  been 
smuggled  out  of  the  colony  and  that,  as  a  result,  the  magazine  ^p  had  not 
hall  a  cargo.    Ibid.  p.  556. 

'  Ibid.  p.  568. 

'  '*^-  P-  S97- 
t-  O.  I  0:;,  SS;   C.  C.  1685-1600,  pp.  392,  393. 


i      I. 


I  '  i 


I02 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


moro,  one-third  of  the  total  consisting  of  slaves.'    The  to- 
bacco crop  during  the  reign  of  James  II  apparently  showed 
a  considerable  increase,  but  already  there  were  indications 
that  low  prices  would  ultimately  lead  to  the  virtual  dis- 
appearance of  this  industry .^^    The  most  marked  develop- 
ment was  in  the  Bermudas'  trade  with  the  other  Engli;  h 
colonies.     In  this  trade,  in  fishing,  in  whaling,  and  in  re- 
covering treasure  from  sunken  wTecks,'  was  employed  the 
colony's  growing  fleet  of  small  cedar  vessels,  which  already 
then  were  highly  esteemed,*  and  in  the  eighteenth  century 
were  considered  superior  to  any  other  craft  of  like   size. 
In  1679,  the  Bermudas  were  said  to  have  owned  only  fourteen 
small  vessels,  but  six  years  later  this  number  had  increased 
to  almost  thirty.'    In  16?;,  Governor  Robinson  reported 
that  the  colony  had  forty-two   vessels  —  sloops,   shallops, 
and  barks  of  from  ten  to  ninety  tons  —  and  that  but  few 
ships  of  the  other  colonies  traded  there.' 

It  is  obvious  from  the  foregoing  that  the  Bermudas  were 
of  little  direct  economic  value  to  the  Empire.  They  were 
neither  an  important  source  of  supply  for  the  mother  coun- 

'  C.  O.  if  to,  SSvii;  C.  C.  1685-1688.  pp.  304,  305. 

'  Ibid,  and  C.  C.  16S5-1688.  p.  35Q. 

'  In  i6Sf.  a  number  of  Bermuda  vessels  were  engaged  in  recovering 
treasure  from  the  valuable  wreck,  which  played  so  large  a  part  in  the  for- 
tunes of  Sir  William  Phipps.  About  £50,000  was  obtained  from  this  source, 
but  the  colonial  authorities  were  able  to  secure  only  a  part  of  the  Crowns 
share  thereof.  C.  O.  i  60,  SS;  C.  C.  16S5-168S,  pp.  30.,  393,  490,  491, 
5iQ.  5-' I.  5-0- 

*  R.  v..  The  Present  State  of  C>..  ^lina  (London,  1682),  pp.  7,  8. 

'C.  C.  16S5  i6.><S,  pp.  48-51. 

•CO.  I  60.  .S.Svii-   C  C    .-s<--. 


1688,  pp.  394,  395. 


JAMAICA  AND  THE  OUTLYING  ISLANDS  ,03 

tiyrnor  did  they  aflford  a  considerable  market  for  English 
manufactures.  Their  importance  was  strategic  rather  than 
economic.  The  colony  was  not  so  much  a  plantation  as  an 
mipenal  outpost.  Situated  as  they  were  on  the  trade-route 
from  England  to  the  colonies  and  on  that  between  New 
England  and  the  West  Indies,  their  retention  was  necessary 
to  the  safety  of  the  Empire's  trade.  As  Judge  Jeffreys  said 
in  1682,  'Bermuda  Ues  in  the  eye  of  all  trade  to  the  West 
Indies,'  and,  if  it  were  in  an  enemy's  hand,  this  important 
branch  of  England's  foreign  commerce  would  be  grievously 
imperilled.'  ^ 

'  C-  C.  i68i-,68s,  p.  439.  Another  writer  pointed  out  that  Spain  could 
^  f«.n,  nowhere  else  so  cheaply,  certainly,  and  effectively  harassed  ilL 
the  Bermudas.    Brit.  Mus.,  Egerton  MSS.  2395,  f.  x^s. 


\  I 


.  <• 


IS 


J  ^ 

*   i 

i 

I  i 


CHAPTER  VIII 

VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND 

English  policy  towards  the  colonial  tobacco  industry  —  Virginia  under  the 
laws  of  trade  —  Criticisms  of  John  Bland  and  Sir  William  Berkeley  — 
Attitude  of  the  colony  —  Attempts  to  restrict  the  tobacco  output  and 
to  diversify  Virginia's  economic  life  —  Bacon's  rebellion  —  The  causes 
of  the  social  unrest  —  Economic  development  of  Virginia  —  Illegal  trade 
—  Maryland  —  Quarrels  with  the  customs  officiab  —  Their  significance. 

Like  the  sugar  colonies,  Virginia  and  Maryland  were 
highly  esteemed  by  the  seventeenth-century  imperialists, 
but  in  this  case  their  approbation  was  far  from  bemg  so 
unconditional.    Although    they    produced    a    commodity, 
tobacco,  for  which  there  was  an  extensive  demand,  not  only 
in  England,  but  also  in  foreign  markets,  yet  it  could  not  be 
forgotten  that  a  number  of  the  English  counties  had  clearly 
demonstrated  their  fitness  for  this  crop.     Moreover,  the 
tobacco  trade  was  passing  through  a  series  of  recurrent 
crises,  and  many  in  England  feared  that  the  outcome  would 
be  that  Virginia  and  Maryland  would  be  diverted  to  other 
pursuits  that  would  compete  with  English  industries  and 
lessen  the  value  of  these  colonies  as  markets  for  English 
manufactures.* 

The  exclusive  reliance  of  these  colonies  on  tobacco  as 
virtually  their  sole  article  for  export  had  been  consistently 
opposed  by  the  first  Stuarts;  and,  under  the  auspices  of  the 

'See  anle,  Vol.  I,  pp.  46,  145,  146. 
104 


I , 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND 
toe  gove™,ent,  with  .he  ful,  s„pp„„  „,  „,„„,.,,  J"' 
men.,  vanous  unsuccessful  a,.emp.s  had  been  IT 
introduce  Cher  products  such  ».  p    ,.  *  '" 

purchase  fron.  I  E     ^e^rivl  "^^  7  '""'"'  '" 
.0  the  culture  of  tobacco';adCC„r.«°" 

zf  T'°" '""  '^'-  "'^^''  p'-'^'edt  ti ;  r 
-efa!rttt;:t^::rhe':-o^~^^ 

especiaU,  Us  ge„era«y  ,„„  ^,,e.  vaC  on^    ~ 

^  vSaT^L-'T"""'  '^"'"^  -'^'  coir 
m  Virginia  and  Maryland  precariously  unstable 

|u,,a  stUl  continued,  but  there  was  no  longer  Zi,      !" 
no  longer  regarded  as  a  serious  vice     mI        T^^  ™' 

-  i.^d  upon  tobacco  <:  E^jr :;'a  ;i  r 

n.a^  products  it  contributed  by  far  the  most  to  JlZk 
customs  revenue.'    In  the  eyes  of  Charles  °'     f.^'"'' 

a„v  2  ^^  ^""^'^^^  '<^'"1«'  ""■"•any  to  offset 

f'oba  "'T'"'  "'°"'  ""'■"'"•'^  '<>  "-'  '■'"onistic  u" 
of  tobacco.  In  ,66r,  the  Commissioners  of  the  Custol 
«8«.ficantly  reported  that  the  colonies  were  Z^TZ 

•  CJ.  C.  O.  ./30,  78;  C.  C.  ,66,-,6;4,  Pp.  508,  JJO. 


1, 


( 


'1 


!■ 


f. 


i! 


io6 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


(  I 

i  I 


grow  into  Commodities  of  great  Value  and  csteemc,  and 
though  Some  of  them  Continue  in  Tobacco,  yet  upon  the 
Returne  hither  it  Smells  well,  and  paics  more  Custome  to 
his  Ma"*  than  the  East  Indies  four  times  ouer."  '  Desi>itc 
this,  the  Restoration  government  at  the  outset  sought 
earnestly  to  mitigate  the  evils  connected  with  the  close  de- 
pendence of  Virginia  and  Mar>'land  on  this  crop  by  encourag- 
ing the  introduction  and  cultivation  of  other  staples.  These 
attempts,  however,  came  to  naught,  since  it  was  found 
impossible  to  divert  the  tobacco  planters  to  other  pursuits. 
At  the  same  time,  the  revenue-producing  qualities  of  to- 
bacco were  making  an  ever  greater  impression  on  the  Eng- 
lish statesmen,  and  hence,  ultimately,  the  English  govern- 
ment abandoned  its  fruitless  efforts  to  diversify  the  economic 
life  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  and  looked  askance  at  all 
schemes  to  lessen  the  size  of  the  tobacco  crop. 

In  another  respect,  also,  the  Restoration  'mplied  new 
conditions  for  Virginia  and  Maryland,  since  the  commercial 
code  put  into  effect  at  that  time  meant  a  more  strict  control 
of  the  tobacco  trade  and  closer  commercial  relations  between 
the  colonies  and  the  mother  country.  The  Acts  of  Trade  and 
Navigation  did  not,  however,  change  conditions  to  the  same 
extent  in  Virginia  and  Marj'land  as  they  did  in  Barbados, 
for  the  comprehensive  colonial  system  of  the  Restoration 
era  was  in  the  main  based  upon  principles  that  had  been  grad- 
ually and  empirically  elaborated  under  the  first  Stuarts  in 
the  actual  process  of  regulati  .g  the  tobacco  trade. 

In  1620,  the  English  government  prohibited  the  growing 


>  S.  P.  Domestic,  Ch.  II,  XLIV,  no.  12 ;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  319.  i--' 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND 

107 

of  tob«co  in  England,  .nd  in  return  the  Virginia  C<,n,n.nv 
.gr«,^  to  pay  custom,  on  tobacco  in  oxcc^!,  .he  am^^ 

ZT^IA  ■"""*  """'"■  P'""""'    Tl-«  arrange, 

nent  d  d  not  g,ve  English  colonial  tobacco  a  monolTy 
of  the  home  market,  for  Spanish  tobacco  continuedT^ 
.mported  in  spite  of  the  discriminating  du  i  s  „l„c^ 
.1.™  years  Utcr,  in  order  to  secure  such  a  monoporth ' 
compan,es  colonizing  Virginia  and  the  Bermudas  a^^t 
sh.p  all  thetr  tobacco  to  England,  in  consideratiorT.he 
clus,o„  Iron,  England  of  all  but  a  very  small  quantUy  o 
the  Spanish  product.'    Thereaffnr  fK;       i-         H"«nuiy  01 

an,l extended     In   •     -^,  2    r         ""f """"""""' 
,.ri        1  J  J  ,  I^  "' '°™«"  tobacco  was  nracti- 

a«y  excluded  from  England  and  Ireland,  either  by  abslu^e 
proh* fons  or  by  marked  differential  duties,  and  the  oi 
^re  of  the  plan,  within  these  kingdoms  ^as  forbidde 
The  Restoration  government  adopted  .hese  principles  from 
'"  P'«'<^««'rs.  Secondly,  .he  restriction  of  the  colonv^ 
e^rts  of  tobacco  to  England  had  been  maintai^e^  byZh 
James  I  and  Charles  I.    This  regulation  had,  however 

„t  "';^"'  'Vr  """"^  ""= ""'"-"  of  ">^  i»'e  el: 

It,      T       ""'  P""''P''  »'"'  f«'d''^<^<l  during  that 
«o  •  Th  •  h"''"  '"7°"-^^---  Of  any  positi  *        ! 
hi  U.on,  the  shipment  of  colonial  products  to  foreign  mar 
-  was  l»,ked  upon  as  reprehensible.    It  is  of  con  IZ 

l«sed  a  heavy  surtax  on  tobacco  shipped  to  any  place  but 

'  Beer,  Origins,  pp.  111-114. 
•/W^.p.x3j;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  6x,  62. 


I 


iJ  i 


,M 


I . 


I 


io8 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


England  and  its  European  dominions.'  The  Restoration 
government  definitely  revived  this  earlier  Stuart  practice, 
and  the  enumeration  of  tobacco  made  illegal  the  direct 
shipment  of  this  product  to  foreign  markets.  As  some 
trading  of  this  nature  had  been  carried  on  in  Virginia  dur- 
ing the  Interregnum,  its  prohibition  under  the  Restoration 
system  to  this  extent  implied  a  greater  restraint.  Similarly, 
the  Staple  Act  of  1663  prohibited  the  importation  of  Euro- 
pean goods  into  the  colonies  from  any  place  but  England, 
and  this  regulation  was  also  more  restrictive  than  that 
previously  in  force.  By  the  Order  in  Council  of  1633''  and 
the  Act  of  1650,  foreigners  had  been  forbidden  to  trade  to 
the  colonies,  but  English  vessels  could  bring  to  them  directly 
from  Holland  and  other  foreign  countries  such  manufactures 
as  they  wanted.    This  trade  was  now  interdicted. 

Thus,  to  some  extent,  the  Restoration  system  meant  a 
more  stringent  control  of  the  commerce  of  Virginia  and 
Maryland.  As  these  colonies  were  not  in  a  thriving  state, 
this  naturally  produced  some  dissatisfaction.  In  consider- 
ing the  justice  of  complaints  of  this  nature,  it  is  essential 
to  keep  in  mind  that  the  system  in  force  imposed  restraints 
on  the  metropolis  as  well  as  on  the  colony.  While  the 
colonial  planter  was  forced  to  ship  his  tobacco  to  England 
and  to  buy  his  supplies  from  English  merchants,  on  the  other 
hand,  not  only  was  the  English  smoker  denied  the  use  of  the 
Spanish  product,  but  the  cultivation  of  tobacco  in  England 
and  Ireland  was  prohibited.  The  forcible  and  long-contin- 
ued measures  required  to  uproot  this  industry  in  England 

'  Beer,  Origins,  pp.  400-402.  «  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  192. 


VIRGINU  AND  MARYLAND  rr^ 

furnish  ample  proof  of  its  vigor  and  vitality,  and  indicate 
plainly  the  sacrifice  exacted  from  the  English  fanner.    This 
prohibition,  combined  with  the  virtual  exclusion  of  Spanish 
and  other  foreign  tobaccos,  obliged  the  English  smoker  to 
waive  his  own  individual  taste  and  to  use  the  English  colo- 
nial product.     Just  as  the  Methuen  Treaty  with  Portugal  led 
to  the  great  consumption  of  port  in  eighteenth-century  Eng- 
land, and  the  permission  to  import  wine  directly  from  the 
Portuguese  islands  off  Africa  made  the  Madeira  product 
the  favonte  beverage  of  the  American  colonial  planter   so 
this  monopoly  accorded  to  Virginia  and  Maryland  deter- 
mined the  taste  of  the  English  consumer  and  led  to  habits 
that  still  persist.     In  such  a  system  of  mutual  monopoly  it 
IS  weU-nigh  impossible  to  determine  with  any  degree  of  cer- 
titude the  relative  extent  of  sacrifice  demanded  from  each 
of  the  parties  to  the  reciprocal  agreement.     It  is,  however 
obvious  that  any  criticism  of  England's  regulation  of  the 
colonial  tobacco  trade,  which  is  based  on  a  laissez-faire  so- 
cial philosophy,  is  equaUy  applicable  to  the  arrangement 
by  means  of  which  the  tobacco  planter  secured  exclusive 
pnvileges  in  the  home  market. 

The  most  searching  criticism  of  English  policy  emanated 
from  the  pen  of  a  prominent  English  merchant,  John  Bland 
one  of  Pepys's  friends.'    Apart  from  his  other  interests,^ 
Bland  had  settled  two  brothers  in  Virginia,  and  according 

Bh^l'f'  ^;  ''^*-'^'  P-  4SI ;  Cal.  Treas.  Books,  i66<^i667,  PP.  633  662 


no 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


to  his  own  account  h,.  d  supplied  them  with  the  exceptionally 
large  sum  of  £10,000,  'expecting  proportionable  returns.' 
On  their  death,  he  sent  over  his  son  Giles  —  the  well- 
known  Virginia  Collector  of  the  Customs  —  to  take  care  of 
this  estate.*    Thus  Bland's  interests  were  closely  identified 
with  those  of  the  colony,  which  fact  undoubtedly  somewhat 
tinged  the  views  expressed  in  the  undated  "Humble  Remon- 
strance," prepared  by  hun  some  few  years  after  the  Resto- 
ration system  had  been  put  into  effect.^    Therein  Bland 
maintained  that  the  Act  of  1650  — "for  debarring  the  Hol- 
landers tradin;'  to  those  Plantations  "  — had  been  secured 
by  the  English  merchants  for  the  purpose  of  monopolizing 
and  engrossing  the  trade  of  Virginia  and  Maryland,  and 
of  being  thus  enabled  to  secure  tobacco  cheaply  and  to  force 
the  colonists  to  purchase  their  goods  at  high  prices.    Apart 
from  these  purely  personal  and  selfish  ends  of  the  merchants, 
this  measure,  according  to  Bland,  was  based  on  the  following 
broader  public  grounds:  that  the  Dutch  would  not  permit 
the  English  to  trade  to  their  Eastern  possessions,  while 
their  intercourse  with  Virginia  and  Maryland  injured  Eng- 
land's commerce  both  there  and  at  home,  hindered  the 
increase  of  shipping,  and  lessened  the  customs.     But  this 
argument.  Bland  claii.ied,  was  unsound,  because  the  Dutch 
Indies  had  a  natural  monopoly  of  certain  products,  while 
Virginia  and  Mar>-land  afforded  only  tobacco,  as  well  as 
com  and  cattle,  "commodities  almost  in  every  country  what- 

'  C.  C.  1675-1676.  p.  3Q2. 

-  This  memorial  is  in  the  London  Public  Record  OfEce,  but  it  has  been 
printed  in  Va.  Mag.  I,  pp.  142-155. 


,1  ih' 

'I  1' 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND  m 

ever  to  be  had."    He  maintained  that,  as  a  result  of  the 
exclusion  of  foreigners  from  the  English  colonial  trade,  cou- 
pled with  the  subsequent  enumeration  clauses  in  the  Act 
of  1660,  tobacco  was  being  successfully  planted  in  Holland 
and  also  in  France.     The  quantity  grown  in  Holland,  he 
further  contended,  would  increase  greatly;  and,  in  time, 
the  Dutch  would  become  accustomed  to  their  home-grown 
tobacco,  even  though  it  was  of  poorer  quality  than  that  of 
Virginia,  just  as  the  English  had  been  diverted  from  the 
superior  Spanish  article  to  the  inferior  product  of  their  own 
colonies.    Furthermore,  he  pointed  out,  that  the  Dutch  used 
a  grade  of  Maryland  and  Virginia  tobacco  different  from 
that  consumed  in  England,  and  that,  if  the  colonies  were 
unable  to  dispose  of  that  portion  of  their  crop  to  the  Dutch, 
they  would  have  no  market  for  it  whatsoever.     '  s  a  con- 
sequence thereof,  he  predicted  the  ruin  of  the  tobacco  colonies 
unless  the  system  of  trading  were  radically  changed.    But, 
if  the  repeal  of  the  Navigation  Act  were  out  of  the  question, 
he  suggested  that  the  English  merchants  be  obliged  to  supply 
the  colonies  as  cheaply  "as  the  Hollanders  used  to,"  when 
they  were  admitted  to  trade  there,  that  they  take  the  entire 
crop  of  tobacco  at  the  prices  formerly  paid  by  the  Dutch, 
and  that  they  charge  the  same  low  freight  rates.     Xo  means 
could  have  been  devised  to  put  into  cITect  these  suggestions, 
however  much  or  little  they  may  have  commended  them- 
selves ;  and,  as  was  the  fate  of  many  other  memorials,  that  of 
Bland  was  fruitless  and  was  shelved  in  the  English  archives. 
Despite  its  obvious  over-statements  and  confident  proph- 
ecies that  never  came  true,  Bland's  argument  rested  upon  a 


i 


i     I 


'  !i      III 


!       J 


ZI2 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


II 


fl  ' 


i  i 


I  t 


I  ( 


substantiaUy  true  foundation.  Its  fundamental  error  was 
that  only  one  side  of  the  question  was  considered  No 
attention  whatsoever  was  paid  to  the  fact  that  the  system 
m  force  was  the  historical  outcome  of  a  bargain  between 
the  mother  country  and  the  colony.  The  advantages  that 
Maryland  and  Virginia  derived  from  their  monopoly  of  the 
English  market  were  completely  ignored. 

Less  convincing  and  less  cogently  reasoned  was  a  spirited 
attack  on  England's  policy  by  Virginia's  veteran  Governor 
Sir  William  Berkeley.      During  the  Interregnum,  Berkelev 
had  been  deprived  of  his  post,  but  early  in   1660,  when 
the  restoration  of  Charles  II  was  all  but  inevitable   he 
was  reinstated   by  the  colony,  and  shortly   thereai   '    a 
royal   commission   appointing  him  Governor  was  issued  » 
Apart   from   his   official  position,  Berkeley  had  large  pri- 
vate interests   in   Virginia  and  was  deeply  interested  in 
Its  welfare.     In  1662,  he  was  in  England  as  the  colonv's 
representative,  with  the  express  objec-.  of  securing  certain 
measures    designed    to    further   its   prosperity.     For   this 
purpose,  he  wrote  a  memorial,  entitled  "A  Discourse  and 
View  of  Virginia,"  which  described   the   handicaps   that 
hampered  its  growth.    Among  the  hindrances  mentioned 
by  h,m  was  the  fact  that  the  planters  wero  restricted  to 
trade  with  England  only.     Such  a  regulation,  he  said,  would 
not  be  opposed  by  any  good  subject  were  it  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Crown  or  of  England,  "but  if  it  shall  appear  that 
neither  of  those  are  advantaged  by  it,  then  wee  cannot  but 
resent,  that  forty  thousand  people  should  bee  empc  .erished 


HeningI,  p.  530;  C.  C. 


1574-1660,  p.  486. 


'■*  >■ 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND 


thoii««,nH  c         .    .  ^  P'ease,  and  indeed  haue  fortv 

tftousand  Servants  in  us  at  -heanor  rof       .u  ^ 

Men  haue  Slaues  forthevfind.r  ''      '"  ""^  °'^^^ 

'  '"'^  '•"^y  nnd  them  meat  drink  ar>A  ri  *u 

of  heat  and  cold :  yett  if  thp=.  extremities 

*e  c„3.„„e, .  Jx^Na^::"::  irror^"'^ 

but  that  it  does  the  Contrary  to  botkTshln       .         '"""'• 
when  Commanded."  ■  ^  '""'^  '="'"'="':» 

Nine  years  later,'  Berkeley  again  took  up  this  question 
In  answer  to  the  query  of  the  Councfl  for  LeL  P  'I 
tions,  as  to  what   If  o«,      I  "' foreign  iianta- 

tradP  ,nH  .  ^'  '*'^'™«<">s  hindered  Virginia's 

trade  and  navigation,  he  wrotp»-   «>»■  i..         .        ^"'^  ^ 
bv  that  seuere  Act  of        r     '  ^  '^  '""^  ^ktructive 

^aueuing  anTcoml:^':^'^,:' -"<'«^  "^  .om 

o»™S.  that  wee  cannot  add^fo:;;:t!:C^r 

>»  crry  i,s  p„d„„  f;:;;'.^  »  ""^  ■"  "■'  "'»y  might  be  po™i„^ 
"ccllcncc  of  ,hd,  ttaber  wold  to  "t "°"°"'  ''"'  ">■  """  »»»  the 
'»  build  .hips  ™„„  cheaply  ,],!lu"r;  ""''  "■"  "  "'«>'  »"«  able 
'»-  .ouK,  las.  io„«e;TH,'MlXrt:t^  'f  T'"" »»"> '= 

■  In  1666,  Berkeley  wrote  to  I^rH  A  r  ■^''^'  ^^  ^^^  " 

two  Scottish  ships  to  trati:;:  llgYn^  c  C  L?-""""^  ^™'-""  ^- 


^•O- 1/26,771;  HeningII,pp. 


1668, 


SII-SI7- 


no.  I 


:34o. 


U) 


II 


111 


-i^       ! 


.1 


. 


i 


i 


114 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


i 


!  ! 


carry  a  pipe  Staf  or  a  Bushell  of  Come  to  any  place  in 
Europe  out  of  the  King's  dominions.  If  this  were  for  his 
Maty  Seruice  or  the  good  of  his  Subjects  wee  should  not 
repine  w'euer  our  Sufferings  are  for  it.  But  on  my  Soulc 
it  is  the  Contrary  for  both,  And  this  is  the  cause  Why  noc 
Small  or  gr*  vessels  are  built  here. "  He,  therefore,  suggested 
that  they  should  have  liberty  to  transport  their  pipe-sta\cs, 
timber,  and  corn  directly  to  foreign  markets.  Their  ina- 
bility to  do  so  constituted  the  gravamen  of  his  complaint, 
and  was  due  to  a  strange  misinterpretation  of  the  Naviga- 
tion Act  by  the  EngUsh  authorities. 

This  statute  provided  that  ships  before  leaving  Eiigland 
for  the  colonies  should  give  bond  to  bring  back  the  enumer- 
ated commodities  laden  there.  Instead  of  demanding  these 
limited  bonds,  the  English  officials  insisted  on  security 
being  -riven  to  bring  to  England  all  the  conunodities  laden 
in  the  colonies.  In  1661,  on  the  complaint  of  some  Ne^v 
England  merchants  that  their  timber,  fish,  and  other  coarse 
merchandise  could  be  disposed  of  in  foreign  markets  to 
better  advantage  than  in  England,  an  Order  in  Council 
specifically  exempted  the  trade  of  those  colonies  from  this 
regulation.!  But  ships  trading  from  England  to  the  other 
plantations  did  not  enjoy  this  privilege.^  In  1674,  however, 
on  a  report  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  that  these 

•  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  28-30;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  303,  304;  Cal.  Trcas. 
Books,  1 660-1 667,  pp.  206,  207 ;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  Series  H,  IV,  pp. 
270,  280. 

'  On  the  provisions  of  the  bonds  dcmandeel  from  these  vessels,  see  T.  C. 
Register  Charles  II,  III,  flf.  450,  451 ;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  365-367 ;  N.  Y.  Col. 
Doc.  Ill,  pp.  44-46,  50. 


VIRGINIA  AND   MARYLAND  „. 

unenumeratcd  commodities  were  "really  not  confined  to 
be  brought  home  hither,  as  is  pretended,  but  that  suffi- 
cient Liberty  is  given  to  the  Merchants  by  the  said  Act  " 
the  above  Order  in  Council  of  1661  was  revoked  as  si 
perfluous.'  As  thereafter  no  hindrance  was  placed  in 
the  way  of  Virginia's  corn  and  timber  being  shipped  to  any 
market  whatsoever,  Berkeley's  indictment  was  no  longer 
pertinent.  * 

Apart  from  these  criticisms  of  Bland  and  Berkeley,  there 
was  virtually  no  complaint  against  the  system  of    trade 
enjoined   by  the  Navigation  Acts.     While  the  Barbados 
Assembly  and  that  colony's  governors  were  vociferous  in 
their  protests,  the  Virginia  legislature  remained  strangely 
mute.    Whether  this  sUence  was  due  merely  to  a  recognition 
of  the  futility  of  any  attempt  to  have  these  laws  altered  or 
proceeded  from  a  tacit  acknowledgment  of  the  fundamental 
equity  of  the  arrangement  in  its  entirety,  cannot  be  positively 
determined.    Unquestionably,  the  colony  would  have  re- 
joiced in  a  relaxation  of  the  system,  and  would  especially 
have  welcomed  permission  to  ship  tobacco  directly  to  foreign 
markets.     In  1673,  Sir  John  Knight,  a  prominent  Bristol 
merchant,  wrote  to  the  Eari  of  Shaftesbury  about   the 
desire  of  the  Virginia  planters  '  for  a  trade  with  the  Dutch 
and  all  other  nations,  and  not  to  be  singly  bound  to  England 
they  saying  openly  that  they  are  in  the  nature  of  slaves  so 
that  the  hearts  of  the  greatest  part  of  them  are  taken  away 
from  his  Majesty,  and  his  Majesty's  best,  greatest    and 
nchest  plantation  is  in  danger,  with  the  planters'  consent, 
■  P.  C.  Ca!.  I,  p.  603. 


i<    1 


'    / 


,r 


ii6 


I 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


to  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands.' '    Even  with  full  allowance 
for  the  writer's  peculiar  temperament— Roger  North  called 
him  'the  most  perverse,  clamorous  old  party  man  in  the 
whole  city  or  nation  ' « _  there  is  no  reason  to  question 
the  essential  accuracy  of  this  statement.    The  farmers  of 
Worcestershire  and  Gloucestershire  undoubtedly  felt  even 
more  bitter  at  the  soldiers  who  annually  uprooted  their 
tobacco  plants.    In  any  reciprocal  arrangement,  mankind  is 
prone  to  ignore  the  benefits  conferred  and  to  dwell  solely 
upon  the  restraints  imposed.    The  essential  point  is,  would 
Virginia  have  welcomed  complete  free  trade  with  the  re- 
moval both  of  all  i-estrictions  and  of  all  special  privileges  ? 
Obviously,  no  positive  answer  can   be  made   to  such   a 
h>'pothetical  question,  but  unquestionably  the  gains   and 
losses  would  have  been  so  evenly  balanced  as  to  render  a 
decision  extremely  difficult. 

Virginia,  however,  at  no  time  pressed  this  point,  but 
sought  by  other  means  to  better  her  economic  condition. 
The  urgent  need  was  to  raise  the  price  of  tobacco,  about 
which  complaints  had  been  just  as  insistent  before,  as  after 
1600.  From  1649  to  1662  the  price  of  tobacco  in  Virginia 
fluctuated  between  a  half-penny  and  threepence  a  pound, 
and  at  the  latter  date,  according  to  Governor  Berkeley,  it 
was  one-penny.'  The  colony  realized  that  the  low  market 
value  of  its  tobacco  was  primarily  due  to  over-production, 

'C.  O.  1/30,  78;  C.  C.  1669-1674;  p.  530. 
"  Sec  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biography,  Sir  John  Knight,  'the  elder.' 
'  Brit.  Mus..  Egerton  MSS.  2395,  f.  356* ;  Beer,  Origins,  pp.  417,  418; 
Bmce,  Economic  History  I.  p.  389. 


VIRGINU  AND  MARYLAND  nj 

and  hence  favored  measures  for  curtailing  and  improving 
the  quality  of  the  crop,  and,  to  compensate  for  this  restricted 
output,  desired  the  introduction  of  other  staples. 

In  1661,  with  the  object  of  preventing  forestalling  and  of 
maintaining  an  even  price  in  England,  the  representatives 
of  Virginia's  interests  in  London  requested  an  order  pro- 
hibiting the  departure  of  any  ship  from  the  tobacco  colonies 
before  May  i,  1662.    At  first  instructions  to  this  effect  were 
issued,  but  they  were  subsequently  revoked  when  it  was 
pointed  out  that  such  ships  as  had  left  England  before  this 
had   been   proposed  would   be    prejudiced    thereby.'     In 
1662,  this  request  was  renewed,  and  at  the  same  time  the 
English  government  was  urged  to  prohibit  the  planting  of 
tobacco  in  Virginia  and  Maryland  after  June  10  in  any  year. 
The  object  of  this  suggested  prohibition  was  to  raise  the 
price  by  improving  the  quality  of  the  crop  and  by  lessen- 
ing its  quantity,  since  tobacco  planted  after  the  date  men- 
tioned was  most  likely  to  be  inferior.    In  addition,  the  cur- 
tailment of  the  tobacco  output  would  permit  the  production 
of  more  staple  commodities,  such  as  silk,  flax,  htmp,  pitch, 
and  potashes.''    In  1661,  the  Virginia  Assembly  had  passed 
a  law  prohibiting  the  planting  of  tobacco  after  June  30, 
provided  Maryland  would  join  in  this  regulation,  but  other- 
wise only  after  July  10.'    Obviously,  the  success  of  such 
a  measure  depended  upon  the  co.  -urrence  of  Maryland. 

■P.C.Cal.I.pp.3i7,3i8. 

'■Ibid.  p.  331;  c.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  301,  307;  Va.  Mag.  XVIII   pp 

^99-300. 

'  Hening  II,  p.  32.    In  1662,  Virginia  prohibited  planting  after  July  10. 
Iktd.  IT,  p.  iiQ. 


'I' 


\i 


U 


1 


! 


u 


ii8 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Without  such  joint-action  this  restriction  would  not  only  be 
ineffective,  but  positively  injurious  to  Virginia,  as  its  people 
would  emigrate  to  Maryland.'  It  was  mainly  with  the 
object  of  obtaining  an  order  binding  on  Lord  Baltimore's 
colony  that  recourse  was  had  to  the  English  government. 

In  its  efforts  to  curtail  the  tobacco  crop  and  to  mtroduce 
other  products,  Virginia  had  an  able  and  influential  advocate 
in  Governor  Berkeley,  who  was  at  this  time  in  London  for 
the  specific  purpose  of  advancing  the  colony's  economic  in- 
terests. ^^     In  a  memorial »  prepared  by  him  for  the  govern- 
ment, he  glowingly  described  the  great  resources  of  Virginia 
apart  from  "  the  vicious  ruinous  plant  of  Tobacco,"  which, 
however,  he  admitted,  had  brought  more  revenue  to  the 
Crown  "than  all  the  Islands  in  America."    He  maintained 
that,  if  "resoluting  instructions  and  indulgent  encourage- 
ments" were  sent  to  the  colony,  within  seven  years  England 
would  no  longer  be  dependent  upon  northern  and  southern 
Europe  for  her  supplies  of  silk,  flax,  hemp,  pitch,  tar,  iron, 
masts,  timber,  and  potash.    "For  all  of  these  but  iron,  wee 
want  only  Skillfull  men  to  produce  them,  the  cheapest  and 
readiest  way;    but  the  making  of  iron  will  require  abler 
purses  then  wee  are  yett  masters  of."     In  order  to  procure 
experienced  men  to  start  these  new  industries,  Berkeley 
stated  that  the  Virginia  Assembly  had  requested  him  to  pro- 
pose that  an  additional  import  duty  of  one-penny  a  pound 

'  Brit.  Mus.,  Egerton  MSS.  .'395,  ff.  3^6"-  ^ 
-\a.  Mag.  XIV,  pp.  105,  u)6. 

'     \  Discourse  and  View  of  \-irginia,"  in  Brit.  Mus.,  Egerton  xMSS.  2J05, 
ft.  j54  tt  scq. 


n  -j 


VIRGINU  AND  MARYLAND  „j 

be  levied  on  tobacco  in  England,  out  of  which  should  be 
defrayed  the  expenses  necessitated  by  this  scheme,  as  well  as 
all  the  public  charges  of  Virginia.'  Their  existing  intolerable 
condition,  according  to  him,  was  primarUy  due  to  Virginia's 
sole  reliance  "on  this  vicious  weed  of  tobacco,  which  at 
length  has  brought  them  to  that  extremity,  that  they  can 
neither  handsomely  subsist  with  it,  nor  wi'l-out  it."  ^ 

There  was  every  reason  to  expect  that  these  views  would 
commend  themselves  to  the  government.    They  coincided 
with  the  policy  of  its  predecessors,  and  in  1661  the  Council 
for   Foreign    Plantations   had   ad^•ised   that   the   Virginia 
planters  be  instructed  to  apply  themselves  to  the  increase 
and  improvement  of  flax,  silk,  and  other  manufactures.' 
WTien,   however,   Virginia's   request   for   a    restriction    of 
tobacco    planting    was    considered,    it    was    peremptorily 
rejected,  and  the  Pri\y  CouncU  declared  that  "they  hence- 
forth would  not  receive  any  Petition  of  that  nature."  *    At 
the  instance  of  the  petitioners,  a  fortnight  or  so  later,  the 
Council   reconsidered   its    hasty    decision,    declaring   that 
"it  was  not  their  Intention  to  forbid  or  discourage  the 
Merchants  and  Planters  of  Virginia   from   making   their 
Addresses  to  them,"  and  summoned  the  interested  parties, 

'  Sec  also  Berkeley's  petition  in  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no   353 
J  Berkeley  retained  a  large  share  of  the  earlier  aversion  from  tobacco.     In 
1666,  he  wrote  to  Lord  Clarendon :   'Trom  my  s..ul  I  wish  it.  and  so  doe  al 
good  men,  that  his  Matie  and  the  Parlament  would  im,>o,e  more  cuslomes 
and  greater  on  this  vild  weed  and  imploy  some  pan  of  it  in  building  forts 
Where  they  are  necessary."     Bodleian,  Clarendon  .MSS.  S4.  ff.  2^0   231 
;^'!:  -^1"-^  ■  ^-^•■■''""  ^^^^-  ^395.  a.  335  et  seq.;  C.  C.  ,66,-,668.  no'.  32 
P.  C.  Register  Charles  II,  II,  f.  641;   P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.   33,;   C.   C.' 
looi-iuuc,  no.  50S. 


u 


ii 


120 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


M 


including  Lord  Baltimore,  to  a  fresh  hearing.*    As  a  result 
thereof,  on  June  29,  1662,  the  CouncU  ordered  Berkeley 
to  repair  to  his  government  and  to  agree  with  Maryland 
upon  some  plan  for  "the  promoting  of  the  Planting  of 
Hemp,  Flax,  and  other  like  considerable  Comodityes  in 
those  Plantations,  and  the  Lessening  of  Planting  Tobacco 
there;  And  that  the  restraint  for  plant!-- Tobacco  may  be 
alike  in  both  Places."     As  regards  th.    equest  that  ships 
be  enjoined  from  leaving  the  colonies  in  question  before 
May  I,  1663,  the  Council  decided  that  there  should  be  no 
such  restraint,  unless  it  should  be  thought  fit  b-  the  respec- 
tive Governors,  Councils,  and  Assemblies  of  both  Virginia 
and  Maryland.'    This  decision  was  embodied  in  the  for 
rnal  set  of  instructions  issued  to  Berkeley  on  his  departure 
for  Virginia  ;  and,  in  addition,  he  was  ordered  to  encourage 
the  planters  to  buiL  .owns  on  every  river,  in  which  "they 
cannot  have  a  better  example  than  from  their  neighbours  of 
New  England,  who  have  in  few  ye.r,  r<:ed  thai  colony  to 
breed  wealth,  reputation,  and  security."    Berkeley  was  also 
ordered  to   transmit   to  England  his  opinion  and  advice 
regarding  the  erection  of  an  iron-work,  which  Charles  II 
himself  wished  to  undertake.'    That  the  government  was 

'  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  33  r. 

Richln'  T'  ''V\  ^"^'^'^'  '^"  "^"'y  ^'^•'^heley,  Edward  Digg.. 
Richard    Lee    and    others,  however,  again   p.titioned    that    ..rclcrf  b^ 
.ssued  prevent.ng  the  tobacco  ships  from  leaving  before  May  .       6 
large  number  of  English  traders  to  the  tobacco  colonies  sent'na  cot,cr 

'  C.  C.  ,661-1668,  no.  368;  Va.  Mag.  Ill,  pp.  ij-^o. 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND  „, 

keealy  interested  in  this  scheme  to  introduce  staple  com- 
modities IS  manifest  i-om  the  fact  that  Berkeley  was  given 
permission  to  import  customs  free  a  three  hundred  ton  ship's 
cargo  of  tobacco,  whenever  he  should  send  to  England  a 
vessel  of  the  same  burden  laden  with  silk,  hemp,  flax,  pitch, 
and  potash  produced  in  Virginia.* 

In   accordance   with   these   instructions,   commissioners 
appomted  by  Governor  Berkeley  and  by  Governor  Calvert 
of  Maryland  held  a  conference  in  the  spring  of  1663;  and 
wuh  a  view  "to  the  lessening  the  great  quantities  now  made 
which  glutts  all  marketts,"  they  agreed  to  propose  to  their 
respective  Assemblies  that  no  tobacco  should  be  planted  in 
either  colony  after  June  20  during  the  year  1664,  and  that 
this  restraint  should  be  in  effect  for  one  year  only,  unless 
the  Assemblies  should  decide   to  continue  it.''    Virg-' iia 
passed  a  law  to  this  effect,'  but  the  Maryland  Assembly 
refused  to  confirm  the  agreement,  mainly  on  the  ground  that 
U  was  inequitable,  in  that,  if   tobacco  planting  should  b. 
prohibited  after  the  same  date  in  both  colonies.  Virginia 
v^ath  Its  more  moderate  climate,  would  bear  a-  smaller  share' 
of  the  burden  of  the  stint  than  her  northern  neighbor.* 
■  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  360;  Va.  Mag.  XIX.  pp.  349,  350. 
L.  O.  I/, 7  29.     According  to  Lord  Baltimore,  the  Mar>'Iand  commit 
oners  proposed  a  total  cessaUon  of  planting  for  one  year,  but  the  VwZa 
mm^ers  rejected  this  suggestion,  because  then  they  would  nT, 
e  to  g.ve  thesfpulated  clothes,  tools,  and  other  necessaries  to  their  se 
a       whose  tern,  of  service  was  expiring,  and  because  during  the  y  a    of 
ce.s.^,on  no  sh.ps  would  come  from  England,  and,  as  a  resulf,  these  shins 
would  then  turn  to  a  new  course  of  trade.    C  O  1/21  ,„  ^ 

•Heningn.p.  190.  '    ' '^"' '^^• 

*C.  0.  1/21,  T32-    In  addition,  Marjlai.d  claimed  that  toborco  ,    ■ 


f'l 


I  I 


V. 


122 


THE  OLD  COLONL\L  SYSTEM 


ii 


Virginia  complained  to  England  of  Maryland's  failure  to 
ratify  this  agreement  and  sought  relief  there.  The  repre- 
sentatives of  the  two  interested  colonies,  as  well  as  the 
Farmers  of  the  Customs,  were  ordered  to  attend  a  hear- 
ing before  the  Privy  Council.'  As  the  Virginia  spokesmen 
and  Lord  Baltimore  could  not  reach  a  mutually  satisfactory 
agreement,  the  Council's  colonial  Committee  reported  that 
in  their  opinion  the  proposal  for  a  limitation  of  the  crop 
was  "inconvenient  both  to  the  Planters  and  his  Majesties 
Customes  ;"^  but,  in  order  to  encourage  these  colonies  to 
apply  themselves  to  products  "which  may  be  of  more  Benefit 
then  Tobacco,"  they  recommended  that  all  hemp,  pitch,  or 
tar  imported  from  them  into  England  should  be  free  of  duties 
for  five  years.  This  report  was  approved,  and  the  necessar>- 
orders  were  issued.'  Lord  Baltimore's  positive  statement, 
that  the  bad  state  of  the  colonies  was  exaggerated,*  influenced 
the  Committee  in  reaching  this  decision,  but  the  fear  of 
the  Farmers  of  the  Customs  that  a  stint  would  f^iminish 
the  English  revenue  was  the  deciding  factor.  Thereafter 
England  opposed  a  direct  limitation  of  the  tobacco  crop, 
although  still  favoring  the  introduction  of  other  products 
which  in  time  would  indirectly  accomplish  this. 


her  sole  means  of  livelihood,  and  that  unless  the  same  restraint  were  laid 
on  the  West  Indies  their  output  would  increase. 

•  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  381. 

^  They  reported  to  the  same  effect  on  the  proposition  to  limit  the  time  for 
ships  to  return  to  Enpland  from  these  colonies. 

3  P.  C.  Register  Charles  II,  IV,  ff.  301-303;  C.  O.  1/18,  148;  P.  C. 
Cal.  I,  pp.  386-38S ;  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  73-7-    C.  C.  1661- 1668,  no.  S52. 

<C.  O.  1/21,  133- 


VIRGINU  AND   MARYLAND 


123 


At  the  time  of  the  Order  in  CouncU  of  1664,  events  were 
inevitably  leadinej  up  to  a  war  with  the  Dutch,  and  when 
this  actually  br-ke  oijt,  the  market  for  EngHsh  colonial 
tobacco  was  ;i)nsiderably    artaUed  and  fewer  English  ships 
came  to  the  oc Ionics.    T  .c  stock  of  tobacco  accumulated 
rapidly.'    According  lo  Berkeley  and  the  Virginia  Council, 
more  was  growing  in  1666  than  would  be  carried  away  in 
three  years.^    In  this  dilemma,  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  also 
Carolina,  which  was  just  becoming  a  factor  in  the  tobacco 
trade,  made  an  agreement  not  to  plant  any  tobacco  for  one 
year,  commencing  February  i,  1667.3    The  Virginia  law  for 
putting  this  agreement  into  effect  stated  that  the  large  quan- 
tity produced  had  glutted  all  markets  and  had  lowered  the 
price,   and   that  the  enforced  cessation  would  enable  the 
planters  to  find  some  other  staples."    These  expectations 
were,  however,  dashed  to  the  ground.    The  small  planters  in 
Maryland  protested  strenuously  against   the  measure  and 
made  their  objections  knowTi  to  Lord  Baltimore,  who  dis- 
allowed the  Act  enforcing  the  cessation  in  his  colony.^    As 

>0n  Feb.  12,  1667,  Secretary  Thomas  Ludwell  of  Virginia  wrote  to 
Clarendon  that,  as  few  ships  had  or  were  likely  to  ccme  from  England,  they 
feared  "that  those  great  quantities  of  tob"  now  vpon  our  hands  will  remaine 
see."  and  had  agreed  upon  a  cessation.  He  hoped  that  this  measure  would 
be  approved  of  in  England,  and  that  it  would  divert  Virginia  to  "making 
more  staple  comoditycs  as  silke  flax  &c."  New  York  Hist.  Soc.  CoU. 
(1869),  pp.  160,  161.    Cf.  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1410. 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1 241. 

^Ihid.  nos.  1211,  1222,  1250,  1306,  1450;  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  117, 
118,  1^0-144.  151-153- 

*  Hening  II,  pp.  224-226. 

"  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1325 ;  Mereness,  Maryland,  pp.  108,  109. 


i 


p 


m 
'■5 

! 


i 


ij: 


^  'I  I 


124 


THE  OLD   COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


r 


Secretary  Ludwell  of  Virginia  wrote  to  Lord  Berkeley,  the 
Governor's  influential  brother,  'Lord  Baltimore  at  one  stroke 
lopped  their  present  and  future  hopes  of  the  benefit  of  a 
cessation." '  Virginia  appealed  to  the  English  authorities,^ 
accusing  Baltimore  of  being  "an  obstructor  of  the  publique 
Good  of  those  Collonies." '  In  answer,  Baltimore  cited  as 
justification  for  his  act  the  Order  in  Council  of  1664 ;  and, 
after  a  hearing  and  full  debate,  and  also  again  a  consultation 
with  the  Farmers  of  the  Customs,  the  government  adhered 
to  its  decision  of  1664  that  such  a  cessation  would  be  dis- 
advantageous.* 

While  these  futile  attempts  were  being  made  to  secure 
a  limitation  of  the  tobacco  crop,  Virginia  was  actively  en- 
gaged in  trying  to  diversify  its  economic  life  by  introducing 
other  industries,  especially  the  cultivation  of  silk,  which 
had  already  b(  n  unsuccessfully  tried  on  several  previous 
occasions.  In  1662,  a  Virginia  law  obliged  all  landholders 
to  plant  ten  mulberry  trees  for  every  one  hundred  acres, 
and  offered  generous  bounties  for  the  silk  that  was  made.^ 
At  the  same  time,  the  production  of  flax  was  encouraged 
and  premiums  were  offered  by  the  legislature  for  cloth  made 
from  it.*    Similarly  in  this  same  year,  bounties  were  offered 

»  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1625;  Va.  Mag.  XIX,  p.  250.  Despite  the  great 
devastation  inflicted  on  Virginia  by  the  memorable  storm  of  1667,  which 
destroyed  a  large  portion  of  the  tobacco,  Ludwell  in  i668  again  ofTcrcd 
arguments  in  favor  of  a  cessation  for  one  year.    C.  C.  i66i-i668,  no.  1798. 

'  Ibid.  nos.  1 50s,  1509.  'C.  O.  1/2 1,  133. 

*  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  445.  446;  C.  O.  1/21,  133. 
'Hening  II,  p.  121.    See  also  p.  iqi. 

•  This  Act  stated  that  "the  incertaine  value  of  tobacco  the  unstaplcnesse 
of  the  comodity  &  the  probability  of  its  planting  in  other  places"  threaten 


VIRGINU  AND  MARYLAND 


125 


I  •      rj 


for  saips  built  in  Virginia/  and  ti.c  exportation  of  wool,  hides 
and  iron  was  forbidden.''  With  the  object  of  diversifying 
its  industries,  Virginia  likewise  exempted  vessels  wholly 
owned  in  the  colony  from  payment  of  the  export  duties  and 
castle  dues.' 

At  the  outset,  great  results  were  anticipated  from  these 
industrial  experiments.    In  1663,  Governor  Berkeley  wrote 
to  the  Secretary  of  State  *  that  Virginians  "in  mighty  num- 
bers wiU  shortly  bee  employed  in  perfecting  those  excellent 
Commodities  of  Hemp  and  fflax,  &  SUk,  which  this  Country 
is  most  capable  of,  and  now  the  Planters  are  most  indus- 
triously intent  on,  and  truly  (my  Lord)  the  Successe  has 
outgone  my  own  hopes."    He  complained,  however,  that 
the  English  merchants,  whatever  was  pretended,  did  not 
desire  them  to  stint  theu-  crop,  and,  as  proof  of  this  assertion, 
he  rather  naively  stated  that  during  the  current  y.,     they 
had  generally  "given  us  greater  prices  for  our  Tobacco 
then  usuaUy  they  did,  and  haue  sent  in  eight  shipp-.  at  least 
more  than  wee  are  able  to  fraygt." «    If  tobacco  brings  a  good 

it  with  ruin,  and  that  the  increased  output  in  Virginia  had  already  glutted 
all  markets  and  had  lowered  its  price.    Hening  II,  pp.  120,  121 
^  Ibid.  II,  p.  122. 

■Ibid.  II,  p.  124.    C/.  pp.  179,  i8s,  216.    In  1671,  this  law  was  repealed 

1nlV\  'Z*'-'^.  II.  pp.  135, 136,  272. 

^  Bnt.  Mus.,  Egerton  MSS.  2395,  ff-  362  cl  scq. 

'As  further  evidence  of  this  contention,  he  said  that,  although  the 
Enghsh  merchants  "knew  his  Maj'.>'  and  your  Lordshipp  did  earnestly  desire 
wee  should  endeavour  to  plant  those  most  useful!  Co.  .modi tics  of  H-mpe 
am  fflax."  yet  they  had  disregarded  his  frequent  requests  for  seed  He 
acklc.,  however,  that  Virginia  had  sown  some  four  hundred  bushels,  which 
would  furnish  them  with  seed  for  the  foUowing  y?ar 


I  ■ 


Pn 
It 


'     1 


i 

''I 


126 


THE  OLD  COLONLVL  SY      '    I 


price,  he  further  said,  Virginia  is  well,  but  she  would  be  even 
better  oflf  if  the  price  were  low,  for  this  would  necessitate 
the  production  of  other  staples  after  "forty  yeares  promot- 
ing the  basest  and  fooUshest  vice  in  the  world."  Berkeley 
himself  was  engaged  in  producing  flax,  hemp,  and  potash, 
and  ex])ccted  soon  to  send  to  England  a  cargo  of  these 
commodities  made  on  his  own  estate.  Having  in  view  the 
history  of  tobacco  and  sugar,  he,  however,  expressed  the 
hope  that  they  would  not  meet  tiic  fate  of  all  such  colonial 
products,  "to  fall  in  price  as  soon  as  they  are  made  by  the 
English."  ' 

Two  years  later,  in  1665,  Secretary  Ludwell  wrote  to  Lord 
Arlington  that  they  had  made  a  satisfactory  start  in  pro- 
ducing silk,  flax,  potash,  and  English  grain,  and  that  they 
hoped  soon  to  make  great  quantities.  He  further  informed 
the  Secretary  of  State  that  they  had  built  several  small 
vessels  to  trade  with  their  neighbors,  and  expected  ere  long 
to  launch  such  as  could  cross  the  Atlantic.^  Berkeley 
likewise  continued  to  be  enthusiastic.  According  to  him, 
Virginia  had  made  great  and  unexpected  progress  in  silk ; 
and  he  predicted  that  its  production  would  double  every 
year  until  100,000  pounds  were  made,  because  they  had 
innumerable  mulberr>'  trees,  which  in  four  or  five  years 
would  come  to  their  "perfectest."  He  admitted,  however, 
that  their  efforts  to  produce  flax  had  been  unsuccessful  and 
that  he  himself  had  lost  £1000  in  this  venture.    This  failure 


'  At  this  time,  Berkeley  sent  to  England  a  ton  of  potash,  stating  that,  if 
it  yielded  a  good  price,  he  would  ship  200  tons  more  of  his  own  manufacture. 
Brit.  Mus.,  Egerlon  MSS.  2395,  f.  365.  ^  C.  C.  1661-166S,  no.  075. 


VIRGINU  AND  MARYLAND  127 

he  attributed  to  want  of  experienced  men,  and  suggested 
that  some  able  "flaxmen"  be  sent  to  Virginia  by  the  Eng- 
lish government.* 

This  optimism  apparently  pervaded  the  entire  colony,  for 
in  1666  the  Assembly  repealed,  as  no  longer  necessar>-,  its 
laws  for  the  encouragement  of  ship-building  and  the  manu- 
facture of  silk  and  cloth,  and  also  that  making  the  planting 
of  mulberry  trees  obligatory .^  This  action  was,  however, 
decidedly  premature.  At  this  time  Virginia  proposed  to 
send  a  present  of  three  hundred  pounds  of  silk  to  Charles  II, 
but  when  ultimately,  in  1668,  it  reached  England,  the 
infant  industry  already  showed  alarming  signs  of  premature 
extinction.^    Accordingly,  in   1669,  the  Assembly  revived 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1030.    See  also  Berkeley  to  Clarendon,  July  20, 
1666,  in  Bodleian,  Clarendon  MSS.  84,  ff.  230.  231. 

'  Hening  II,  p.  241.     See  also  Va.  Mag.  XVII,  pp.  227,  228. 
» This  gift  of  silk  was  ordered  in  1666.  but  was  actuaUy  sent  two  years 
later.^    When  sending  these  "first  fruites  of  their  labours  in  that  kind,"  the 
colony  stated  that  they  hoped  that  the  King  would  be  induced  thereby  to 
send  them  men  "better  skilled  in  that  and  other  staple  comodityes.  for 
which  this  country  is  very  proper,"  so  that  in  short  time  they  may  "noe 
longer  depend  wholly  upon  tobacco,  to  the  mine  of  this  coUony  and  decay 
of  your  Majestes  customes."    At  the  same  time,  Governor  Berkeley  wrote 
to  Charles  II  that  "the  present  is  smal  of  it  selfe,  bu»  the  hopes  and  conse- 
quences of  this  excclcnte  commodity  may  be  hereafter  of  an  inestimable 
benefit  to  your  Majestie's  kingdomes."    But  for  this,  as  well  as  for  flax  and 
hi'mp,  he  added,  "we  want  some  able  skilful  men  to  instruct  us."    When 
acknowledging  the  receipt  of  this  present,  Charles  II  said  he  intended  to 
have  it  made  up  for  his  own  use.     It  was  ordered  "  to  be  wrought  into  bed 
furniture"  for  the  King.     C.  C.  1661-166S,  nos.  1250,  1805,  1806,  1878; 
Budleian,  Clarendon  MSS.  84,  ff.  230,  231 ;  C.  C.  1660-1674,  p.  27  ;  Flem- 
ing :MSS.  (H.M.C.  1800),  p.  60.     This,  however,  was  not  the  first  gift  of 
this  nature  to  Charles  II.     During  the  Interregnum,  and  also  during  the 
regime  of  the  original  proprietary  Company,  serious  attempts  had  been 


,'     41 


h 


^ 


■1 


N 


128 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


the  bounties  on  silk,  which  three  years  before  had  been 
deemed  no  longer  necessary.'  This  was,  however,  of  no  avail. 
Apart  from  all  other  considerations,  the  chief  initial 
obstacle  to  the  successful  production  of  silk  wa^-  the  lack  of 
experienced  and  skilled  workmen.  In  1671,  Governor  Berke- 
ley wrote  that,  if  they  had  such  men  from  Sicily,  Naples,  or 
Marseilles,  "  in  ten  or  fifteen  yeares  we  might  make  and 
send  for  England  five  hundred  Bayles  Yearly  of  Silke."  ^ 
This  was  a  virtual  confession  of  failure  and,  as  these  experts 
were  not  forthcoming,  the  attempts  to  produce  silk  were 
abandoned.  Likewise  no  progress  was  made  in  introducing 
flax,  nor  had  the  colony's  policy  of  preferential  treatment  to 
its  own  shipping  as  >et  yielded  any  commensurate  results. 
In  167 1,  Berkeley  reported  that  Virginia  had  never  at  any 
time  owned  more  than  two  small  vessels  of  not  over  twenty 
tons  each.'  Thus  the  attempts  to  diversify  the  colony's 
economic   life  had  again   come   to   naught.     Despite  all 

made  to  raise  silk  in  Virginia.  Beer,  Origins,  pp.  244,  418 ;  Bruce,  Eco- 
nomic History  I,  pp.  365-370.  In  1661,  Charles  II  received,  from  Edward 
Digges,  the  chiet  promoter  of  this  enterprise,  "a  verie  acceptable  Present 
of  Silke"  produced  in  Virginia,  which  he  ordered  made  into  a  garment  fur 
himself.  The  King  expressed  delight  that  "soe  laudable  and  profittable  a 
Comoditie"  was  made  in  Virginia  and  hoped  that  by  its  increase  there  "our 
Subjects  shall  not  need  to  fetch  it  from  Persia,  but  may  trade,  and  bee 
Cloathed  with  those  Native  and  rich  Proceeds  of  our  own  Dominions." 
Brit.  Mus.,  Egerion  MSS.  2543,  f.  22.  See  also  Brit.  Mus..  Add.  MSS. 
II,  411.  f.  24. 

'  Hening  II,  p.  272. 

=  C.  O.  1  '26,  77;  C.  C.  166Q-1674,  p.  232;  Va.  Mag.  XX,  p.  17.  In 
1672,  Berkeley  repeated  his  request  for  such  skilled  men.  C.  C.  1669-1674, 
P-  321. 

'CO.  1/26,  77i;  Hening  II,  pp.  511-517. 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND  12c, 

eflforts,  the  planters  could  not  be  lured  away  from  tobacco, 
and  Virginia's  prosperity  remained  as  heretofore  contingent 
upon  the  fluctuating  price  of  that  commodity.' 

In  1671,  the  population  of  Virginia  was  estimated  at  40,000 
of  whom  only  2000  were  negroes.  Apart  from  raising  Iheir 
own  food  supplies  and  attending  to  such  matters  as  could  best 
be  done  by  the  local  handicraftsmen,  the  chief  occupation 
of  the  inhabitants  was  the  production  of  tobacco  for  the 
European  markets.  Some  New  England  ketches  traded  to 
the  colony,  but  the  bulk  of  the  tobacco  was  exported  in  the 
ships  from  England  and  Ireland,  of  which  about  eighty  come 
yearly  to  Virginia.''  These  ships  brought  to  Virginia  com- 
modities of  all  sorts  and  kinds  -  wines,  brandies,  utensils 
wearing  apparel,  silks,  linens,  and  woollens.'' 

Virginia's  history  during  the  first  decade  of  the  Restora- 
tion is  preeminently  an  account  of  these  unsuccessful  at- 
tempts to  curtail  the  size  of  the  tobacco  crop  and  to  intro- 
duce  staple  commodities.  The  second  decade  is  dominated 
by  the  political  disturbances  culminating  in  Bacon's  rebel- 
lion.   Its  interest  is  thus  mainly  political,  but  as  the  move- 

'  At  thLs  time,  a  writer  stated  that  Virginia's  chief  commodity  was  to- 
bacco, but  that  it  would  be  weU  if  other  products  were  introduced,  for 

tha   the  Merchant  oftt.mes  had  rather  lose  it,  then  to  pay  the  charges  and 

of  the  Island  of  Jamaica  (London,  1672),  pp.  146,  147. 
=  C.  O.  1/26,  771;  Hening  II,  pp.  511-517. 

frol^F  ^T^^'T:  '^'  "'■  P-  ''^-    ^°  '^^''  ''  '"-^^  ^'d  that  the  exports 
irom  England  to  Virginia  consisted  of  linens  and  woollens,  nails,  iron  tools 

Sfe  TiTT^^'l'  '^'''  ^■'"''  "'"•"'''  ^"^^'■'  ^P'"^'  ^'^-    The  Present' 
i)tate  of  England  (London,  16S3).  IV,  p.  63. 


1      n 


, 


fl 


M       P 


\\ 


I 


(2) 


ill   r 


130 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


in 


\  i 


ment  had  deep  social  roots,  the  question  naturally  arises 
in  this  connection,  to  what  extent,  if  any,  was  this  unrest 
the  result  of  unsatisfactory  economic  conditions  reatcd 
or  aggravated  by  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation. 

In  part,  the  troubles  in  Virginia  proceeded  from  the  lavish 
territorial  grants  made  by  the  Crown  to  courtiers.     In  1649, 
Charles  bestowed  upon  several  of  his  most  zealous  supporters 
that  portion  of  Virginia  between  the  Rappahannock  and 
Potomac  rivers,  known  as  the  Northern  Neck,  which  com- 
prised a  not  insignificant  fraction  of   the  then  accessible 
area  of  the  province.'    After  the  Restoration,  the  surviving 
patentees  sought  to  exercise  their  rights,  and  leased  the 
territory  for  a  number  of  years  to  Sir  Humphrey  Hooke  and 
two  others.     In  1662,  Charles  II  wrote  to  the  Governor  and 
Council  of  Virginia  that  it  was  not  the  intention  to  withdraw 
the  colony  from  their  care,  and  that  they  should  aid  the 
representatives  of  Hooke  and  his  associates  in  settling  the 
plantation  and  in  receiving  its  rents  and  profits.^     Berke- 
ley and  the   Council,  however,  obstructed    the   execution 
of  this  grant  as  destructive  to  Virginia,  and  requested  its 
revocation.'    On  account  of  their  determined  opposition, 
it  could  not  be  enforced.     Five  years  later,  however,  this 
plan  was  revived,  and  in  order  to  facilitate  it,  those  inter- 
ested in  the  patent  of  1649  —  the  Earl  of  St.  Albans,  Lord 
Berkeley,  Sir  William  Moreton,  and  John  Tretheway  —  sur- 

'  C.  C.  i66g-i674,  pp.  22-24,  53 ;  Va.  Hist.  Register  III,  p.  1S3 ;  Blath- 
wayt,  Journal  II,  f.  403 

-  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  301. 

'Brit.  Mus.,  Egerton  MSB.  2395,  ff-  36I^  365;  C.  C.  1661-166S,  no. 
520. 


ft! 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND 


131 


rendered  it,'  and,  in  return,  received  in  1669  a  fresh  grant. 
This  patent  of  1669  covered  the  same  area  as  did  its  prede- 
cessor, and  authorized  the  proprietors  to  exercise  within  their 
domain  poHtical  rights  similar  to  those  enjoyed  by  the 
mediaeval  manorial  barons,  subject,  however,  to  the  general 
power  of  the  Virginia  Assembly  to  impose  taxes  and  to  make 
laws  for  the  colony  as  a  whole.' 

This  patent  created  considerable  unrest  in  Virginia.    In 
167 1,  Secretary  Ludwell  wrote  to  Lord  Arlington  that  the 
clause  confirming  only  such  land  grants  within  the  Northern 
Neck  as  had  been  made  by  the  Governor  and  Council  prior 
to  September  29,  1661,'  'breeds  infinite  discontents  and  may 
produce  sad  effects.'    He  added  that  he  had  ' never  observed 
anything  so  much  move   the  people's   grief   or  passion, 
or  which  doth  more  put  a   stop  to  their  industry,  than 
their  uncertainty  whether  they  should  make  a  country  for 
the  King  or  other  Proprietors.'    He  also  stated  that  the 
agents  of  the  patentees  were  already  beginning  to  slight  the 
Virginia  authorities  'further  than  their  patent  warrants,' 
and  that  '^e  believed  their  design  was  'to  get  themselves 
freed  wholly  from  this  Government,'  which  would  ruin  the 
colony  and  render  it  incapable  of  defending  itself.'' 

Heedless  of  this  protest,  in  1673,  Charles  II  further  granted 
to  the  Earl  of  Arlington  and  Lord  Culpeper*  all  of  Virginia 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  1508,  1512. 

'  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  22-24.  For  the  royal  instructions  to  obey  this 
patent,  see  ibid.  p.  53.  j  cf.  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1513. 

*C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  234,  23s;   Va.  Mag.  XX,  pp.  19-21. 

'  Hening  II,  pp.  427,  428,  519,  568-578 ;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  8io.  This  patent 
IS  e-njneously  calendared  under  the  year  1672  in  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  334. 


1 

•1    J 


I, 


f 


Pi     ! 


i 

A 

I! 


132 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL   SYSTEM 


for  thirty-one  years  with  even  somewhat  more  extensive 
political  powers  than  had  been  conveyed  by  the  patent  of 
1669.'    In  addition,  these  grantees  received  the  right  to 
collect  the  quit-rents,  whose  payment  had  hitherto  not  been 
enforced,  although  they  were  a  condition  of  all  the  Virginia 
land  grants.    Alarmed  at  this  prospect,  and  fearing  that  the 
somewhat  vague  political  powers  of  the  patentees  might  ulti- 
mately be  construed  so  as  to  reduce  Virginia  to  the  status  of 
a  proprietary  colony,  in  1674  the  Assembly  voted  to  petition 
the  King  and  to  send  representatives  to  England  to  further 
their  cause.''    To  the  existing  agent,  Francis  Moryson,  were 
added  Robert  Smith  and  Secretary  Ludwell,  and  a  heavy 
poll-tax  was  levied  to  meet  their  expenses.    After  protracted 
negotiations,  during  which  it  was  pointed  out  that  the 
King's  authority  in  Virginia  must  m  no  way  be  lessened, 
"  for  the  New  England  disease  is  very  catching," »  it  was 
decided  that  the  inhabitants  of  Virginia  should  "ha/e  their 
imediate  dependance  upon  the  Crowne  of  England  under  the 
Jurisdiction  and  Rule  of  such  Governor  as  your  Majesty 
.  .  .  shall  appoint."  *    In  other  words.  Lords  Arlington  and 
Culpeper  surrendered  their  political  rights,  retaining  only  the 
quit-rents  and  escheats.^   Charles  II,  however,  soon  thereafter 
gave  his  royal  word  to  take  over  this  as  yet  only  prospective 
revenue  and  to  apply  it  to  the  public  uses  and  support  of 
Virginia;*   and  ultimately,  in  1684,  this  was  effected.^    In 

'  Cf.  C.  O.  1/34,  loi  and  102.  «  Hening  II,  pp.  311,  518-520. 

'  C.  O.  1/33,  108;  C.  C.  1673-1676,  pp.  152-153. 

«  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  636-638.    Cf.  C.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  447. 

'  C.  C.  166Q-1674,  p.  334-  •  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  810. 

'  Sec  ante,  Vol.  I,  pp.  195,  196. 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND 
so  far  as  the  patent  for  the  Northern  Neck  was  concerned 
It  was  decided  in  1675  to  grant  a  charter  incorporating 
Virginia  for  the  sole  purpose  of  enabhng  it  "to  purchase  and 
reteyne"  the  rights  of  St.  Albans  and  the  other  patentees  of 
1669.     The  political  unrest  and  the  subsequent  disturbances 
m  Virginia,'  however,  halted  this  movement,  and  ultimately 
the  plan  of  giving  a  charter  to  the  colony  was  abandoned ' 
To  a  considerable  extent  the  unrest  in  Virginia  was  due 
to  the  uncertainty  produced  by  these  ill-advised  grants  of 
Charles  II.    In  their  protest  against  them,  the  agents  of 
Virginia  stated  in  1675  that,  though  they  paid  more  customs 
m  England  than  any  other  colony,  they  had  been  "oi'eru'eU 
sahsfied  with  theire  ConduTon"  unta  the  issue  of  the  patent 
of  1669,  which  was  extremely  prejudicial,  and  when  this 
was  followed  by  the  more  extensive  grant  of  i6;3,  "to  their 
unspeakable  greife  and  Astonishment,"  they  saw  themselves 
reduced  to  a   condition   far  worse   than  that  which  had 

J,l^:^oV-''-'''^''-    ^^•'*^PP-^^9-'^3o;  C.C.x6;5-.6;6,pp. 

'The  Order  in  Council  ordering  the  issue  of  the  charter  was  dated 

N  vember  x,,  :6;5  but  the  first  news  of  the  actual  disturbances  prec  d    g 

the  rebellion  reached  England  in  June  of  1676.    P.  C.  Cal  I  p  6  6-  C  C 
1675-1676,  p.  386.  .H-O30,  «-.C. 

to  laki^.  T'T''  ^''-  ''"'  ''''  ^'  '•  ^-  ^-  ^"'-  ^-  P-  '''■  I"  addition 
o  Tfi^T  '."  'T'''""  "  ''  ''  ^"^'•'^  •' '°  P"-hase  the  patent 

of  1669,  the  proposed  charter  would  in  addition  have  guaranteed  to  \-ir- 
g>ma  certam  invaluable  rights  and  privileges,  such  as:  x,  immediate  de- 
pendence upon  the  English  Crown;    .,  freedom  from  taxation  except  with 

lZT:l-T  "^TT'  ^°"""''  ^"'  ""^«^^-'   3.  confirma'on 
e  .st,„g  land  t.tles  and  the  abstention  of  the  Cro.-n  from  future  grants 

the  Grand  Assembly  of  the  colony.    Ibid.  pp.  636-638. 


f' 


w 


r 


IJ4 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


. 


prevailed  under  the  original  colonizing  Company.*     Other 
factors  were,  however,  even  more  disturbing.    The  system 
of  government  in  Virginia  after  the  Restoration  had  gradu- 
ally become  a  close  oligarchy.    Political  power  was  to  a 
great  e.xtent  in  the  hands  of  the  Governor  and  of  the  larpc 
planters,  who  composed  the  Council  and  divided  all  pun- 
lie   offices    among  themse'ves  and   their   asswiates.     The 
Assembly  was  an  impotent  bcxly,  subservient  to  the  wishis 
of  the  Governor  and  Council,  and  no  longer  adequatcl\- 
represented  the  colony's  wishes.    The  burgesses  had  been 
chosen  by  universal  suffrage  in  1661,  during  the  flood-tide 
of   the   royalist   reaction  ;   and,  although   conditions   had 
greatly   altered  since  then,  this  Assembly  had  been  kept 
alive  by  adjournments  and  prorogations.     Its  life  all  but 
paralleled  in  duration  that  of  the  "Cavalier  Pariiament" 
in  England,  and  both  jodies  in  time  equally  misrepresented 
the  true  sentiments  of  their  respective  communities. 

At  the  head,  and  in  full  command  of  this  political 
oligarchy,  which  virtually  completely  controlled  the  col- 
ony, was  the  Governor,  Sir  William  Berkeley.  Of  excel- 
lent family  and  of  considerable  scholarly  attainments  —  liis 
drama,  "The  Lost  Lady,"  found  some  favor  with  Pf-pys  '  — 
Berkeley  had  for  a  long  time  proved  himself  an  efficient 
administrator  and  energetic  public  servant.  lie  had  been 
closely  identified  with  Virginia  ever  since  1641,  when  iir-t 
he  was  appointed  Governor,  was  largely  interested  n  1<  .ai 
enterprises,  and  had  in  time  become  more  Virginuin  f-jr 
English.    He  was  an  even  more  outspoken  champiot  oi  11- 

'  C.  O.  1 734.  iQi  and  102.  '  Pcpys,  Ja" 


,0   ,*.._ 


VIRGINIA  AND   MARYLAND 

colony's  interests  than  was  Lord  VVilloughby  in  Barbados. 
But  Berkeley  was  conservative  to  the  core,  and  was  opposed 
to  the  spread  of  ix,pular  education  and  of  democratic  ideas 
Dunng  h.s  regime,  in   ,670,  the  suffrage  was  hmited  to 
freeho  ders.     This  measure  was  designed  to  perpetuate  the 
control  of  the  large  landowners,  whenever   the  necessity 
should  arise  for  dissolving  the  Assembly  of  ,66.  and  calling 
a  new  one.     Steps  were  also  taken  to  maintain  secure  the 
power  of  this  class  in  the  parish,  which  was  the  most  im- 
portant institution  of  local  government  in  \'irginia     The 
authority  of  the  parish  was  exercised  by  the  vestrj-men 
who  had  been  popularly  chosen,  but  in  r66.  a  Virginia  lau' 
provided  that  in  future  all  vacancies  in  these  boards  should 
Do  filled  by  the  remaining  members." 

While  this  oligarchy  was  consolidating  its  power,  the  area  of 
settlement  was  slowly  encroaching  on  the  wilderness.     The 
settlers  m  these  new  counties  embodied  the  frontier  spirit 
whK-h  played  so  prominent  a  part  in  the  relations  of  Eng- 
land and  America  during  the  old  Empire  and  which  was  one 
^f  the  fundamental  factors  in  shaping  the  histor>'  of  the 
Imted  States.     The  individualism  of  the  frontiersman    his 
n^nten  ot  for  the  forms  and  processes  of  orderly  govern- 
'^t  smce  they  «-ere  of  little  avail  on  the  unsettled  borr^^r 
-n^t-n    self-help  constituted   the  best  chance  for  survival 
^-K^-d  a  cleavage  tending  to  separate  this  region  from  the 
-oer  :ide-water  counties.     .Moreoser,  in  the  cradle  of  the 
-*d  Dominion  "  itself  there  had  grown  up  a  new  generation, 

'-    E.  Howard,  Local  Constitutional  History  of  United  States  T,  pp. 


!  11 


M 


II 


I 


I 


136 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


:(! 


:i  i 


which  resented  its  exclusion  from  political  power.  Thus 
developed  throughout  the  entire  colony  considerable  oppo- 
sition to  the  existing  system  of  government.  At  the  same 
time,  with  increasing  age  and  long  tenure  of  undisputed 
power,  the  Governor  had  become  ever  more  autocratic  and 
arrogant,  and  resented  any  infringement  of  his  absolute 
authority. 

Among  the  specific  complaints  against  the  ruling  oligarchy 
were  the  unnecessarily  frequent  sessions  of  the  Assembly, 
which  were  found  burdensome  as  the  burgesses  were  paid, 
and  the  heavy  and  unequal  taxes.    In  especial,  complaint 
was  made  against  the  poll-tax,  which  was  raised  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  agents  in  securing  the  abrogation  of  the 
Arlington-Culpeper  grant  of  1673.    The  poor  man  paid  as 
much  as  he  that  had  twenty  thousand  acres,  wrote  Giles 
Bland.'    Moreover,  the  members  of  the  Council  were  ex- 
empt from  taxation.     In  addition,  there  was  a  widespread 
suspicion  that  the  colony's  revenue  was  used  for  other  than 
public  purposes  and  that  the  officials  were  taking  advantage 
of  their  positions  to  further  their  own  private  ends.''    In  the 
years  1673  to  1675  the  discontent  with  these  conditions  had 

•  Bland  also  said  that  'the  charge  of  two  burgesses  is  500  lbs.  of  tobacco 
daily  to  each  county,  though  many  of  the  counties  are  so  small  that  they 
have  not  500  tithables  in  them.'    C.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  386. 

'  In  1672,  Nicholas  Spencer  wrote  from  Virginia  to  his  brother  that,  by  the 
favor  of  Governor  Berkeley,  he  was  collector  of  the  colony's  export  duties 
in  the  Lower  Potomac  District,  and  that  he  would  like  this  position  con- 
firmed by  letters  patent,  as  Berkeley  was  aged  and  might  die  soon,  and  as 
his  successor  would  probably  bestow  such  places  on  the  highest  bidders. 
He  added  significantly  that,  while  the  salary  was  not  of  much  account,  the 
office  gave  him  many  advantages.    Brit.  Mus.,  Sloane  MSS.  3511,  f.  134. 


VTRCINIA  AND  MARYLAND 

led  to  «,„e  disturbances,  but  these  had  been  easUy  quelled  ■  ■ 
and  .t  .doubtful  if  any  fundamental  commotion  IddW 
occurred  had  not  the  Indian  situation  demonstrated  the  il 
competence  of  the  oligarchic  poUtical  machine.    In  ano  he, 
-nnecuon,  a  distinguished  publicist  has  weU  said  "^ 
exclusive  government  may  be  pardoned  if  it  is  efficient  a^ 
-efficent  government  if  it  rests  upon  the  people.    But" 
govenunent  which  is  both  mefficient  and  exclusive  fncurs 
a  we.ght  of  odium  under  which  it  must  ultimately  sir- 
In  ,675,  some  minor  difficulties  were  encountered  ™th  the 
tod^on  the  northern  f^ntier, during  .he  course  of  wL^h 
«>me  Susquehannas  were  unjustly  executed  by  the  colonia  s 
h  reW.at.on  for  this  action,  this  tribe  and  its  aUies  at^k^' 
the  planuuons  m  the  Northern  Neck  and  elsewheret„t^ 

"°  '"'T'  '"P'  '"  "^  """  'W^  «^*"=  situation  and 

them  awa.t  the  action  of  the  Assembly,  which  w  Jto  rectn 
vene  o„„i„Harch of  ra;a.    The meas'ures  thenTd  ^bT 
tt  bu^esses  were,  however,  equally  futile,  and  accordm^J 
tte  Pbn ters  m  some  of  U,e  affected  counties  organiid 
for  seU-drfence  agamst  the  Indians.    They  found  L  able 

L  the  ",         r?  ^"°"'  """'  """'^''  "■"  a  recent  arri" 
m  he  colony,  had  as  a  result  of  his  prominent  famUy  con 
«t,ons  already  been  made  a  member  of  the  CouncU     At 
the  head  of  a  smaU  force,  Bacon  was  signally  successf  j 

'  James  Bryce,  Impressions  Of  South  Africa  (VewYor'-   ,      > 

1,-^ew  Yora.,  1900;,  p.  xix. 


I,         SI 


m' 

1 

1              • 

! 

4 

i 

'1! 


I   I 


»38 


THE  OLD   COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


against  the  Indians.  In  the  meanwhile,  Governor  Berkeley, 
irritated  at  such  independence  of  conduct,  had  in  vain  tried 
to  recall  Bacon  from  this  expedition,  and,  as  no  heed  was  paid 
to  these  commands,  dubbed  him  a  rebel,  suspended  him  from 
his  public  offices,  and  made  an  ineffectual  attempt  to  arrest 
him.  Public  opinion  naturally  favored  the  successful  Indian 
fighter,  and  when  in  this  emergency  Berkeley,  unwisely  from 
his  standpoint,  dissolved  the  old  Assembly  and  called  a  new 
one,  it  was  fUled  with  supporters  of  Bacon,  who  himself 
was  returned  from  Henrico,  one  of  the  upper  counties. 

Bacon  was,  however,  not  to  sit  with  the  burgesses,  for  a 
somewhat  perfunctory  reconciliation  between  him  and  the 
Governor  was  effected,  and  he  was  restored  to  his  seat  in 
the  Council.  The  new  Assembly  passed  various  reform 
measures,  annulling  the  restrictions  on  the  suffrage,  restoring 
the  open  vestry,  and  repealing  the  exemption  of  councillors 
from  taxation.  In  addition,  provision  was  made  for  raising 
an  effective  military  force  for  operations  against  the  Indians, 
and  Bacon  was  designated  as  its  commander.  Berkeley, 
however,  delayed  issuing  the  commission  so  long  that 
Bacon's  mistrust  was  aroused.  Accordingly,  Bacon  with- 
drew from  Jamestown,  and,  returning  with  a  considerable 
body  of  armed  supporters,  demanded  his  commission  from 
the  Governor.  Against  this  show  of  force,  Berkeley  was  help- 
less, and,  short  of  surrendering  his  office,  he  had  no  choice 
but  to  give  Bacon  full  military  authority.  The  reforming 
Assembly  was  then  dissolved,  and  while  Bacon  was  effectively 
restoring  peace  on  the  frontier,  the  Governor,  smarting  in 
his  humiliation,  again  proclaimed  him  a  rebel  and  traitor. 


4. 


VIRGINU   AND  MARYLAND  , 

Berkeley's  efforts  .„  r^se  a  military  force  i„  .ide-™ter 
Virgmia  were,  however,  unsuccessful,  for  even  in  these  older 
counues  there  was  no  desire  to  enlist  against  so  ene.«etic  a 
defender  of  the  colony  as  was  Bacon. 

By  his  actions  Bacon  had  placed  himself  in  open  hostility 
and  m  plam  rebellion  to  the  established  government  of  the 
provmce,  and  as  its  authority  was  derived  from  the  Crown 
he  was  forced  by  the  logic  of  events,  whatever  may  have  been' 
h-s  ongmal  mtentions,  hato  contemplating  the  possibffity  of 
*»beymg  the  direct  commands  of  the  imperial' goverm^en 
and  of  opposmg  any  troops  sent  from  England  to  secure  their 

n„T.-.-    1  P™P«:t,  nor  even  by  the  possibility  of 

pohfcd  separation  from  England,  but  before  anything  of  this 
na  ure  had  oystallized,  in  the  fall  of  ,6;6,  wh^e  the  enthl 
olony  was  at  his  mercy  and  the  Governor  was  a  virtu^ 
^^  .ve,  a  sudden  Uhess  extmguished  his  meteoric  careen 
W,U.  h.s  removal,  the  entire  movement  speedily  collapsed 
fekeky  recovered  his  authority,  and  vrndictivel  used't  to 
nrsh  to  the  gaUows  nearly  two  score  of  the  Baconians,  besides 
um^g  others  with  undue  severity.    Charles  11  Lad  „„ 

oUrile     M         ""T""'  '"'"''^  ^"""^  W^  °>™  decade 
d  2  ;.•  '  ""  "'"  ^"""^  "«"  ™»  elected 

tZZr""  ""'"''  '"  -'  '-^  '''°™  ™*  0,  its 

»«gl.b„m  II.  pp.  "s^"  '°     *'■  °"  «*»»»■!  Ho, 


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140 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Throughout  the  summer  of  1676  news  of  the  discontent 
and  disturbances  in  Virginia  was  being  received  in  England.' 
As  the  movement  progressed  the  necessity  for  action  be- 
came ever  more  apparent.  Various  steps  were  proposed, 
and  finally  it  was  decided  to  recall  Berkeley,  as  his  age  and 
infirmities  unfitted  him  for  so  weighty  a  charge,  but,  out  of 
consideration  for  'his  long,  faithful,  and  successful  services,' 
he  was  not  deprived  of  the  title  and  dignity  of  Governor.' 
At  the  same  time,  three  commissioners  —  Herbert  Jeffreys, 
Sir  John  Berry,  and  Francis  Moryson  —  with  one  thousand 
soldiers,  were  sent  to  the  colony  to  restore  peace  and  to  in- 
quire into  the  causes  of  the  disturbances.'  Jeffreys  was  also 
appointed  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  colony,  with  instruc- 
tions to  take  charge  of  its  administration  after  Berkeley's  de- 
parture for  England.*  These  three  men  were  of  such  char- 
acter as  to  inspire  confidence  in  their  findings.  I.Ioryson 
had  for  a  considerable  time  been  Virginia's  faithful  agent  in 
England.  Berry  was  a  distinguished  naval  officer,"  who 
had  just  shown  his  open-minded  impartiality  by  vigorously 
defending  the  Newfoundland  settlers  against  the  false 
charges  of  the  English  fishermen."    Moryson  was  highly 

•  GUes  Bland's  account  of  the  unrest,  dated  April  28,  was  received  in 
June.    C.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  386.    See  also  pp.  401,  412,  413,  426. 

•  Ibid.  p.  449. 

»  Ibid.  pp.  4SS,  457-461. 

<  Ibid.  pp.  48s,  486;  Va.  Mag.  XIV,  pp.  356-359. 

'  He  was  "a  'tarpaulin'  officer  who  had  worked  his  way  up  from  the 
forecastle  by  sheer  merit  and  hard  fighting."  Corbett,  England  in  the 
Mediterranean  II,  p.  134. 

•  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  259-261,  275,  276,  316,  317,  329,  330,  439,  507; 
C.  C.  1699,  pp.  601,  602.    See  also  post,  Chapter  IX. 


VIRGINU  AND  AIARYLAND 

141 

pleased  with  his  coUcagues;  a  fitter  person  than  Jeffreys, 
he  sa.d,  could  not  have  been  found,  and  Berry,  according 
to  hun,  was  'of  unbiassed  principles,  prudent  conduct,  and 
unweaned  industry  for  the  service.' ' 

When,  early  in  1677,  these  Commissioners  arrived  in  Vir- 
gmia,  the  rebeUion  was  over,  and  Berkeley  was  in  the  midst 
of  his  insensate  measures  of  retaliation.    There  was  vir- 
tually nothing  for  the  soldiers  to  do,  and  but  httle  for  the 
Commi^joners  beyond  stopping  Berkeley's  excesses  and  in- 
ducmg  him  to  leave  for  Europe.^    After  some  delay  this 
was  effected,  but  as  Berkeley  died  in  the  early  summer  of 
1677,  shorUy  after  his  arrival  in  England,  no  investigation 
of  his  conduct  was  made  there.'    Two  years  before,  the 
reversion  of  this  place  had  been  granted  to  Lord  Culpeper  * 
and  accordingly  on  Berkeley's  death  he  took  the  oaths  o'f 
office  as  Governor  of  Virginia.^    As  Culpeper  was,  however, 
exceedingly  averse  from  leaving  the  congenial  atmosphere 
of  London,  the  administration  remained  in  the  hands  of 
Lieutenant-Governor  Jeffreys.    His  associates.  Berry  and 
Moryson  had  returned  to  England  during  the  summer  of 
1677,  and  at  the  same  time  the  bulk  of  the  troops  sent  to 
Virgima  were  also  withdrawn." 
Before  their  departure,  Berry  and  Moryson,  together  with 

'C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  42. 
'  Cf.  Va.  Mag.  XIV,  p.  272. 
'  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  106,  138. 
JCC.x67S-x676,p.247;C.C.x677-r68o,p.  X07;  Va.  Mag.  XIV,  pp. 

'C  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  107,  131,  X42,  143. 
find.  pp.  8s,  163. 


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THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Jeffreys,  established  Indian  relations  on  a  firm  and  rational 
basis.'  In  addition,  in  pursuance  of  their  instructions,'  the 
Commissioners  made  elaborate  and  careful  inquiries  into 
the  causes  of  the  disturbances  of  the  preceding  year.'  The 
various  counties  were  instructed  to  state  their  complaints,  if 
any,  and  thus  there  are  available  in  all  reports  from  sexen- 
teen  counties  and  two  parishes,  which  included  nearly  the 
entire  colony.*  In  these  statements  of  grievances  there  is  a 
substantial  unanimity  as  to  the  causes  of  the  troubles.  Great 
stress  was  laid  on  the  inadequacy  of  the  measures  adopted 
by  Berkeley  to  cope  with  the  Indian  peril.  Similarly,  there 
was  almost  a  imiversal  complaint  that  the  taxes  were  exces- 
sive and  unequal,  and  that  the  revenue  was  diverted  from 
the  purposes  for  which  it  had  been  intended.  In  the  opin- 
ion of  James  City  County,  which  was  concurred  in  by  nearly 
all  the  others,  the  late  Indian  trouble,  together  with  the  pay- 
ment for  two  years  of  the  heavy  poll-tax,  were  "  the  greate 
Causes  of  these  rebellions  &  Civill  Comotions  in  this  poor 
Country."  *  Gloucester  County  also  stated  that  "this  Tax 
occasioned  the  first  Discontents  among  the  People."  * 

>  Va.  Mag.  XIV,  pp.  28Q-296.    Cf.  Osgood,  op.  cit.  Ill,  pp.  288,  2S9. 
«  Va.  Mag.  XIV,  p.  273.  » Ibid.  p.  278. 

*  These  reports  are  in  C.  O.  1/39,  nos.  58-100.  Some  have  been  printed 
in  the  Virginia  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography,  and  a  very  summary 
abstract  is  given  in  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  44-50.  »  C.  O.  1/3Q,  58. 

*  Ibid.  94.  On  April  i,  1676,  Governor  Berkeley  wrote  to  Thomas 
I.udwell:  "Here  are  divers  that  would  faine  perswade  the  People  that  al 
their  High  Taxes  wil  bring  them  no  benefit  so  that  if  the  most  advantageous 
termes  had  been  proposed  to  us  it  had  beene  impossible  to  have  perswadcd 
the  people  to  have  parted  with  more  Tobb.  til  a  more  certaine  demonstration 
had  been  given  them  of  what  is  already  donne      I  appeasd  two  mutinies 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND  143 

Despite  this  general  agreement,  it  has  at  various  times 
been  contended  that  the  uprising  was,  in  part  at  least,  one 
against  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation.'    If  there  had 
existed  in  Virginia  any  widespread  and  well-defined  feeling 
of  antagonism  to  these  laws,  i.  would  unquestionably  have 
found  expression  in  these  statements  of  grievances.    Most 
of  these  reports  were  drawn  up  in  a  number  of  articles, 
and  in  aU  there  were  nearly  two  hundred  of  such  separate 
subdivisions,  yet  only  three  of  this  large  number  of  com- 
plaints refer  in  any  way  to  these  statutes.    Moreover,  no 
one  of  these  three  articles  attacks  England's  policy  iii  its 
entirety,  but  only  some  one  specific  and  minor  phase  of  it. 
No  reference  at  aU  was  made  to  the  enumeration  of  tobacco, 
which  was  the  most  vital  point. 

The  second  of  York  County's  twelve  grievances '  was  a 
request  for  permission  "to  transport  wheate,  any  Comodity 
of  this  Countrey's  produce  (except  Tobacco)  to  the  Azores 
and  Canary  Islands,  to  retume  w'"  any  Comodities  of  the 
produce  of  those  Islands,  as  alsoe  the  Liberty  that  is  granted 
to  New  England,  Newfoundland  to  fetch  Salt  from  any  port 
m  Europe  by  the  Shipping  that  Solely  belongs  to  the  Inhabit^ 

this  last  yeare  raysed  by  some  secret  villalnes  that  wisperd  amongst  the 
i'-ople  that  there  was  nothing  entended  by  the  fifty  pound  Icavy  but  the 
cmching  of  some  few  people.  But  this  yearc  it  has  becnc  cherf  ully  payde  b  v 
every  one  thoughe  the  necessity  of  a  new  tax  is  layde  uppon  us  for  the 
Indians  are  Generally  combined  against  us."     Va.  Mag.  XX  pp   246   24- 

*  This  contention  was  first  made  by  Robert  Beverley,  Virginia's 'eigh- 
U-enth-century  his-orian.  His  statement  has  been  accepted  bv  Phihp  \ 
Bruce  (Econ.  Hist.  I,  p.  359)  and  has  been  given  considerable  extension  by 
John  Fiske  (Old  Virginia  and  Her  Neighbours  II,  pp.  96,  97). 

'  C.  0.  1/39,  92. 


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144 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


of  this  his  Ma'^  Country."    Under  the  law  as  it  stood, 
Virginia  could  export  aU  her  produce,  except  tobacco,  to  any 
market,  and  could  import  wines  directly  from  the  Madeiras 
and  Azores.    There  was  some  doubt  whether  such  importa- 
tions could  lawfuUy  be  made  direcUy  from  the  Canaries. 
Thus  the  request  narrowed  itself  down  to  one  for  permis- 
sion to  import  salt  directly  from  Europe  in  Virginia  ships, 
and  for  a  somewhat  greater  extension  of  the  trade  already 
...lowed  from  the  Portuguese  wine  islands,  as  weU  as  the 
inclusion  of   the   Canaries  within  this  privUeged  group. 
The  proposal  was  far  from  revolutionary,  and  it  is  not 
surprising  that  the   Commissioners  replied  that  in  their 
opinion  it  was  worthy  of  the  consideration  of  the  Lords  of 
Trade. 

Then,  Lower  Norfolk  County  requested  permission  to 
export  tobacco  to  the  other  English  colonies  without  paying 
the  one-penny  duty  imposed  by  the  Act  of  1673,  which  they 
claimed  had  discouraged  aU  adventurers.'    Similarly  among 
the  fourteen  complaints*  registered  by  a  part  of  Citternborn 
parish  in  Rappahannock  County,'  it  was  also  claimed  that 
this  duty  was  injurious  and  had  ahnost  ruined  them,  because 
it  kept  the  New  England  traders  away  and  thus  deprived 
Virginia  of  its  supply  of  com  and  other  necessaries,  which 
"wee  are  at  a  Cheaper  rate  suppli'd  w*""  thence.    In  reply, 
the  Commissioners  stated  that  "the  penny  impost  being 
lay'd  by  Act  of  Pariiam'  &  y'  onely  way  to  keepe  y]  New 
Eng-'  men  from  defrauding  His  Ma*"  of  his  Customes, 'being 
a  most  necessary  Imposicion,  is  not  to  be  complain'd  but  to 

■  C.  0.  I  '3Q,  95.  J  iind.  62.  .  This  is  now  Essex  County. 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND 


1.  '■'5 

be  executed."  They  further  added,  and  unquestionably 
cor^cUy  so,  that  the  allegation  about  the  tra^ewtthNew 
England  was  "utterly  false."  The  severe  Indian  „nfll 
n  the  northern  colonies,  known  as  King  Phili^-sXr 
had  «nously  interfered  with  the  crops  the' ,  and'a  a  re' 
suit  these  colomes  had  no  sun,lus  for  export.  On  account 
of  the  prevailing  scarcity,  Massachusetts^n  ,6,5  sus^nd^ 

flour,  and  forbade  the  ex^rtation  of  all  provisions,  eicept 
M,  and  such  as  were  needed  to  supply  the  trading  ships' 
Not  only  d.d  Barbados  suffer  from  the  ensuing  lack  „f 
suppl.es,.  but  it  was  also  fdt  in  VirginU  and  Ma  "land 
-vhe,.  poor  crops  further  aggravated  the  difficulties  rf  the 
Z'Zi^T.  "'  "'"^"^  '^-^"^  -  Virginit  th 
alarmed  the  V,rgm,a  authorities  that  they  were  "forced  to 

exported.        However  effective  the   one-penny  duty   of 

'  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  V,  p.  65. 

bad7s"w^";e'^:r:l'^"  T^  '"^^  ^^^  --^>^  ^^  P--ons  in  Bar- 
Indian  v^rcc/"  "f^  J'^  ^"''^"''  •■"  ^''"^'^'^"--  o^  ^he 
^^-     ^-  ^    1675-1676,  pp.  288,  289,  294,  20.;    ,01    20, 

In  I67S  and  1676,  n,ainly  on  account  oLLVaWe  °^ ,!  1  ,. 
a  great  scarcity  of  mm  in  v    •  a  ,        ''^°™'*'^*<^ather,  there  was 

tobacco  crop  was  Lr Id        T"  r"^  ^''^^^"'  ''"''  '"  ^^^''-".  ^he 

,/;  <  '  P'  ^^ '   ^-  ^-  1675-1676,  p.  366      See  al<ai  C  r     ti 

'676,  pp.  314,  3x5,  3So;  Cal.  Dom.  1675-1676  n   ,'     f^S    '.V/^'" 
p.  216.  '^       '  '  P-  -542.   «6«a.  1676-1677, 

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146 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


1673  may  have  been  in  preventing  the  evasion  of  the 
enumeration  clauses  by  the  New  England  traders,  it 
certainly  was  only  a  most  insignificant,  if  not  a  wholly 
negligible,  factor  in  producing  the  scarcity  of  provisions 
that  prevailed  at  this  time  in  Virginia.* 

Of  these  three  complaints,  two  came  from  tide-water 
counties,  York  and  Lower  Norfolk.  One  originated  in 
a  parish  in  one  of  the  upper  counties,  Rappahannock,  but 
the  report  from  this  county  as  a  whole  did  not  mention  this 
grievance.  As  to  a  certain  extent  Bacon's  rebellion  was  a 
civil  conflict  between  these  two  divisions  of  Virginia,  the 
assumption  that  the  Navigation  Acts  were  a  potent  factor 
in  causing  the  outbreak  would  lead  to  the  incongruous  con- 
clusion that  the  tide-water  counties,  which  more  than  the 
others  objected  to  this  phase  of  England's  colonial  policy, 
opposed  a  movement  springing  from  this  very  same  feeling. 
As  has  already  been  explained,  there  was  inevitably  some 
opposition  in  Virginia  to  the  restrictive  phases  of  the  colonial 
system.    This  attitude  was  not  confined  to  one  section,  but 

» On  AprU  i,  1676,  Berkeley  wrote  to  Ludwell:  "I  thinke  al  consider- 
ing men  conclude  that  one  yeares  want  of  provision  does  impoverish  king- 
domes  and  states  (of  all  natures)  more  than  seaven  yeares  Luxury  but  this 
is  not  halfe  the  New-England  mens  misery  for  they  have  lost  al  their  Beaver 
trade  Halfe  at  least  of  their  fishing  and  have  nothing  to  cary  to  the  Bar- 
badoes  with  whose  comodities  they  were  wont  to  cary  away  our  Tobb : 
and  other  provisions  Add  to  this  the  new  tax  of  one  penny  per  pound  on 
Tobb  w'ch  my  Officers  rigorously  exact  of  them  to  conclude  this  if  this 
warr  lasts  one  Yeare  longer  they  in  new  England  will  be  the  poorest  miser- 
ablest  People  of  al  the  Plantations  of  the  English  in  America  Indeed  I 
should  Pitty  them  had  they  deservd  it  of  the  King  or  his  Blessed  father." 
Va.  Mag.  XX,  pp.  247,  248. 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYUND  i^j 

it  was  naturally  more  pronounced  in  the  older  counties  and 
among  the  richer  planters,  who  in  general  sided  with  Berkeley 
against  Bacon.    Moreover,  the  Governor  himself  was  the 
most  vehement  opponent  of  these  laws.    Thus  there  is  no 
valid  reason  for  assuming  that  the  commercial  system  played 
any  part  whatsoever,  or  was  to  any  degree  an  issue,  in  the 
upheaval  of  1676.    The  assumption  that  it  was  a  funda- 
mental factor  is  entirely  gratuitous  and  rests  on  no  solid 
basis,  either  documentary  or  inferential.     Like  many  other 
untenable  hypotheses,  it  proceeds  from  the  dangerous  and 
weU-nigh  incurable  tendency  to  infer  subjectively  that 
because  men  of  the  present  day   would  have  found   a 
system  insufferably  restrictive,  their  predecessors,  living 
several  hundred  years  before  under  radically  different  so- 
cial and  inteUectual  conditions,  must  necessarily  also  have 
done  so. 

During  the  disturbed  conditions  leading  up  to  Bacon's 
rebellion  and  untU  the  final  pacification  of  the  colony,  natu- 
raUy  no  further  attempts  were  made  to  diversify  its  prod- 
ucts or  to  curtaU  the  tobacco  crop.^    The  price  of  tobacco 
was  apparenUy  satisfactory  to  the  planter,  for  complaints 
about  It  were  conspicuously  absent.    Among  the  grievances 
enumerated  by  James  City  County  in  1677  was  that  tobacco 
'A  Virginia  law  of  1673  stated  that  "forasmuch  as  it  much  conduceth 
to  the  well  bemg  of  any  country  that  the  necessities  thereof  be  supplyed 
from  the,r  owne  industry  within  themselves."  because  then  there  will  be 
less  dependence  on  foreign  suppUes,  and  whereas  "the  low  and  contemptable 
pnce    allowed  for  tobacco  is  "occasioned  cheifely  by  the  greate  quantityes 
yearely  made,"  therefore  it  is  advisable  to  make  seed  and  dax.    The  dis- 
tribution of  ^d  was  accordingly  ordered  and  its  cultivation  was  made 
"bhgatory.     Ileoing  II,  p  306. 


I    II 


148 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


'    -! 


i     ! 


delivered  in  payment  of  the  unpopular  poll-tax  was  rated  at 
only  eight  shillings  the  hundredweight,  although  commonly 
sold  at  twice  this  figure.'    At  this  price,  nearly  twopence 
a  pound,  the  production  of  tobacco  was  very  remunerative 
But  during  this  decade,  the  population  had  increased  very 
rapidly,  and  with  it  the  quantity  of  tobacco  planted.    In 
167 1,  Berkeley  estimated  the  number  of  inhabitants  at 
40,ooo,»  whUe  ten  years  later  Culpeper  placed  it  at  70,000 
to  80,000,  of  whom  15,000  were  indentured  servants  and 
3000  negro  slaves.'    In  addition,  the  high  prices  prevailing 
from  1675  to  1677  had  stimulated  production.    The  market 
for  tobacco  was  expanding  much  more  slowly,  and  as  a  result, 
in  1680,  occurred  one  of  those  periodical  crises  in  the  in- 
dustry when  the  price  sank  so  low  that  the  planter  was 
completely  disheartened. 

On  July  9,  i68o,«  the  Virginia  Secretary,  Nicholas  Spencer, 
wrote  to  Secretary  Coventry,  forwarding  an  address  of  the 
Assembly  imploring  the  King  to  order  a  cessation  of  the 
planting  of  tobacco  in  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Carolina 
during  the  year  1681.  He  admitted  that  this  request 
seemed  to  imply  such  a  diminution  of  the  English  customs 
revenue  as  to  carry  its  own  denial,  but  he  pointed  out  that 
tobacco  had  been  so  reduced  in  value  by  over-production, 
that  the  people  would  be  unable  to  support  themselves  any 
longer  unless  the  supply  were  lessened  and  the  price  raised. 

'  C.  0.  1/39,  s8. 

'  C.  O.  1/26,  77  i;  Hening  II,  pp.  511-517. 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  157.    According  to  another  estimate,  the  popula- 
tion was  at  this  time  between  80,000  and  100,000.    Ibid.  p.  134 
*  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  p.  312;   c.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  569. 


VIRGINU  AND  AURYLAND  ,49 

Such  a  cessation,  he  further  claimed,  would  encourage  the 
I)coi)le  to  raise  other  products.'    The  Assembly's  address  » 
was  of  essentially  the  same  tenor,  and  further  requested  the 
King  to  approve  of  the  Act  that  they  had  just  passed  with 
the  same  ultimate  object  in  view.    This  law  'for  cohabita- 
tion and  the  encouragement  of  trade  and  manufacture" 
provided  that  in  each  county  should  be  established  towns 
and  storehouses,  at  which  p'.me  vessels  were  to  be  permitted 
to  load  and  unload.    Secretary  Spencer  wrote  that  they  were 
beginning  to  see  that  their  miseries  were  in  great  part  due 
to  their  scattered  method  of  living,*  and  it  was  hoped  that 
the  erection  of  towns  would  mean  a  diversification  of  the 
colony's  economic  life.    In  order  to  further  this  scheme, 
the  Assembly  requested  the  King  to  remit  for  seven  years 
to  the  inhabitants  of  such  towns  payment  of  the  one-penny 
duty  of  1673  on  tobacco  shipped  to  the  other  colonies  and 
also  of  one  half  penny  in  the  customs  on  shipments  to  Eng- 
land.   And  for  "the  better  advance  of  trade  and  Cohabi- 
tacon,"  the  Assembly  further  begged  that  they  might  be 
permitted  to  enhance  the  value  of  all  English  and  foreign 
coins  by  twenty-five  per  cent  and  to  prohibit  their  exporta- 
tion from  the  colony.* 

•  In  addition,  he  wrote  that  tobacco  was  so  low  that  the  planter  was 
not  able  to  clothe  himself  even  meanly,  and  besides  'we  have  the  greatest 
crop  ever  known  now,'  which  with  the  stock  in  the  country  will  be  more 
than  the  ships  can  carry  away  in  the  next  two  years. 

•  Va.  Mag.  XIV,  pp.  369-371. 
»  Hening  II,  pp.  477,  478. 

•  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  p.  312;  C.  r  1677-1680,  p.  569. 
'  Va.  Mag.  XIV,  p.  370. 


i. 


I   : 


tj 


150 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


The  proposal  for  a  cessation  *  was  sent  to  the  Treasury,' 
and  by  them  was  referred  to  their  subordinate  board,  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Customs,  who  reported,  early  in  1681,' 
that  they  doubted  whether  the  plan  would  prove  agreeable  to 
the  poorer  planters,  although  'it  might  be  of  advantage  to  the 
wealthier  men  in  Virginia,  and  still  more  to  the  merchants 
who  are  engrossers  here  and  have  large  stocks  on  their 
hands.'  Following  up  Secretary  Spencer's  hint,  they,  how- 
ever, pointed  out  that  the  average  customs  receipts  in  Eng- 
land on  tobacco  during  the  preceding  years  had  been  £100,- 
<xx);  and  that,  if  planting  were  stopped  for  a  year,  the  greater 
part  of  this  revenue  would  be  lost,  and  further  there  would 
be  no  employment  for  the  shipping  engaged  in  the  tobacco 
trade.  In  regard  to  what  Spencer  had  written  about  the 
size  of  the  crop,  they  remarked  that  there  had  been  '  the 
like  reports  of  great  crops  in  former  years,  and  that  our 
shipping  has  rather  wanted  freight  than  the  crops  a  sale.' 
Finally,  they  stated  that  most  parts  of  Christendom  were 
at  present  supplied  with  Virginia  tobacco,  and  that,  if  a 
cessation  were  ordered,  'the  Spaniards,  Dutch,  and  French 
may  grow  a  greater  quantity  in  their  plantations  and  take 
the  trade  from  us,  to  say  nothing  of  the  stimulus  that  would 
be  given  to  the  production  of  tobacco  in  England.'  Thus, 
as  in  1664  and  1667,  the  Customs  officials  reported  against 

'  Lord  Culpeper,  who  had  finally  assumed  the  duties  of  his  office  in  Vir- 
ginia, proposed  that  Lord  Baltimore  be  ordered  to  concur  with  Virginia  in 
such  reduction  of  tobacco  planting  as  might  seem  advisable  to  the  Council 
and  Assembly  there.    C.  O.  1/45,  74;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  587,  588. 

*  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  637. 

»  C.  C.  1681-1685,  P-  2. 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND 


151 


this  scheme  for  restricting  the  output,  and  accordingly  the 
English  government  rejected  it. 

Virginia,  however,  continued  to  urge  the  necessity  of 
such  a  measure.  On  May  13,  1681,*  Nicholas  Spencer 
wrote  to  Sir  Leoline  Jenkins  that  Virginia  was  very 
quiet  and  that  of  late  the  Indians  had  troubled  them 
very  little,  but  'our  most  formidable  enemy,  poverty, 
is  falling  violently  on  us  through  the  low  value,  or  rather 
no  value,  of  tobacco.'  Their  only  hope,  he  said,  lay 
in  a  year's  cessation,  as  their  general  poverty  prevented  the 
erection  of  iron  and  potash  works  for  which  Virginia  had  the 
raw  materials  in  abunc-ance.  They  could  also  furnish,  he 
addt  enough  corn,  pipe-staves,  and  timber  to  supply  other 
markets,  were  it  not  that  the  freight  devoured  their  entire 
produce,  while  flax,  which  was  their  most  hopeful  product, 
had  hitherto  been  of  little  advantage,  owing  to  their  lack 
of  skill.  At  the  same  time,  the  Council  and  Burgesses 
petitioned  the  King  in  similar  terms  for  a  cessation,  and  also 
renewed  their  requests  of  the  preceding  year  in  connection 
with  the  "Cohabitation  Act.'"^  Lord  Culpeper,  who  was 
again  in  England,  strongly  supported  the  colony.  He  told 
the  government  that  the  low  price  of  tobacco  spelt  disaster 
and  that  the  situation  was  desperate,  as  it  was  commonly 
reported  that  there  was  enough  tobacco  in  London  to  last 
all  England  for  five  years.  'Too  much  plenty  would  make 
gold  itself  a  drug,'  he  said,  and  'our  thriving  is  our  undo- 
ing, and  our  purchase  of  negroes,  by  increasing  the  supply 

"  C.  C.  1681-1685,  PP-  47,  48. 
'  Ibid.  p.  94. 


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152 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


of  tobacco,  has  greatly  contributed  thereunto.'    Culpeper 
urged  the  advisability  of  buUding  towns  in  the  colony,  and 
recommended  the  concession  of  the  favors  asked  by  Vir- 
ginia for  this  purpose.*    The  Virginia  "Cohabitation  Act" 
of  1680  was,  however,  poorly  drafted,*  and,  as  the  Commis- 
sioners of  the  Customs  reported  that  it  was  unworkable,' 
the  government  ordered  Lord  Culpeper  to  get  the  Virginia 
Assembly  to  frame  a  law  that  would  be  more  practicable 
and  less  prejudicial  to  the  customs  revenue.*    Permission 
was,  however,  granted  to  issue  a  proclamation  making 
foreign  coins  legal  tender,  except  for  certain  taxes,  at  rates 
above  their  intrinsic  value."    Culpeper.  likewise  suggested 
that  a  fresh  market  for  tobacco  might  be  found  in  Russia, 
but,  as  the  Muscovy  Company  reported  that  its  use  there 
was  forbidden  by  both  ecclesiastical  and  secular  law,  this 
was  for  the  present  fruitless.    Despite  the  shortness  of  his 
stay  in  Virginia,  Culpeper  had  an  intelligent  insight  into 
conditions  there  and  proposed  many  reforms,  especiaUy 
the  substitution  of  import  duties  on  hquors  for  the  burden- 
some and  inequitable  poU-tax.    This  suggestion,  and  also 
his  recommendation  that  £300  worth  of  flax  and  hemp  seed 
should  be  sent  to  Virginia,  met  with  the  approval  of  the 
Lords  of  Trade.* 


•  C.  C.  1681-168S,  pp.  127,  128.  130,  131,  IS3,  154,  156,  160. 
» C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  588,  589;   Hening  II,  pp.  541,  54... 

'  C.  C.  1681-168S,  p.  152.    Cf.  ibid.  pp.  423-426;  Hening  II,  pp.  561- 
563- 

•  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  157,  158,  169,  171;  Hening  II,  p.  508. 

•  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  169. 
*Ibid.  pp.  142,  156,  160,  169. 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND  153 

No  immediate  relief,  however,  could  be  expected  from 
these  measures,  and  it  is  doubtful  if  any  effective  remedy 
could  have  been  devised  by  the  government.    In  their  im- 
patience and  despair,  the  planters  in  some  sections  of  Vir- 
ginia decided  in  the  spring  of  1682  upon  steps  of  so  radical 
a  nature  as  to  furnish  absolute  proof  of  the  genuineness  of 
the  distress.    The  low  price  of  tobacco  was  at  this  time 
termed  a  calamity,  "the  sad  resentment  of  which  would 
force  blood  from  any  loyal  Christian  subject's  heart." '    In 
Gloucester  County  and  in  New  Kent,  some  of  the  people 
entered  into  an  agreement  to  destroy  their  growing  crops 
and  those  of  their  neighbors.'    Despite  the  vigorous  opposi- 
tion of  the  colonial  authorities,  this  movement  gained  con- 
siderable headway,  and,  before  it  was  under  control,  a  large 
part  of  the  growing  crops  in  these  two  counties  and  also  some 
small  quantities  in  the  neighboring  districts  were  destroyed.' 
According  to  Lord  Baltimore,  the  amount  of  tobacco  thus 
ruined  was  equivalent  to  six  or  seven  thousand  hogsheads, 
while  some  placed  it  as  high  as  ten  thousand.* 

*  Ibid.  p.  221. 

« Ibid.  pp.  228,  229.  See  also  ibid.  pp.  231-233.  In  1680,  there  were 
already  sporadic  instances  of  such  plant-cutting.  C.  O.  1/45,  74;  C.  C 
1677-1680,  pp.  587,  588. 

»  C.  C.  1681-168S,  pp.  237,  238,  240,  241,  244,  245. 

*  Ibid.  p.  241.  This  estimate  was  given  by  Baltimore  in  his  letter  of 
May  31,  1682,  at  which  time  the  movement  had  been  virtually  suppressed. 
Some  considerable  quantity  of  tobacco  continued,  however,  to  be  destroyed 
at  night,  and  in  August  Secretary  Spencer  wrote  that  there  was  a  revival 
of  this  'extravagant  and  sick-brained  tobacco-plant-cutting,'  adding  also 
that  'it  is  plain  that  Bacon's  rebellion  has  left  an  itching  behind  it.'  Ibid. 
PP-  27s,  276.    Cf.  ibid.  p.  424. 


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1 54 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


When  the  news  of  these  proceedings  reached  England  in 
June  of  1862,  Lord  Culpeper  was  ordered  to  repair  with  all 
possible  speed  to  Virginia  in  order  to  put  a  stop  to  the  riots 
and  to  punish  those  most  guilty.'    Culpeper,  however,  on  va- 
rious grounds  delayed  his  departure,  and  it  was  only  shortly 
before  the  end  of  the  year  that  he  arrived  in  Virginia." 
He  found  an  entirely  changed  condition.    The  riots  had 
been  quelled  and  some  of  the  ringleaders  were  in  prison.' 
Moreover,  through  one  of  the  sudden  shifts  characteristic 
of  that  unstable  commodity,  the  price  of  tobacco  had  risen 
so  much  that  the^e  -ras  no  longer  any  complaint  on  this  score. 
This  rise  was  in  tlie  face  of  a  growing  crop  of  unprecedented 
size.*    On  March  25,  1683,*  Nicholas  Spencer  wrote  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  Sir  Leoline  Jenkins,  that  the  higher 
prices  had  '  quieted  the  minds  of  our  unthrifty  inhabitants, 
who  cannot  be  persuaded  to  undertake  some  new  industr>-, 
but  prefer  to  live  miserably  by  tobacco.    The  pleasing 
thought  of  a  cessation  of  planting  they  have  for  the  present 
laid  aside,  but  when  the  market  is  again  cloyed  with  tobacco 
(as  it  probably  wiU  be  in  two  years'  time,  for  never  was 
greater  promise  of  a  crop  than  this  spring),  then  they  will 
cry  out  again  for  a  cessation,  which,  if  granted,  would  only 
serve  to  enrich  some  few  and  make  the  generality  far  more 
miserable.    By  my  observation  I  cannot  persuade  myself 
'  ^-  ^  1681-1685,  pp.  249-251,  260,  266,  267,  291,  293. 

'Ibid.  pp.  308.  309,  j8,s,  401. 

•  On  May  aq,  1683.  Secretary  Spencer  wrote   that  two   of  the  plant- 
cutters  had  been  executed.    Ibid.  p.  434. 
'  //""</.  pp.  385.  406,  407,  434,  S06,  507. 
^  Ibid.  pp.  410,  4n. 


f 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND  155 

that  either  a  cessation  or  a  stint  in  the  number  of  plants 
wiU  effect  what  is  intended.    The  work  must  do  itself;  the 
crop  must  grow  to  such  vast  quantities  that  no  one  wiU 
come  to  fetch  it,  and  then  the  law  of  necessity  will  force 
them  to  new  industries.'    Lord  Culpeper  was  of  the  same 
opmion,  and,  on  his  return  to  England  in  the  early  faU  of 
1683,  he  told  the  government  that  he  had  rather  encouraged 
the  planting  of  tobacco,  as  it  would  'sooner  cause  another 
glut,  and  force  the  people  to  new  industry.' »    This  was  un- 
questionably a  wise  and  sensible  \  iew  of  the  situation.    A 
restricUon  of  the  output  or  a  cessation  enjoined  by  the 
government  would  have  been  ineffective,  for,  if  the  price  of 
tobacco  were  sufficiently  tempting,  the  planters  would  grow 
as  much  as  might  seem  advisable  to  them  and  the  meagre 
forces  in  the  colony  would  have  been  completely  unable 
to  enforce  the  law.     It  was  only  by  such  natural  means 
as  Spencer  and  Culpeper  had  outlined  -  through  the  stress 
of  dire  necessity  -  that  Vh-ginia  could  be  diverted  to  other 
pursuits. 

During  this  period  of  distress,  Virginia  had  adopted  some 
measures  designed  to  introduce  other  industries.  A  law  of 
1682  prohibited  the  exportation  of  iron,  wool,  woolfells, 
hides  and  skins  (both  tanned  and  raw),  on  the  ground  that 
they  were  necessary  to  Virginia  and  would  give  work  to  many 
unemployed.=^  Another  Act  of  the  same  year  obliged  every 
tithable  to  plant  a  certain  quantity  of  flax  and  hemp,  and 

'  Ibid.  pp.  406-490;  Va.  Mag.  Ill,  pp.  225-238. 
'  Hening  II,  pp.  4Q3-4Q7.    In  1680.  the  exportation  of  raw  hides  and 
skins  had  been  forbidden.    Ibid.  pp.  48^.  483. 


9 


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156 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


offered  bounties  for  these  commodities  as  well  as  for  linens, 
woollens,  hats,  and  worsted  hose.*    Similar  measures  had 
been  enacted  by  Virginia  in  former  years.    They  had  all 
been  equally  futile,  and  had  hitherto  attracted  no  atten- 
tion in  England.     These  Acts  were  now  referred  to  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Customs,  whose  advice  was  being 
more  and  more  sought  on  all  questions  of  this  nature. 
They  reported  that,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Staple 
Act  of  1663  was  designed  to  make  England  the  colonies' 
source  of  supply   for    manufactured   goods,  it   was    in- 
appropriate  'that    the   people  of   a    Colony   should  be 
compelled  to  manufacture  goods   under  penalties';   and, 
further,  that  the  Act  would  not  only  injure  the  customs  and 
trade  of  England,  but,  as  the  bounties  were  to  be  paid  out 
of  the  commodities  shipped  to  England,  the  price  thereof 
would  be  raised  to  the  English  consumer.'    The  Lords  of 
Trade  confirmed  this  report,  and  the  new  Governor,  Lord 
Howard  of  Effingham,  was  notified  that  the  King  dis- 
approved and  repealed  the  Act  for  the  encouragement  of 
manufactures.'    Accordingly  in  1684  Virginia  repealed  this 
law,  stating  that  the  bounties  had  been  "found  to  be  rather 
a  charge  and  inconvenience,  then  any  benefitt  to  the  pub- 
lique."  *    Similarly,  among  the  five  laws  which,  in  accordance 
with  his  instructions,  Governor  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham 

«  Hening  U,  pp.  503-506.  See  also  C.  C.  1681-1685,  PP-  3^2,  323,  564, 
567.  The  two  last  entries  in  the  calendar  should  be  under  1682,  not 
1683. 

«  C.  C.  1681-1685,  P-  529. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  537,  558. 

*  Hening  HI,  p.  16;  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  623,  641. 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND  ,57 

repealed  by  proclamation  in  June  of  1684  was  the  law  pro- 
hibiting the  exportation  of  iron,  wool.and  other  commodities ' 
As  such  laws  had  hitherto  proven  themselves  completely 
useless,  this  action  was  of  but  slight  practical  importance, 
but  It  marked  a  distinct  step  in  EngUsh  policy.  The 
attempts  to  divert  the  colonies  from  tobacco  were  hereafter 
abandoned.  The  most  potent  factor  in  inducing  this 
change  in  the  English  government's  attitude  was  the  large 
revenue  derived  from  the  customs  on  this  commodity,  which 
at  this  time  was  greatly  increased  by  the  additional  duty 
imposed  in  1685.' 

After  punishing  the  leaders  of  the  riotous  plant-cutters 
m  Virginia,  Culpeper  had  in  1683  returned  to  England  with- 
out requesting  permission  from  the  EngUsh  government. 
In  pumshment  he  was  deprived  of  his  post,  and  Lord  How- 
ard of  Effingham  was  appointed  in  his  stead.'    During  Lord 
Howard's  administration  constitutional  questions,  involv- 
mg  mainly  the  respective  rights  and  privileges  of  the  Assem- 
bly and  Governor,  became  prominent,*  and  the  economic 
problem  was  shifted  to  the  background.    In  1684,  immoder- 
ate rains  greatly  curtailed  the  size  of  the  crop,"*  but  in  1685 
there  was  a  plentiful  harvest."     In  1686,  there  was  again 
a  very  large  crop,  and  in  order  to  curtail  the  next  one, 

'  Va.  Mag.  XVIII,  p.  371 ;  c.  C.  1681-1685,  P-  655. 

'  Cf.  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  76. 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  473,  478,  479,  50s. 

i68.ust  "4  '^''''^"''  ^"^^  ^"'  ^*''  ^•^-  '"^^S-ieSS,  pp.  118,  149-XSX, 

'C  C  1681-168S,  pp.  66s,  669;  Ormonde  MSS.  New  Scries  (H.MC 
1012)  VII,  p.  25Q. 

°  C.  C.  168S-1688,  p.  168. 


^1 


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158 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


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in  !'  I 


so  as  to  prevent  a  glut  of  the  market,  the  Assembly  passed 
a  law  forbidding  the  plantmg  of  tobacco  after  June  30  in 
any  year.*  After  considerable  hesitation,  Lord  Howard  as- 
sented to  it,  arguing  that  the  English  customs  would  not  be 
lessened  as  the  surplus  of  the  1686  crop  would  compensate 
for  any  deficiency  in  that  of  1687,  and  besides  the  Crown 
could  disallow  the  law.'^  When  the  Act  came  up  for  con- 
sideration in  England,  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs 
again  registered  their  disapproval  of  such  proposals  on  the 
same  grounds  as  before,  and  also  'more  especially  consider- 
ing the  greatness  of  the  new  impost  on  tobacco,  we  do  not 
recommend  that  it  be  confirmed,  lest  some  unforeseen  in- 
convenience to  trade  should  follow,  with  prejudice  to  the 
King's  revenue."  The  Assembly,  however,  insisted  that 
the  law  was  a  good  one,  and  refused  to  repeal  it.*  Its  fear 
of  a  marked  decline  in  the  price  of  tobacco  was,  however, 
not  realized;  and,  during  the  reign  of  James  II,  Virginia  was 
apparently  in  an  exceptionally  prosperous  state.  Apart 
from  some  small  quantities  of  skins  and  lumber,'  virtually 


'  Hening  III,  pp.  33-35.  In  1683,  the  Virginia  Council  wrote  to  the 
Lords  of  Trade  that  '  the  inhabitanu  of  the  country  are  mostly  extremely 
poor.'  and  that  it  was  necessary  that  the  output  of  tobacco  be  reduced. 
With  this  object  in  view,  they  proposed  to  forbid  the  planting  of  tobacco 
after  June  24,  and  petitiv.ned  the  King  to  enjoin  a  like  regulation  upon 
Maryland  and  Carolina.  C.  C.  1681-1685,  PP-  423-426;  Hening  II,  pp. 
561-563. 

«  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  313,  324. 

'  Ihid.  p.  3QI. 

*  Ibid.  pp.  530,  547  -549- 

'  In  1682,  William  Fitzhugh  shipped  to  England  fairly  large  quantities  of 
pipe-staves  and  also  some  walnut  wood.    FlUhugh  Letters,  in  Va.  Mag.  I, 


VIRGINU  AND  MARYLAND  159 

the  sole  export  was  tobacco,  anci  '  his  for  the  time  being  com- 
manded  a  fair  price.' 

During  Lord  Howard's  administration  the  question  of 
iUegal  trade  in  Virginia  became  very  prominent.    When  used 
in  an  undifferentiated  sense,  iUegal  trade  is  a  term  of  con- 
siderable extension,  covering,  besides  violations  of  the  laws  of 
trade  and  navigation,  evasions  of  the  colonial  revenue  laws,' 
intercourse  with  pirates,  and  infringements  of  the  monopolies 
of  the  great  trading  companies,  especially  that  of  the  Royal 
African  Company.    For  the  purpose  immediately  in  hand, 
attention  may  advantageously  be  confined  to  the  violations' 
of  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation.     The  main  provisions 
likely  to  be  violated  in  Virginia  were  those  enumerating 
tobacco  and  prohibiting  the  importation  of  European  goods 
from  places  other  than  England.     As  Virginia  had  virtu- 
ally no  mercantUe  marine,  its  inhabitants  could  not  be 
the  direct  perpetrators  of  any  such  violations,  although 
there  was  some  opportunity  for  guilt  in  conniving  at  them. 
The  great  bulk  of  Virginia  tobacco  was  exported  in  ships 
from  England,  which  had  given  bond  there  to  bring  back  the 
enumerated  commodities.    It  was  the  duty  of  the  English 

pp.  107, 122  et  passim.    In  1683-1684,  William  Byrd  shipped  to  Perry  Lane 
and  other  English  merchants  tobacco,  furs,  and  deer-skins.    Byrd  Letter^ 
m  Va.  H.st.  Register  I,  pp.  62  ct  seq.,  114  et  seq.;  U,  pp.  ;8  ./  scq.,  203 
et  seq.      See  also  The  Present  State  of  England   (London,    1683)  IV 
p.  63.  •"  "' 

•  Cf.  Va.  Mag.  II.  p.  137. 

'  In  1681,  Lord  Culpeper  stated  that  there  were  great  abuses  in  the  pay- 
ment of  the  Virginia  two  shilUngs  a  hogshead  export  duties,  but  that  these 
could  not  be  discovered  until  the  ships  had  unloaded  in  England     C   C 
1681-1685,  P   142. 


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THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


customs  authorities  to  ascertain  if  the  condition  of  these 
bonds  was  comphed  with,  it  being  solely  incumbent  upon 
the  officials  in  the  colony  to  see  that  each  ship  had  given 
such  bond  in  England.    After  this  had  been  attended  to, 
the  colony  had  no  further  concern  in  the  matter,  and  could 
not  be  held  to  account  if  these  ships  violated  the  law.    The 
penalties  for  so  doing  were,  however,  so  heavy  that,  in  the 
absence  of  direct  evidence  to  the  contrary,  it  must  be  assumed 
that  such  evasions  were  very  exceptional  and  sporadic. 
In  addition  to  the  English  vessels,  a  number  of  colonial 
ships,  far  fewer  in  numbers  and  much  smaller  in  burden, 
traded  to  Virginia.    These  traders,  especiaUy  those  from  New 
England,  were  responsible  for  most  of  the  aiegal  practices 
in  Virginia,  and  in  large  part  these  violations  of  the  law 
must  be  attributed  to  the  laxity  of  the  authorities  in  Mas- 
sachusetts and  elsewhere.     The  New  England  ships  im- 
ported into  Virginia  some  European  goods  that  had  not 
originally  come  from  England.     They  also  exported  from 
\'ircnnia  some  tobacco  which,  after  being  landed  in  New  Eng- 
land in  accordance  with  the  condition  of  the  bonds  given  on 
shipment,  was  subsequently,  in  violation  of  the  law,  sent  to 
foreign   markets.     In  some  instances  also,  these  colonial 
traders  evaded  the  payment  of  the  one-penny  duty  of  1673. 
It  is  naturally  a  most  difficult  matter  to  determine  pre- 
cisely the  extent  of  this  illegal  trade.     In  1662  and  1663, 
X  arious  complaints  were  made  of  a  secret  trade  between 
the  tobacco  colonies  and  New  Netherland,'  but  the  con- 

C  0^'rA. ''"'/'''  """•  '-*''  '''•  '"  '•  ^-  ^'-  ^°'-  ^"^-  "^'  PP-  •♦^^-  • 
C.  U.  I/14,  59,  ff.  53^  54_ 


VIRGINIA   AND  MARVUND  ,6i 

quest  of  the  Dutch  colony  in  1664  removed  this  difficulty 
Thereafter,  naturally,  no  complaint  was  made  of  such  prac- 
tices, but  in  other  respects  also  the  laws  seem  to  have  been 
fairly  effectively  enforced.     In  reply  to  the  English  govern- 
ment's   mjunctions  for  their  strict   observance,  Secretary 
Ludwell  wrote  m  1670  that  Governor  Berkeley  "is  cer- 
tainly most  carefuU  of  his  Ma'ties  interest  and  the  farmers 
(of  the  customs),   &   (we)   doe  assure  yo'r   Hon'r   that 
there  hath  never  any  ship  or  vessell  traded  here  contrary 
to  the  s  u  acts,  nor  any  suspected  soe  to  have  donn  w'ch 
hath  not   by  his  com'and  been  brought   to  trjall. 
The  Gove'r  takes  such  care  to  imploy  officers  in  aU  parts  of 
the  best  quality  and  greatest  honesty  that  (it)  is  ver>'  diffi- 
cult for  any  to  escape  and,  having  publish  it,  that  all  may 
know  the  reward  assigned  by  the  acts  of  Pari,  upon  con- 
victed shipps,  every  man  makes  himselfe  a  waighter'  and 
reddy  to  informe  upon  any  breach  of  law."  " 

A  few  years  later,  however,  during  the  course  of  his  acri- 
monious dispute   with   Governor  Berkeley,   the  Collector 
of  the  Customs,  Giles  Bland,  sent  to  the  Governor  an  account 
of  the  dayly  frauds  comitted  or  intended  to  be  comittcd 
ag:'    his   ma"  Interest   &   the  express   Acts    of  Par    m' 
relating   to   the  Plantation   trade,  sn^"  w?  out  yo'  Hono" 
assistance  cannot  be  putt  in  effectual  execution." '    Bland 
'  le.  a  customs  inspector. 
'  \a.  Mag.  XIX,  pp.  354,  355.     In  ,671.  Berkeley  himself  «  rote  •  "  Wee 

them,  and  trade  to  any  place  that  theire  interest  leade  them  too  "     CO 
I,  2^6.  77,;   Heningll,  pp.  5,i-,j7.  ^'     '     "  "' 

'  Brit.  Mus.,  Egeriou  MSS.  2395,  ff.  ju  et  seg. 

0) 


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163 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


further  wrote  to  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  that 
several  vessels  had  arrived  from  New  England  with  mis- 
cellaneous cargoes,  consisting  in  part  of  Canary  wines, 
^extUes,  oUs,  and  other  European  goods,  without  having 
certificates  showing  that  they  had  been  originaUy  shipped 
from  England.  "But  how  to  proceed  ag*  them,"  he  said, 
"I  know  not,  they  being  Indulged  by  the  higher  powers." 
Furthermore,  he  complained  that  these  New  England 
vessels  evaded  the  payment  of  the  1673  one-penny  duty 
on  tobacco.' 

After  making  due  aUowance  for  the  partisan  bias  in  these 
statements,  still  some  credence  must  be  given  to  them,*  for 
no  laws  of  this  nature  could  be  fuUy  carried  into  effect  in  a 
country  so  weU  watered  as  was  Virginia.     In  1683,  the 
CouncU  of  the  colony  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  that  a 
small  man-of-war  was  necessary  to  suppress  piracy  and  to 
check  the  frauds  of  dishonest  traders,  and  that  no  other 
means  would  pro^ ,  effective  on  account  of  the  numerous 
ports  and  rivers.'    At  the  same  time,  the  newly  appointed 
Governor  of  the  colony,  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  also 
urged  the  despatch  of  a  frigate  to  Virginia  for  the  same  pur- 
poses.*   This  recommendation  was  adopted;'  and,  in  1684, 
H.M.S.  Quaker,  a  ketch  under  the  command  of  Captain 

»Brit.  Mus..  Eg  rton  MSS.  2395,  ff.  511  et  seq. 

'  In  1676,  Berkeley  wrote  to  Secrctarj-  Ludwell  that  his  officers  "rigor- 
ously exacted  the  payment  of  the  1673  duties  from  the  New  England 
traders.     Va.  Mag.  XX,  p.  247. 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685.  pp.  423-426;  Hening  II,  pp.  561-563. 

«  C.  C.  1681-168S,  p.  505. 

^  Ihid.  pp.  529,  531,  557,  572. 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND 


163 


Allen,  arrived  on  the  Virginia  station.'  Secretary  Ludwell 
wrote  that  she  was  welcome,  and  would  both  protect  them 
against  pirates  and  also  prevent  the  frauds  too  often  prac- 
tised by  the  New  England  traders.  About  two  years  later, 
H.M.S.  Deptjord,  under  Captain  Crofts,  was  likewis<J 
stationed  in  the  toba-         '^lonies.»    The  letters  of   these 


naval  officers  to  th« 
able  light  upon  the 
On  December  .^ 
Virginians  werr     t , 
had  spoilt  thei         K, 
the  King;  the>  .  tiUv 
they  saw  his  ship,  -,aid 
While  he  was  absent,  ; '. 


>  '■■•>    Civ 


s'land  throw  consider- 

e  law  in  Virginia. 

ai  '         ;n  wrote  that  the 

li  k  ir.;  .,and  said  that  he 

^<'u<j  not  let  them  cheat 

10  jiT>  J  old  dog  and,  when 


fiu  '  .,i.es  the  devil's  ketch." 
'!.  r  contiiued,  they  hired  small 
vessels  and  shipped  tobacco  to  New  York  or  Newfoundland, 
"and  from  thence  bring  french  brandy,  and  the  Tobacco 
they  ship  away  for  Holland,  and  soe  cheat  the  King  of  his 
due." '    Twelve  months  later,  Captain  AUen  wrote  that  he 

•  Ibid.  pp.  658,  659. 

'  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  277. 

'  C.  O.  1/61,  60  i.  One  of  the  main  causes  of  Bacon's  rebellion  was  ihe 
inequitable  poll-tax,  which  feU  equally  on  poor  and  rich.  Lord  Culpeper 
ha.l  especially  recommended  that,  in  its  stead,  Virginia  should  impose  an 
import  duty  on  liquors.  Instructions  to  this  effect  were  nit  lo  tb.  colony, 
and,  in  1684,  the  Assembly  passed  a  law  imposing  such  n  •  ie-..  C.  C.  1681- 
1685.  pp.  iSS.  156,  641,  642,  658.  Cf.  W.  Z.  Ripley,  l.aaiicial  History  of 
Mrginia,  pp.  6g.  70.  In  contradistinction  to  the  Massachusetts  law, 
which  aroused  Randolph's  indignation  and  formed  one  section  of  his  in- 
dictment against  that  colony,  this  Virginia  law  specifically  exempted  from 
these  duties  such  wines,  orandies,  etc.  as  were  imported  directly  from  Eng- 
land. Hening  III,  p.  13.  Allen  was,  however,  not  satisfied.  In  the  letter 
caoted  in  the   text,  he  stHed  that  the  traders,   ..ho  illegally  imported 


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164 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


hoped  that  a  great  deal  of  tobacco  would  reach  England  this 
year,  since  he  had  defeated  the  designs   5  the  New  York  and 
New  England  vessels.    On  April  10,  1687,  Captain  Crofts 
wrote   that  the   Governor,  Lord   Howard,   was   treating 
them  very  badly  and  interfered  with  their  work,  citing  three 
specific  instances  in  which  seizures  made  by  him  had  been 
discharged.    The  first  case  was  a  bark  from  New  England 
with  seven  bales  of  dry-goods,  of  which  only  four  had  been 
entered.     Then,  an  English  ship,  which  had  entered  for  ex- 
port but  ninety-two  out  of  two  hundred  hogsheads,  was  also 
dismissed.    Thirdly,  he  had  taken  a  French  ship  with  brandy, 
but  as  Lord  Howard  said  it  belonged  to  Governor  Dongaii 
of  New  York,  he  had  released  it.    This  vessel,  Crofts  said, 
was  then  seized  by  one  of  the  Virginia  collectors,  on  How- 
ard's orders,  and  was  subsequently  condemned.     In  an- 
other letter.   Crofts  maintained  that  Lord  Howard  was 
hostile  to  him  because  he  interfered  with  the  illicit  traders 
from  New  York  and  New  England;  and  he  further  stated 
that  most  of  the  Virginia  Collectors  were  members  of  the 

brandy  from  New  York  and  Newfoundland,  paid  "the  3"  ,p  Gallon  which 
they  haue  by  an  Act  of  Assembly  and  soe  they  goe  fifree,  and  I  satisli.  them 
that  noe  European  Goods  must  pay  Custome  to  your  Country  herr  but 
Rume  fiall  or  Medear.  You  may  lay  what  duty  you  will,  but  if  Rume 
fiall  or  Medear  come  out  of  England  they  shall  pay  noe  duty  here  f.»r 
theire  Act  of  Assembly  cant  reach  England  or  his  .Ma'«  duty."  As  most 
of  the  wine  consumed  came  directly  from  the  Madeiras,  the  point  raised 
was  m  this  connection  of  no  great  practical  importance.  As  yet  the  Eng- 
lish government  had  taken  no  definite  stand  on  this  matter.  Later  how- 
ever, the  colonies  were  forbidden  to  levy  duties  on  merchandise  importr.i 
from  England,  but  this  instruction  was  never  strictly  enforced.  See  A  \. 
Gicvcke.  American  Commercial  Legislation  before  1780.  pp.  26-ji 


VIRGLXU  AND  \LARYLAND  j^^ 

CouncU,  and  also  merchants,  'and  my  Lord  takes  it  ill  that 
I  should  examine  their  ships  especially.' ' 

These  letters  apparently  indicate  a  serious  condition  of 
affairs,  but  fortunately  the  other  side  of  the  shield  is  also 
visible.    Governor  Howard  had  accused  Crofts  of  insubor- 
dination, of  cruelty  to  his  officers,  and  of  blackmailing 
mnocent  traders.'    These  charges  and  the  accompanying 
documents  were  sent  by  William  Blathwayt  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Admiralty,  Samuel  Pepys,  who  in  his  turn  for- 
warded to  the  Lords  of  Trade  the  above-quoted  extracts 
from  the  letters  of  Captains  Men  and  Crofts,  so  that  Lord 
Howard  might  have  an  opportunity  of  answering  them 
In  reply  thereto,  on  February  14,  1688,  Governor  Howard 
wrote  to  the  Earl  of  Sunderland  and  the  Lords  of  the  Councl 
denying  Crofts's  charges,  and  stating  that  they  were  simply 
a  cloak  to  cover  his  own  oppressions.'    At  the  same  time 
he  enclosed  answers  to  each  specific  article,  with  documents 
to  support  them.*    In  reply  to  Allen's  charge  that  tobacco 
was  shipped  via  New  York  and  Newfoundland  to  Holland 
whence  in  turn  brandy  was  imported,  he  merely  stated  that 

J  C.  Oj/61,  6oi;   C.C.168S-1688,  pp.  465-467.     Crofts  wrote:    "I 
muzmg  betmxt  the  Capes  of  Virginia  meets  with  New  England  Ketches 

buUittr  r      '^  ^"'  :'^^'^  :*"'  ^"'"^^  "^  '^'^  P'-^-  w-  forn,er.>  paid 

Hamburgh,  &  other  places  adjacent  there,  who  uses  to  bring  in  Europ^-an 
Goods  her...  w-.   now  by  Reason  of  the(ir)  hauing  not  y'  lilrty  &  V^" 

S^d  tol"      '"  '""  °'  "'  ""'"'^  '^•'^  '^'^  "^'^  '">'  ^"^  - 
'  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  372-374,  387,  388,  444. 
C.  O.  1/62,  20;  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  494. 
*C.  O.  1/62,  2oii,  iv-xv. 


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THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


"ill' 


the  accusers  refused  to  give  any  particulars.    But,  when 
the  accusation  was  precise  and  definite,  Howard  gave  the 
detailed  facts.    Thus  in  answer  to  Crofts's  charge  that  an 
English  vessel  had  laden  one  hundred  more  hogsheads  than 
had  been  entered,  Lord  Howard  stated  that  this  was  simply 
an  error  of  Secretary  Spencer's,  who  had  carelessly  written 
92  for  192.    This  ship  had  given  bond  in  Bristol,  had  paid 
the  Virginia  export  duties  on  192  hogsheads,  and  no  fraud 
had  been  either  intended  or  committed.'    As  regards  the 
charge  that  a  ship  had  been  freed  after  entering  seven  bales 
of  merchandise,  while  the  certificate  of  the  English  customs- 
house  caUed  for  only  four,  Lord  Howard  said  that  at  the 
trial  it  was  contended  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  jury  that  the 
goods  had  had  to  be  repacked  in  transit,  which  accounted 
for  the  discrepancy.^    Less  satisfactory  was  the  explanation 
about  Dongan's  vessel,  which  Lord  Howard  had  ordered 
Crofts  to  release  and  which  subsequently  was  seized  and 
condemned  by  a  jury.     At  the  trial  in  the  York  County 
Court  two  charges  were  made,  of  which  the  first  was  that 
the  vessel  was  not  na-  gated  according  to  law.    The  master 
acknowledged  that  he  was  a  native  of  France,  but  "hee  con- 
ceived himself  a  ffree  Denizen  to  trade  in  any  of  his  Ma'*' 
Dominions"  by  xirtue  of  the  denization  granted  to  him  by 
CoN-ernor  Dongan  of  New  York.    The  second  charge  was 
that  the  Staple  .Act  of  1663  had  been  violated  in  that  "the 
said  Goods  &  Comodityes  of  y'  Growth  &  production  of 
Europe  were  taken  on  board  in  the  Province  of  Xew=York;' 
as  was  evidenced  by  a  certificate  from  the  Collector  of  the 

'  ^'-  ^     '62,   20  ii,   iii,  V.  »  Ibid.  20  ii,   vi. 


VIRGINU  AND  MARYLAND  jg^ 

Customs  there,  and  had  not  been  imported  directly  from 
England.'    While  it  would  seem  that  Crofts  had  been  un- 
fairly treated  in  this  matter,^  there  is  no  question  that  this 
judgment  of  condemnation  was  largely  technical,  and   if  it 
was  not  legaUy  unsound,  it  certainly  erred  on  the  side  of 
undue  severity.    This  instance  unquestionably  does  not  in- 
dicate that  the  law  was  laxly  enforced  in  Virginia.    Finally 
Lord  Howard  stated  that  no  one  of  the  Council,  but  Bacon' 
was  concerned  in  trade,  although  some  were  part  owners  of 
London  ships.    But  as  these  ships  gave  bonds  in  England  to 
return  there  with  the  enumerated  goods,  he  claimed  that 
they  could  not  be  concerned  in  the  evasion  of  the  one-penny 
duty  on  tobacco,  which  was  one  of  the  main  complaints ' 

From  the  entire  mass  of  evidence  submitted  by  Lord 
H     ard,  no  other  conclusion  can  be  drawn  but  that  the 
w.:cers  of  the  navy  were  over-zealous  in  enforcing  the  law 
and  that  the  violations  were  not  serious  in  extent     In  the 
main,  they  were  the  work  of  the  New  York  and  New  England 
traders,  but  they  unquestionably  were  insignificant  in  com- 
parison with  that  portion  of  Virginia's  trade  which  followed 
the  chamiels  marked  by  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation 
In  Its  broad  general  features,  the  economic  development 
-f  Mar>'land  closely  paralleled  that  of  its  more  populous 
neighbor,  \'irginia.    Both  were  essentially  tobacco  colonies 
whose  prosperity  depended  primarily  upon  the  price  of  this 

ceninft  '?■'"■  u"^''  ^''^^  ''"''  '^""'^^•°^-  L"cas  Santen,  had  given  a 

N       v\''"  "^"''   '■"'  "'"'■''"'■  '^^'^  -'^^  -t^y  -d  cleared 
at  the  New  \ork  custom-house.     C  O.  1,62,  2oy\x. 
■  (/■  \'a.  Hist.  ReRister  II,  p.  ^07. 
'  '  •  O.  1,  6j,  10  ii,  XV. 


1 

i 


r 


M 

[I   ' 


168 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


staple.    Virginia's  efforts  to  restrict  the  output  had  been 
largely  thwarted  by  the  inability  to  conclude  an  agreement 
satisfactory  to  both  colonies.    Apart  from  the  inequity  of 
the  proposal  made  in  1663,  the  smaller  planters  in  Maryland 
claimed  that  a  stint  would  ruin  them,  and  presumably  the 
same  class  in  Virginia  also  was  opposed  to  these  suggestions 
which  emanated  from  the  rich  planters  constituting  the  rul- 
ing oligarchy  in  that  colony.    Moreover,  Lord  Baltimore  ob- 
jected to  such  measures,  as  his  proprietary  revenue  was  in 
part  derived  from  export  duties  on  tobacco.'    The  political 
commotions  and  economic  disturbances  in  Virginia  from 
1675  to  1682  naturally  had  their  echoes  in  Maryland,  but 
they  were  faint,  and  the  proprietor  never  lost  control  of  the 
situation. 

As  in  Virginia,  ships  came  yeariy  from  England  uith  sup- 
plies of  clothing  and  tools,  and  took  away  the  tobacco  croj).^' 
The  New  England  traders  were  also  prominent  in  Mar>lan(l, 
bringing  Madeira  wine  and  other  commodities,  and  taking 
away  provisions  and  tobacco.*  Although  tobacco  was  "ihc 
only  Staple  Commodity,"  some  meat  and  cereals  were  also 
exported,  as  weU  as  a  few  furs  obtained  from   the   In- 

•r/.  c.  c.  1681-1685,  pp.  211, 212. 

'  "Between  Xovanbcr  and  January  there  arrives  in  this  Province  Shippi.iK 
to  the  number  of  twenty  sail  and  upwards,  all  Merchant-men  loaden  with 
Commodities  to  Tralujue  and  dispose  of,  irucki„K  vith  the  Planter  Silk, 
Hollands.  ScrRcs,  an.l  lir..ad-clothes,  with  other  necessary  C.ooils  .  .  .  U; 
Tobacco  at  so  much  ihc  pound."  George  Alsop,  \  Character  of  the  Prm 
mce  of  Maryland  (.666),  edition  Mereness.  p.  70.  See  also  Baltimore', 
answers  to  the  queries  of  the  Lords  of  Trade.  1678.  in  C.  O.  1/42,  40     C  ( 

167716X0,   pp.    2j6,    22'!.  '         '  ' 

'  AIsop,  up.  cil.  p.  71. 


h'£-i^7^y5CTJj>,f-j,;5r*afe*i»„'E,^^^ 


VIRGINIA  AND   MARYLAND 


169 


dians.>  In  general,  there  was  a  comparatively  larger  pro- 
duction of  grain  in  Maryland  than  in  the  neighboring  col- 
ony,='  and  in  addition  the  quality  of  the  tobacco  produced 
was  somewhat  different.  That  of  Maryland  was  in  greater 
demand  in  the  markets  of  continental  Europe.' 

In  their  internal  political  organization  these  two  colonies 
also  closely  resembled  one  another.     Besides,  the  political 
machine  created  by  Berkeley  found  a  close  counteq,art  in 
that  of  the  proprietor,  whose  relatives  occupied  the  important 
public  positions.    There  was,  however,  one  marked  and  fun- 
damental difference  between  the  two  colonies.     \^irginia  was 
a  crown  colony  governed  by  officials  appointed  in  England, 
who  among  other  matters  were  directly  responsible  for  the 
enforcement  of  the  laws  of  trade  and  nangation.    In  Mary- 
land, the  executive  officials  were  appointed  by  Lord  Balti- 
more  as  proprietor,  and  for  a  considerable  period  there  was 
no  direct  representative  of  English  authority  within  the 
province.    The  appointment  of  customs  officials  in  Mar>-land 
after  the  pass:ige  of  the  Act  of  1673  was  the  initial  inroad 
mto    the   proprietor's    semi-feudal   jurisdiction,    and    first 
hrought  the  people  of  Maryland  into  direct  relations  with 
the  KriKlish  government.    Prior  thereto,  the  enforcement  of 
the  laws  comprising  the  colonial  system  was  in  the  hands 
of  Lord  Baltimore  and  the  Governor  appointed  by  him. 
JIM.   pp.   6«.   60;    r     O.    ./4.,   40;    C.   C.    .677-.680.   pp.    ..6. 

!l   u     ■  ""  '■''■''■  •^''^P-  "f-  "'  PP'  -»'•  4^  ■-'. 

^uhard  Blomc   A  Description  of  the  Island  of  Jamaica  (London.  ,67.), 


I,u 


J*  1 


It  i 


170 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


As  the  proprietor's  tenure  of  the  province  was  by  no  means 
secure,  it  was  highly  advisable  not  to  irritate  the  English 
government,  which  would  quickly  have  brought  suit  against 
the  charter.  In  1661,  Charies  Calvert,  the  son  of  Lord 
Baltimore,  was  appointed  Governor,  and,  although  he 
thought  these  laws  prejudicial,*  he  was  very  careful  that 
their  provisions  were  carried  into  effect.  More  detailed  and 
fuller  accounts  of  the  trade  of  the  colony  and  of  the  bonds 
for  the  enumerated  goods  issued  there  were  sent  by  him  to 
England  than  were  received  from  any  crown  colony  prior 
to  1674.'  Furthermore,  vessels  suspected  of  illicit  prac- 
tices were  seized,  and,  if  found  guilty  on  trial,  were  con- 
demned.' 

After  the  passage  of  the  Act  of  1673,  which  was  the  basis 
for  the  authority  exercised  by  the  Commissioners  of  the  Cus- 
toms in  the  colonies,  the  Governor  himself  was  appointed 
by  thorn  to  collect  the  duties  imposed  by  this  law.  WTien 
Charles  Calvert  became  Lord  Baltimore,  he  requested  Sir 
George  Downing  to  appoint  Christopher  Rousby  as  Collector 


•  In  1678,  after  he  had  succeeded  to  his  father's  title,  Calvert  stated  that 
tiie  RTeatcst  obstruction  to  the  trade  of  Maryland  were  these  laws,  Ijut 
that  their  removal  could  not  be  expected  until  it  was  England's  interest 
to  repeal  them.     Maryland  Archives,  Proc.  of  Council,  1676-1688,  pp.  .>oS 

Ct  ill/. 

'  Calvert  Papers  I,  pp.  263,  264,  270.  271,  270.  205,  .^00. 

^  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  47.5,  474,  546.  548.  On  June  2,  167,?,  Governor  Cii- 
vcrt  UTOle  to  Lord  Baltimore  regarding  certain  vessels  that  had  been  s<  i/.nt 
as  Dutch,  but  had  Ixn^'n  freed  on  trial,  adding  that  tiiey  always  brought 
with  them  "as  authentique  Testimonials,  and  CiTtit'ticates  from  his  Ma"" 
Customers  Collectors  &  other  Otiicers  as  any  Londoner  that  trades  hero.  " 
Cah  crt  I'apers  I,  pp.  279  it  seq. 


-%^ 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND  jy, 

of  the  Customs  in  Maryland,*  and  his  appointment  foUowed 
in  1676.'    Within  a  few  years,  Rousby  became  involved  in 
one  of  those  bitter  quarrels  with  the  colonial  authorities 
which  were  characteristic  of  the  history  of  all  the  charter 
and  proprietary  colonies.    As  these  customs  officials  repre- 
sented  the  authority  of  the  Crown  within  these  quasi-feudal 
jurisdictions,  they  refused  to  subordinate  themselves  to  the 
colonial   governors,  and   occasionally  developed   an   over- 
weening sense  of  their  own  importance.    On  their  side,  the 
colonies  were  prone  to  regard  the  appointment  of  these 
officials  as  an  invasion  of  their  charter  rights,  and  at  times 
hampered  them  in  the  execution  of  their  legitimate  duties. 
Under   the  circumstances,  such   quarrels  were  inevitable. 
Their  effect  was  constantly  to  bring  the  affairs  of  these 
colonies  to  the  attention  of  the  English  government,  and  to 
hasten  the  process  of  annulling  their  charters  and  converting 
them  into  royal  provinces. 

In  168  r,  Baltimore  wrote  to  the  English  government  that 
Rousby  should  be  removed  from  office,  as  he  was  guilty  of 
various  malpractices  and  had  also  expressed  himself  in 
favor  of  the  exclusion  of  the  Duke  of  York  from  the  succes- 
sion to  the  throne.  The  main  trouble  arose  from  friction 
between  the  imperial  customs  officials  and  the  provincial 
revenue  officers  appointed  by  Baltimore,  resulting  from  the 
fact  that  both  were  concerned  in  the  enforcement  of  the 
Acts  of  Trade  and  Navigation  and  had  overiapping  duties.' 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  78. 

'  Cal.  Treas.  Hooks,  1676-1670,  pp.  229,  230,  373. 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  66,  67,  78-80. 


I 

I 


' 


I 


sm^^^a, 


!  I  ■ 


17a 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Rousby,  who  was  in  England,  was  not  only  able  to  make 
a  satisfactory  answer  to  the  charges  brought  by  Baltimore,' 
but  in  addition  his  case  was  very  much  strengthened  by 
events  in  Maryland.    During  Rousby's  absence,  Nicholas 
Badcock,  the  Comptroller  and  Surveyor  of  the  Customs,  in- 
sisted that  all  vessels  whose  bonds  permitted  them  to  sail  for 
Ireland  should  pay  the  one-penny  duty  of  1673  on  their  ship- 
ments of  tobacco.    The  law  on  the  point  at  issue  was  some- 
what confusing,  and,  as  Baltimore  did  not  understand  it, 
he  supported  those  who  refused  to  pay  these  duties.    His 
interference  cost  the  revenue  a  considerable  sum,  and  natu- 
rally aroused  the  anger  of  the  English  government.'    Balti- 
more was  severely  reprimanded,'  and  Rousby  was  ordered 
to  resume  his  duties  in  Maryland.* 

Baltimore  learned  by  this  experience  that  any  undue 
interference  with  the  customs  officials  would  lead  to  the  in- 
stitution of  quo  warranto  proceedings  against  his  charter, 
and  thereafter  no  complaints  were  made  by  Rousby.  In 
1684,  however,  Baltimore  sailed  for  England  and  left  the 

•  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  160-166. 

»  See  ante.  \ol.  I,  pp.  q8-,oo.  In  his  letter  of  July  10,  1681.  complain- 
ing of  Baltimore '.s  interference,  Badcock  informed  the  Commissioner.,  oi 
the  Customs  that  their  orders  must  be  very  authoritative,  "for  I  iKrai\e 
my  Lord  and  his  Government  almost  thinke  themselves  out  of  the  \,tco 
of  y  King's  .Soveraignty.  Nay  I  plainly  see  that  nothing  is  .so^  evill  in 
their  Eyes  as  this  little  matter  of  the  King's  interest,  and  nothing  souiuls 
so  bii.l  in  their  ears  as  but  y*  naming  the  King's  authority."  C.  O.  5  -.„ 
fT.  61-65;   C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  H5 

'C.  C    1681    16.S5,  pp.  157,  ,5q,  160,  los,  196;   P  C.  Cal.  II.pp.  28-!i; 

C  ().  joi    i,  f.  3,7. 

'C.  O.  I  '47,  ,10,  no  i,  ii;   C.  C.  1681-1685,  PP-  160-166. 


1/ 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND 


173 


administration  of  Maryland  in  the  hands  of  the  leading 
member  of  the  Council,  Gtorge  Talbot.  In  the  autumn 
of  this  year,  Talbot  went  on  board  the  Quaker,  a  ketch  of 
the  navy,  and  whil«  in  a  state  of  pugnacious  intoxication 
first  tried  to  pick  a  qur.rrel  with  Captain  Allen  and  then 
insulted,  stabbed,  and  killed  Roiisby,  the  Collector.'  Al- 
though unprovoked,  the  murder  was  preceded  by  some  dis- 
cussion as  to  the  relative  authority  of  Talbot  and  the  royal 
officers.*  Such  friction  was  unavoidable  in  the  proprietary 
and  charter  colonies,  and  to  a  great  extent  made  unwork- 
able any  comprehensive  system  of  imperial  policy. 

Captain  Allen  took  Talbot  to  Virginia,  whose  Governor, 
Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  refused  to  deliver  him  for  trial 
to  the  Maryland  authorities  until  he  should  hear  from  Eng- 
land. After  considerable  delay,  which  in  part  could  not  be 
obviated  as  Talbot  had  sucrceded  in  escaping  to  temporary 
liberty,  ultimately,  in  the  spring  of  1686,  the  murderer  was 
convicted  by  the  Virginia  General  Court.  The  capital 
sentence  was,  however,  commuted  by  the  King  to  one  of 
five  years'  banishment.' 


h 


'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  734,  735;  Toppan,  Randolph  IV,  pp.  4,  5. 

'  After  examining  the  evidence,  the  Committee  of  the  Privy  Council 
reported  in  1685  that  the  murder  was  committed  "after  some  words  had 
passed  between  Captain  Allen  the  Comander,  and  the  said  Talbot,  cheifly 
concerning  your  Majestys  Right  of  Jurisfliction  in  those  parts."  Accord- 
ing to  Captain  .\llcn.  Talbot  said  to  Rousby  :  "  \\m  dog,  give  me  your  hand. 
Don't  you  know  that  I  am  your  Governor  and  can  do  you  a  kindness." 
Rousby  answered :  'I  don't  value  anything  you  can  do  to  mc  "  P.  C.  Cal. 
II.  p   77  ;  C.  C   1681-1685,  p.  7,55. 

'  C  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  735,  765;  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  30,  31.  173.  188, 
213.  Ji6. 


14 


ii' 


1 1 

.1. 


174 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


This  brutal  episode  was  followed  by  events  again  illus- 
trating the  inevitability  of  friction  between  the  imperial 
officials  and  those  of  the  proprietor.    After  the  murder  of 
Rousby,  the  Maryland  authorities  nominated  two  men  as 
'Collectors  of  the  King's  dues'  until  some  successor  should  be 
appointed  by  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs,'  ignoring 
the  claims  of  Nehemiah  Blackiston,  who  as  Comptroller 
was  already  in  the  imperial  customs  service  in  Maryland. 
On  April  20,  1685,*  Blackiston  wrote  to  his  superiors  in 
London :   '  Since  the  murder  I  have  been  continually  discoun- 
tenanced and  obstructed  in  my  proceedings  for  the  King's 
service  by  the  chief  persons  deputed  for  the  government 
of  this  Province.     They  have  contemned  and  disowned 
my  commission,  lom  and  burnt  my  certificates  to  masters 
of  ships,  and  diverted  masters  from  applying  to  me,  so  that 
ships  have  been  cleared  without  my  privity,  by  which  means 
I  am  sure  that  my  transgressors  have  escaped  and  many 
frauds  been  undetected.'    Blackiston  refused  to  recognize 
the  commissions  of  the  temporary  collectors  appointed  by 
Maryland,  and  claimed  that  the  King  lost  several  thousands 
pounds  annually,  '  by  the  obstruction  and  confusion  of  his 
affairs  here.'     Baltimore  showed  that  this  was  a  gross  exag- 
geration,' but  on  the  general  merits  of  the  case  Blackiston 
was  upheld  and  was  appointed  to  succeed  Rousby  as  Collector 
of  the  Customs.    At  the  same  time,  the  Commissioners  of 
the  Customs  sent  to  all  the  colonial  governors  fresh  general 

'  C.  C.  1685-168S,  p.  66. 

'/*«/.  pp.  ?o,  31;  CO.  i/is,  9a. 

'  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  66. 


VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND 


»7S 


instructions  about  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  of  trade  and 
navigation.  To  tho  e  sent  to  Maryland  were  added  several 
special  articles,  ordering  the  proprietary  officials  to  assist 
the  royal  Collector  and  to  desist  from  collecting  the  plan- 
tation duties  of  1673.' 

As  a  result  of  Rousby's  murder  and  of  the  subsequent 
interference  with  Blackiston,  Lord  Baltimore  was  in  great 
disfavor  with  the  government.'  In  addition,  the  Maryland 
charter  stood  in  the  way  of  James  II's  desire  to  grant  a 
favorable  boundary  to  Pennsylvania,  whose  founder  was 
one  of  his  favorites.'  Accordingly,  in  1685,  the  Attorney- 
General  was  ordered  to  bring  quo  warranto  proceedings 
against  the  charter.  In  the  following  year  the  prosecution 
of  the  writ  was  ordered,  but  nothing  had  been  effected  when 
the  landing  of  William  of  Orange  put  an  end  to  the  Stuart 
dynasty,* 

These  quarrels  in  Maryland  seemingly  indicate  a  lax 
administration  of  the  provisions  of  the  colonial  system.  It 
should,  however,  be  remembered  that  the  disturbances 
proceeded  not  from  opposition  to  these  laws,  but  primarily 
from  disputes  between  the  royal  and  proprietar\'  oflicials 
as  to  their  respective  authority  in  enforcing  them,  .\part 
from  Badcock's  complaints,  which  concerned  an  cxct'iitional 
and  somewhat  confusing  temporary  state  of  affairs,^  the 

•  Ibid.  pp.  74-76. 

'  Sec  E.  Randolph  to  Sir  Robert  Southwell,  July  30,  1685.  Toppan, 
Randolph  III,  pp.  26-28. 

•  Mcreness,  Maryland,  pp.  32,  33. 

•  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  173 ;  P.  C.  Cal.  II,  pp.  88,  93. 

•  See  ante,  Vol.  I,  pp.  98-100. 


I 


MKIOCOPy   RiSOUITION   TBT  CHAKT 

(ANSI  ond  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


A     APPLIED  IIVHGE     Inc 

t653  Eost  Main   StrMt 

Roch«8tec.   Ne»   York        U609       US* 

(716)  ♦82-  0300  -  Phone 

(716)  288-  5989  -Fox 


1-;  *tii, 


176 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


documents  in  the  dossier  do  not  indicate  that  there  were  ex- 
tensive violations  of  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation.    This 
view  is  fully  confirmed  by  the  statement  of  Patrick  Mein, 
the  Surveyor  General  of  the  Customs  in  America,  who  had 
investigated  conditions  on  the  spot.     On  June  15,  1686, 
Mein  wrote  to  Lord  Howard  of  Eflfingham:^  "Though  I 
find  y*  Kings  interest  here  has  suffered  by  M?  Rousby's 
death  and  y!  difference   y'    ensued    upon    it   betwixt  y^ 
Kings  Officers  and  my  Lord  Baltimores,  and  y^  severall 
Bonds  haue  been  taken  to  goe  for  England  or  Ireland,  yet 
I  must  say  I  neuer  saw  any  Merch^  Bookes  kept  in  better 
Order  than  y?  Accounts  are  here,  and  there  haue  been  coppies 
of  all  Bonds  and  Certificates  sent  into  England  every  year, 
severall  Bonds  put  in  Suit,  and  all  of  them  bear  a  Condition 
to  return  Certificat  w'4n  12  months."  '^ 

'  C.  O.  1/62,  20  xi. 

*0n  March  12,  1688,  on  the  information  of  Mein  that  the  John  of 
London  had  transgressed  the  laws  of  trade,  the  Maryland  Council  ordered 
a  special  court  for  the  trial  of  this  vessel  and  its  cargo.  C.  O.  5/ 739,  pp. 
141-145- 


CHAPTER  IX 
THE  CAROLINAS 

The  economic  aims  of  the  proprietors  —  Foundation  of  South  Carolina  — 
Its  development  —  Piracy  —  Character  of  North  Carolina  — The 
New  England  traders  —  Attempts  to  collect  the  1673  export  duties  on 
tobacco  —  The  Culpepper  rebellion. 

Prior  to  the  eighteenth  century  the  economic  importance 
of  the  Carolinas  was  but  slight,  and  as  yet  there  were  mani- 
fest but  faint  indications  of  that  later  development,  which 
was  to  transform  both  North  and  South  Carolina,  especially 
the  latter,  into  most  valuable  and  highly  esteemed  mem- 
bers of  the  British  Empire.    For  forty  years  or  so  their 
growth  was  slow;  and,  although  tentative  experiments  with 
various  products  had  been  made,  the  real  path  leading  to  their 
ultimate  prosperity  had  not  as  yet  been  disclosed.    During 
this  period,  these  small  undeveloped  settlements  had  but 
little  trade  and  commerce,  and  contributed  only  slightly 
to  the  wealth  of  the  commercial  empire  that  was  being  con- 
solidated under  the  regulations  of  the  parliamentary  colonial 
system  by  the  energy  and  activity  of  the  English  merchants 
and  colonial  planters.    While,  however,  the  early  history 
of  the  Carolinas  constitutes  an  unimportant  chapter  in  the 
actual  evolution  of  the  Empire,  the  steps  leading  to  the 
settlement  of  this  region  throw  a  flood  of   light  on  the 
colonial  poUcy  of  the  era. 

*•  177  (a) 


I 


4' 


178 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


In  1663,  a  number  of  prominent  men,  most  of  whom  were 
closely  identified  with  the  work  of  commercial  and  colonial 
expansion  —  such  as  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  Lord  Berkeley, 
Lord  Ashley,  Sir  William  Berkeley,  and  Sir  John  Colleton — 
received  from  Charles  II  the  grant  of  a  large  tract  of  land 
reaching  from  Virginia  to  Spanish  Florida.^  As  in  the  case 
of  the  charters  of  the  first  Stuarts,  the  government  expected 
the  patentees  to  produce  within  their  dominion  commodities 
such  as  England  was  obliged  to  purchase  from  her  European 
rivals.  In  order  to  stimulate  such  production,  the  govern- 
ment exempted  from  the  payment  o^  the  English  customs 
duties  all  silks,  wines,  currants,  raisins,  capers,  wax,  almonds, 
oils,  and  olives  imported  thence  for  seven  years  from  Septem- 
ber 29,  1667.^  None  of  these  products  could  be  raised  in 
England,  but  all  had  to  be  imported,  in  the  main  from  the 
Mediterranean  countries  in  Europe.  It  was  largely  in  the 
hope  of  developing  a  national  source  of  supply  that  the 
Carolina  charter  was  issued.  This  list  contained  no  one 
of  the  commodities  already  afforded  by  the  existing  English 


N 

m 


>  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  p.  27 ;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  427. 

'  This  privilege  was  confirmed  in  the  second  Carolina  charter  of  1665. 
No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  p.  108;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  loii.  In  addition,  tools 
shipped  to  Carolina  for  the  use  of  the  planters  were  exempted  from  the 
payment  of  the  English  export  duties.  In  1663,  the  proprietors  granted 
the  full  benefit  of  these  immunities  to  intending  settlers.  No.  Ca.  Col. 
Rec.  I,  pp.  43-46;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  536.  See  also  C.  C.  1675-1676, 
p.  145.  In  1667,  it  was  also  suggested  that  'the  King  grant  the  first  lad- 
ing of  every  ship  built  in  the  said  country  custom  free'  and  that  'said  in- 
habitants may  trade  with  goods  of  their  own  growth  in  ships  built  there 
into  any  port  in  Christendom,  which  he  conceives  will  be  the  only  means 
to  put  that  Colony  into  a  flourishing  condition.'    C.  C.  167 5-1676,  p.  146. 


THE   CAROLINAS 


179 


colonies.  The  new  settlements  were  expected  to  avoid  such 
products  as  sugar  and  tobacco,  in  order  not  further  to  depress 
their  price.  This  point  was  significantly  emphasized  in  the 
statements  of  the  proprietors. 

In  the  hope  of  obtaining  settlers  for  the  proposed  colony, 
the  patentees  at  the  outset  looked  in  the  main  to  Barbados, 
where  the  large  plantation  system,  based  ever  more  exclu- 
sively on  negro  slave  labor,  was  driving  away  the  smaller 
capitalists  and  the  white  laborers.  One  of  the  proprietors, 
Sir  John  Colleton,  was  a  prominent  Barbadian,  thoroughly 
conversant  with  the  situation  in  that  colony.  In  1663,  the 
proprietors  wrote  to  the  Governor,  Lord  WUloughby,  and 
also  to  Thomas  Modyford  and  Peter  Colleton  in  Barbados, 
that  they  had  heard  that  a  number  of  people  were  desirous 
of  emigrating  to  Carolina,  and  pointed  out  that  its  soil  was 
proper  for  such  commodities  as  England  consumed  in  great 
quantities,  but  which  were  not  raised  in  the  already  estab- 
lished colonies.  If  wine,  oil,  currants,  raisins,  and  silks  were 
successfully  produced  in  Carolina,  they  further  said,  "the 
money  of  the  nation  that  goes  out  for  these  things  wilbe 
Keept  in  the  Kinges  Dominions  and  the  planting  part  of  the 
people  imploy  there  time  in  planting  those  comodyties  that 
will  not  injure  nor  overthrow  the  other  plantations  which 
may  very  well  happen,  if  there  be  a  verv  great  increase  of 
sugar  workes  and  more  Tobacco,  Ginger,  Cotton  and  in- 
dicoe  made  tlien  the  world  will  venc."  ^  The  proprietors 
represented,  with  greater  truthfulness  than  they  themselves 

*  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  46-48;  So.  Ca.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  V,  pp.  13-15; 
C.  C.  1661-166S,  nos.  547,  549. 


i 


■ 


jHl 


.» 


m 


f!* 


)'i 


i8o 


THE  OLD   COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


probably  realized,  that  the  enterprise  was  for  the  King's 
and  nation's  service  more  than  for  their  own,  and  as,  in 
addition,  they  included  such  influential  men  as  the  Earl  of 
Clarendon  and  the  Dukc  of  Albermarle,  the  support  of  the 
government  was  readily  secured.  Charles  II  instructed 
Lord  Willoughby,  and  also  the  Governor  of  the  Bermudas, 
not  to  hinder  people  from  emigrating  to  Carolina,  stating 
that,  as  this  country  was  fit  for  commodities  not  produced 
in  any  other  of  the  English  dominions,  "therefore  such 
removall  will  be  noe  wayes  preiudiciall  but  rather  advan- 
tageous to  our  settled  plantations,  by  lessening  the  excessive 
increase  of  those  Comodities  which  they  produce,  which 
through  their  abundance  have  abated  the  prices  to  such 
inconsiderable  sums  that  our  Subiects  (Planters  or  Traders 
therein  concerned)  cannot  subsist  by  their  labour  and  stock 
employed  upon  the  same."  *  Thus  Carolina  was  to  be  a 
colony  supplying  England  with  the  typical  products  of 
southern  Europe,  such  as  were  not  obtainable  in  any  of  the 
other  English  colonies.  The  actual  course  of  development, 
however,  by  no  means  corresponded  with  the  anticipations 
of  those  projecting  the  enterprise. 

At  the  time  of  the  issue  of  the  Carolina  charter  there  was 
already  established  within  the  bounds  of  the  province, 
on  Albemarle  Sound,  a  small  community  composed  in  the 
main  of  settlers  from  adjacent  Virginia.  The  proprietors, 
however,  paid  but  little  attention  to  this  region  and  devoted 


'  So.  Ca.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  V,  p.  6;  Lefroy,  Bermudas  II,  pp.  igg,  200; 
C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  576.  On  the  attempts  to  found  settlements  from 
Barbados,  see  A.  S.  Salley,  Narratives  of  Early  Carolina,  pp.  ji-61,  77-108. 


THE  CAROLINAS 


l8i 


their  chief  efforts  to  developing  the  more  southerly  portion 
of  their  grant.    During  the  initial  years,  several  unsuccess- 
ful attempts  at  settlement  were  made,  but  as  nothing  per- 
manent had  been  accomplished  by  1669,  the  need  of  more 
comprehensive  measures  was  realized.    Thereafter,  the  guid- 
ing spirit  among  the  proprietors  was  Ashley,  the  future  Earl 
of  Shaftesbury.    Adequate  funds  were  contributed  to  pur- 
chase ships  and  supplies,  and  some  emig/ants  were  secured 
in  England  and  Ireland,  as  events  had  shovvn  that  no  reli- 
ance could  be  placed  on  securing  a  sufficient  number  of 
settlers  from  Barbados  and  the  Bermudas.^    In  1670,  as  a 
result  of  this  expedition,  was  founded  a  settlement  on  the 
Ashley  River,  which  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  future  South 
Carolina.'^    Glowing  reports  of  the  fertility  of  the  soil  were 
sent  to  England.    In  1670,  Governor  Sayle  and  the  Council 
wrote  that  'there  was  never  a  more  hopeful  design  set  on 
foot,'  and  that  flax,  wine,  tobacco,  silk,  sugar,  and  all  sorts 
of  EngUsh  grain  could  be  produced  in  plenty.'    The  planters 
from  Barbados  claimed  that  as  good  ginger  and  cotton  could 
be  grown  there  as  in  the  West  Indies,  and  some  successful 
experiments  were  made  with  these  commodities  and  with 
tobacco.    At  the  outset,  however,  the  settlers  were  in  the 
main  fully  occupied  in  raising  provisions,  for,  as  Governor 
West  wrote  in  167 1,  it  was  'the  life  of  a  new  settlement  to 
provide  in  the  first  place  for  the  belly.'     Peas,  Indian  corn, 
and  wheat  were  planted,  but  not  enough  was  raised  to  feed 


l! 


I 


'  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  19. 

»  E.  McCrady,  South  Carolina,  1670-171Q,  pp.  114-128. 

»  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  85,  86;  So.  Ca.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  V,  pp.  17S.  i7<5. 


i »  r 


u 
t'  1 


182 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


the  infant  colony,  and  the  deficiency  was  supplied  by  pro- 
visions imported  from  the  other  colonies,  expecially  from 
Virginia  and  the  Bermudas.* 

In  order  to  hasten  the  process  of  settlement,  in  167 1  the 
proprietors  sent  out  a  ship,  the  Blessing,  with  detailed  in- 
structions to  its  commander,  Captain  Halstead.^  On  his 
arrival  in  Ashley  River,  he  was  to  secure  a  cargo  of  timber, 
pipe-staves,  and  other  commodities  fit  for  the  Barbados 
market,  and  while  in  Carolina  he  was  to  investigate  its 
economic  resources,  and  especially  to  inquire  if  there  were 
a  supply  of  large  mast  trees  growing  near  the  water  whence 
they  could  readily  be  transported  to  England.  After  dis- 
posing of  his  cargo  in  Barbados,  Halstead  was  to  take 
passengers  thence  for  Carolina,  which  the  proprietors 
emphatically  stated  was  their  main  object.  In  addition, 
Halstead  was  to  procure  sugar  and  rum,  which  he  was  to 
exchange  in  Virginia  for  cattle  and  provisions  and  with 
these  he  was  to  return  to  Ashley  River,  whence  again  he  was 
directed  to  proceed  with  lumber  to  Barbados  for  passengers. 
Finally,  he  was  to  secure  a  cargo  of  braziletto  wood  in  the 
Bahamas,  or,  if  this  were  unobtainable,  he  was  to  return  to 
England  with  cedar  wood  from  Carolina.  The  proprietors 
had  not  lost  sight  of  their  underlying  purpose  of  finding  for 
the  nation  new  sources  of  supply,  and  instructed  Halstead 
to  learn  the  best  methods  of  raising  silk,  tobacco,  indigo, 

•  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  85,  86,  88,  89,  167,  168,  206-208;  So.  Ca.  Hist. 
See.  Coll.  V,  pp.  175,  176,  188;  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  206-208. 

2  C.  O.  3/286,  pp.  68-71 ;  So.  Ca.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  V,  pp.  318-322 ;  C.  C. 
1669-1674,  pp.  211,  212.    Cf.  C.  C.  1669  1674,  pp.  210,  296,  313. 


THE  CAROLINAS 


l8j 


cotton,  and  other  products  of  a  similar  nature.  Further,  he 
was  to  inform  the  settlers  that,  as  the  proprietors  aimed  at 
their  thriving  and  to  that  end  had  spent  considerable  sums, 
"soewee  expect  from  them  faire  and  punctuall  Dealeing  in 
repaying  us  for  what  we  Let  them  have."  ' 

Though  Halstead  proved  himself  an  unsatisfactory  agent,^ 
a  number  of  people  were  attracted  to  the  new  settlement, 
and  by  1672  it  counted  somewhat  over  four  hundred  souls.' 
Enthusiastic  reports  about  the  economic  resources  of  the 
country  continued  to  be  forwarded  to  England,  but  naturally 
no  wine,  silk,  indigo,  or  oil  could  be  produced  until  the  press- 
ing problem  of  the  colony's  food  supply  was  solved.*  For  a 
number  of  years  the  settlement  was  dependent  upon  supplies 
furnished  by  the  proprietors,  and  until  it  became  self-sup- 

*  The  idea  of  developing  new  sources  of  supply  is  well  illustrated  in  a  con- 
temporary book,  whose  author  claimed  that  Carolina  could  and  actually  did 
produce  wines,  oil,  silk,  cotton,  indigo,  ginger,  tobacco,  etc.  "  It  is  believed," 
he  further  stated,  "that  here  may  be  made  of  the  three  first,  viz.  Wines, 
Oyl,  and  Silk,  such  great  abundance,  to  theirs  and  this  Kingdoms  enrich- 
ment that  besides  what  we  shall  use  our  selves,  we  may  have  wherewith 
to  furnish  Forrain  Parts."  Richard  Blome,  A  Description  of  the  Island  of 
Jamaica  (London.  1672),  p.  128. 

'  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  620. 

•  So.  Ca.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  V,  pp.  376-383;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  319-321- 
In  167 1,  Ashley  instructed  Halstead  to  encourage  men  at  all  places  where 
he  touched  to  remove  to  CaroUna,  but  to  forbear  to  invite  the  poorer  yet 
awhile,  "for  we  find  ourselves  mightily  mistaken  in  endeavouring  to  get  a 
great  number  of  poor  people  there,  it  being  substantial  men  and  their  fami- 
lies that  must  make  the  plantation  which  will  stock  the  country  with  negroes, 
cattle,  and  otL  .lecessaries,  whereas  others  rely  and  eat  upon  us."  C.  C. 
1669-1674,  pp.  296,  297. 

♦  Shaftesbury  Papers,  bundle  48,  no.  77 ;  So.  Ca.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  V,  pp. 
376-3S3;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  254,  277-280,  319-321- 


,|r;  H 


184 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


porting  there  was  no  possibility  that  any  of  the  advantages 
expected  from  the  enterprise  could  be  realized. 

In  the  course  of  time,  the  Carolina  proprietors  began  to 
tire  of  sending  tools  and  clothes  to  the  colony,  especially  as 
they  saw  no  prospect  of  any  return  on  the  ever  expanding 
amount  invested  in  the  enterprise.'  In  1674,'^  they  sent 
to  Ashley,  now  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  a  mass  of  correspond- 
ence recently  received  from  the  colony,  and  at  the  same  time 
asked  his  advice  how  'to  set  as  narrow  bounds  as  may 
be  to  expenses  and  yet  order  that  all  may  not  be  lost  by  a 
total  desertion  and  ruin  of  the  settlement  at  Ashley  river.' 
There  was  reason  to  think,  they  added,  that  these  settlers 
no  longer  needed  or  expected  supplies  of  provisions  from 
them,  but  they  did  not  see  how  the  colony  could  subsist 
unless  they  furnished  them  with  clothing,  tools,  and  arms 
until  'the  products  of  their  labour'  should  draw  trade  there. 
They  further  said  that  the  settlers  might  possibly  be  already 
able  to  make  considerable  returns  in  tobacco,  which  they 
claimed  was  equal  to  the  Spanish  product,  and  that  within 
a  short  time  not  immoderate  quantities  of  cotton  and  indigo 
might  be  expected. 

Accordingly,  on  June  10,  1675,'  Shaftesbury  wrote  to 
the  Governor  and  Council  at  Charles  Town:  "You  can- 
not be  ignorant  of  the  particular  care  I  have  taken  of 
you  and  your  Setlem'  ever  since  you  first  sate  downe  upon 
Ashley  River.    And  how  the  rest  of  the  Lords  Proprietors 

>  C.  C.  166Q-1674,  pp.  578,  S79. 

''  Ibid.  pp.  620-622 ;   So.  Ca.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  V,  pp.  454,  455. 

»  So.  Ca.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll  V,  pp.  466-468 ;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  240,  241- 


THE  CAROLINAS 


I8S 


have  been  perswaded  by  the  hopes  I  had  that  theire  ex- 
penses would  not  be  endless  to  be  out  a  greater  Summe  of 
Money  in  Carrying  on  that  Plantacon  and  sending  you  sup- 
ply es  then  they  at  first  designed  or  could  have  imagined." 
Last  year,  he  continued,  when  their  expectations  of  returns 
grew  weary,  "haveing  received  from  you  neither  any  be- 
ginning of  paym'  nor  any  faire  or  probable  Proposalls  how 
they  may  in  tyme  be  reimbursed,"  I  induced  them  to  con- 
sent to  a  new  method  of  supplying  you.  It  was  expected 
that,  when  we  had  put  the  continuance  of  sending  you  nec- 
essaries in  so  settled  an  order,  "you  at  least  would  have 
considered  of  some  way  of  making  returns  to  us,  and  given  us 
some  ace*  that  wee  might  have  scene,  that  you  had  taken  it 
into  your  thoughts."  Their  failure  to  do  so,  he  concluded, 
had  discouraged  the  Lords  Proprietors,  who  had  "just  cause 
to  apprehend  that  by  the  Expense  of  9  or  £10,000  we  have 
purchased  nothing  but  the  charge  of  mamtainemg  on  5  or 
600  people  who  expect  to  live  upon  us." 

Shaftesbury's  letter  of  admonition  to  the  colony  must 
not  be  construed  too  literally.  The  proprietors  were  well- 
informed  men  of  affairs,  and  could  not  have  expected  any 
immediate  returns  on  their  investment.  Past  experiences, 
with  which  they  must  have  been  familiar,  had  shown  con- 
clusively that  such  colonial  enterprises  were  very  costly 
and,  as  a  rule,  financially  disastrous.  At  best  it  was  only 
in  the  distant  future  that  some  income  might  reasonably 
be  expected.  It  was  in  connection  with  a  similar  enterprise, 
in  which  two  of  the  Carolina  proprietors,  Lord  Berkeley  and 
Sir  George  Carteret,  were  engaged,  that  Governor  Xicolls 


■fM 


I 


I 


i    -I 


i  '■    J' 


x86 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


of  New  York  had  remarked  some  ten  years  before  this  : 
"It  will  cost  them  20,000  lb  before  it  will  yield  a  penny,  and 
their  childrens  children  may  reap  the  profitt."  '  In  vl  of 
their  unquestionable  realization  of  the  hazardous  and  ex- 
pensive character  of  such  undertakings,  it  must  be  inferred 
that  the  proprietors  were  to  a  great  extent  actuated  by 
patriotic,  as  distinct  from  purely  personal,  motives. 

Theirs   was   not,  however,  the  idealistic  patriotism  of 
Cecil  Rhodes,  who  two  hundred  years  later  was  ready  to 
sacrifice  his  own  fortune  and  also  the  surplus  of  the  great 
diamond  company  which  he  was  managing,  in  order  to  fur- 
ther his  dream  of  northern  expansion,  from  which  person- 
ally he  could  expect  no  direct  pecuniary  profit.*    In  part, 
the  difference  was  due  to  the  personal  equation;  in  part, 
it  resulted  from  fundamentally  distinct  theories  of  colonial 
expansion.    Neither  Shaftesbury,  nor  any  one  of  his  asso- 
ciates, was  built  on  Rhodes's  gigantic  lines,  or  was  so  con- 
sistently and  constantly  under  the  sway  of  one  all-absorbing 
ideal.    Rhodes  wanted   Central  Africa  as  a   "breathing- 
space"  for  Englanu  s  expanding  population,  becoming  more 
and  more  congested  within  the  narrow  limits  of  its  island 
home.    Shaftesbur',  on  the  other  hand,  '•ecognized  that 
England  herself  nee(.'ed  a  larger  population,  and  favored  the 
encouragement  of  immigration.    It  was  not  as  an  outlet  for 
England's   surplus   numbers   that    he   and   hib   associates 
founded  Carolina,  but  in  developing  the  economic  resources 

'  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  p.  105 ;  N.  J.  Col.  Doc.  I.  p.  48 ;  C.  C.  1661-1668, 

no.  1095. 

'  Sir  Thomas  E.  Fuller,  Cecil  John  Rhodes,  pp.  6.*?,  69. 


THE  CAROLINAS 


187 


of  the  new  settlement  they  sought  both  to  increase  the 
commerce  of  England  and  u  create  new  sources  of 
supply.  In  addition,  the  Carolina  proprietors  hoped  for 
some  income  on  the  funds  expended,  and,  as  the  colony  paid 
no  attention  to  their  legitimate  demands,  they  tightened 
their  purse-strings. 

By  the  end  of  the  decade  the  colony  had,  however,  taken 
firm  root.'  Provisions  were  produced,  not  only  in  sufficient 
quantity  for  home  consumption,  but  also  for  export  to 
the  West  Indies.  In  1680  to  1682  there  was  a  considerable 
influx  of  new  settlers,  composed  in  the  main  of  French 
Huguenots  and  English  dissenters.*  During  these  two 
years  the  population  about  doubled  itself,  and  at  the  lat- 
ter date  numbered  roughly  2500.'  A  few  years  before  this, 
in  1679,  the  proprietors  stated  that  they  had  expended  on 
the  enterprise  £17,000  to  £18,000.''  But  on  this  relatively 
large  sum  they  had  as  yet  received  virtually  no  return, 
although  some  provision  was  being  made  for  a  future 
proprietary  revenue  by  the  establishment  of  annual  quit- 
rents  of  one-penny  an  acre."  Nor  was  there  as  yet  any 
indication  that  the  colony  would  one  day  answer  the  fvm- 
damental  economic  ends  of  its  settlement.' 

>  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  60. 

=  McCrady,  Suuth  Carolina,  1670-1710,  pp.  i93,  i94- 

'  T.  A.,  Carolina  (London,  1682),  pp.  38,  39.  The  name  of  the  author  of 
this  pamphlet  is  geneially  given  as  Thomas  Ashe. 

*  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  336. 

'R.  F.,  The  Present  State  of  Carolina  (London,  1682),  p.  19;  T.  A., 
Carolina  (London,  1682),  p.  39;  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  646;  C.  C.  1685-1688, 
pp.  10-12. 

« C/.  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  60. 


l'i-« 


•  ■  r 


i88 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Much  had  been  hoped  from  the  Huguenot  immi- 
grants who  were  expected  to  produce  wine,  oil,  silk,  and 
such  othor  things  as  England  was  forced  to  purchase 
from  foreign  nations.'  The  various  pamphleteers  of  the 
day,  many  of  whom  wrote  with  the  special  purpose  of  at- 
tracting settlers,  extolled  the  natural  resources  of  the  col- 
ony and  predicted  for  it  a  brilliant  future.  One  of  these 
writers,  who  had  been  clerk  on  board  H.M.S.  Richmond 
which  carried  over  some  of  the  Huguenots  in  1680,  reported 
that  Carolina  would  shortly  prove  a  most  beneficial  colony, 
and  that  many  people  were  attracted  there  by  the  climate 
and  "  the  likelyhood  of  Wines,  Oyls  and  Silks,  and  the  great 
Variety  of  other  Natural  Commodities."  He  spoke  hope- 
fully of  these  experiments,  and  of  the  prospect  that  Carolina 
would  "in  a  Uttle  time  prove  a  Magazine  and  Staple  for 
Wines  to  the  whole  West  Indies."  *  Another  writer  in  the 
same  year,  1682,  stated  that,  in  addition  to  grain  of  all  sorts, 
South  Carolina  produced  abundance  of  beef  and  pork,  and 
that  attempts  were  being  made  to  raise  wine,  oil,  cotton, 
silk,  tobacco,  hemp,  and  flax.  These,  together  with  hides, 
wool,  pitch,  tar,  and  cordage,  he  predicted,  would  be  the 
staple  commodities  of  the  colony.^    The  attempts  to  produce 

'  C.  c.  1677-1680,  pp.  321,  328,  336,  340,  341,  351.  364,  366,  367,  428, 
435 ;  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  242-244;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  825,  826. 

^  T.  A.,  Carolina,  or  a  Description  of  the  Present  State  of  that  Country 
(London,  1682),  preface  and  pp.  8-10.  In  the  same  year,  another  pam- 
phleteer, Samuel  Wilson,  said  that,  "besides  the  great  profit  that  will  be 
made  by  the  v'ast  heards  of  Cattle  and  Swine,  the  Country  appears  to  be 
proper"  for  wine,  oil,  silk,  tobacco,  indigo,  cotton,  flax  and  hemp,  pitch 
and  tar,  etc.     A.  S.  Salley,  Narratives  of  Early  Carolina,  pp.  174-176. 

'  R.  F,,  The  Present  State  of  Carolina  (London,  1682),  pp.  7-10. 


THE  CAROLINAS 


189 


these  commodities,  especially  silk  and  oil,  were  persistently 
pursued,*  but  led  to  no  practical  results.  Prior  to  the  Revo- 
lution of  1688/9,  the  only  noteworthy  exports  from  this 
settlement  to  Europe  were  cedar  wood  and  furs.  In  1687, 
the  proprietors  stated  that  these  shipments  did  not  amount  in 
value  to  £2000  yearly.  As  in  the  first  decade  of  Massachu- 
setts' history,'  the  basic  industry  of  the  colony  was  the  pro- 
duction of  foodstuffs  — grain  of  all  kinds,  beef,  and  pork  — 
which  were  exchanged  with  the  incoming  settlers  for  clothes 
and  tools.  In  addition,  provisions,  and  also  some  pitch, 
tar,  and  lumber,  were  shipped  to  the  English  West  Indies, 
whence  in  return  were  imported  sugar,  molasses,  rum,  and 
ginger.' 

Although  the  colony's  commerce  was  far  from  extensive, 
it  was  of  sufficient  importance  to  make  it  advisable  for  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Customs  to  appoint  in  1673  officials 
to  see  to  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  of  trade  and  naviga- 
tion.* If  inconspicuousness  is  an  indication  of  inactivity, 
these  officials  apparently  had  little  to  do  until  toward  the 
very  end  of  this  period.    In  1685,  one  George  Muschamp 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  P-  662.  See  also  Samuel  Wilson,  An  Account  of  .  .  . 
Carolina  (London,  1682),  pp.  17,  18 ;  A  New  and  Most  Exact  Account  .  .  . 
of  Carolina  (DubUn,  1683),  p.  5;  Carolina  Described  (Dublin,  1684), 
p.  26. 

2  Beer,  Origins,  pp.  284,  285. 

'T.  A.,  Carolina  (Ix)ndon,  1682),  pp.  38,  39;  C.  O.  324/s,  fif.  5-7; 
C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  425,  426. 

*  In  1673,  Joseph  West  was  appointed  Collector,  and  William  Owen 
Comptroller  and  Surveyor.  Cal.  Treas.  Books,  1672-1675,  p.  427.  In 
16S3,  James  Wych  was  appointed  Collector  and  Surveyor.  Treas.  Books, 
Out-Letters,  Customs  8,  f.  2??. 


H 


m 


1   »    '     , 


190 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


was  appointed  Collector  of  the  Customs,*  and  at  the  same 
time  the  proprietors  wrote  to  Governor  Joseph  Morton  to 
take  care  that  the  laws  of  trade  were  observed  and  to  re- 
member that  any  neglect  on  his  part  made  him  liable  to 
a  penalty  of  £1000.^  Muschamp,  however,  encountered 
some  difficulties.  In  i  J87,'  he  wrote  to  his  superior  officers 
in  England  that  he  feared  it  would  be  difficult  to  enforce  the 
Navigation  Act  in  South  Carolina,  as  last  week  he  had 
under  peculiar  circumstances  lost  an  action  for  illegal  trade. 
He  admitted  that  the  evidence  in  this  case  was  not  quite 
clear;  but  he  asserted  that  it  was  declared  that  even  if  it 
"had  been  never  Soe  evident  they  would  have  pleaded  the 
Benefit  of  their  charter  against  me;  pretending  that  it 
gives  them  full  Power  to  Trade  with  Scotland  and  Ireland, 
and  Likewise  that  the  Natives  of  the  Said  Countries  have 
Liberty  to  transport  their  owne  Productions  and  Manufac- 
tures in  their  shipps,  Navigated  with  Scotch  Men,  which  I 
am  sure  is  directly  contrary  to  the  Letter  of  the  Law." 

This  claim  was  referred  to  the  Attorney-General,  who 
naturally  held  that  it  was  without  warrant  of  law.  In  addi- 
tion, an  explanation  was  demanded  from  the  proprietors, 
who  stated  *  that  they  conceived  that  no  one  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  colony  was  guilty  of  asserting  such  a  claim,  and 
that  they  had  constantly  ordered  the  Governor  and  Council 
to  obey  the  Acts  of  Trade  and  Navigation  and  to  assist 


*  Treas.  Books,  Out-Letters,  Customs  10,  f.  46. 
2  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  92. 

'  C.  O.  1/60,  iq;   ibid.  324/s,  ff.  2-4;   C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  353,  354. 

*  C.  O.  324/3,  ff-  5-7 ;  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  425,  426. 


THE  CAROLINAS 


191 


Muschamp.  Furthermore,  they  remarked  that  they  did  not 
know  of  any  inducement  thut  would  attract  Scottish  and 
Irish  traders  to  South  Carolina,  as  the  inhabitants  had 
"hardly  overcome  y'  Want  of  Victualls  &  nott  as  yett 
produced  any  Commodities  fitt  for  y'  Markett  of  Europe 
butt  a  few  Skins  they  purchase  from  the  Native  Indians  & 
a  little  Cedar  w""  w'*"  they  help  to  fill  y'  Ship  that  brings 
y'  Skins  for  London,"  where  was  their  best  market.^  At 
the  same  time,  the  proprietors  ordered  Governor  James 
Colleton  to  inquire  into  the  subject  of  Muschamp 's  com- 
plaint and  to  remove  from  office  in  the  Court  of  Admiralty 
such  men  as  had  advanced  the  claim  that  the  charter  ex- 
empted the  colony  from  the  provisions  of  the  Act  of  Naviga- 
tion. Further,  Colleton  was  instructed  carefully  to  execute 
the  laws  and  to  send  them  quarterly  returns  of  the  shipping 
trading  to  the  colony,  as  well  as  other  documents  bearing 
on  such  matters,  so  that  they  could  deliver  them  to  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Customs.^ 

This  solicitous  care  of  the  proprietors  in  enforcing  the 
law  was  due  to  a  desire  not  further  to  oflfend  the  English 
government,  which  had  already  been  annoyed  by  reports 
that  pirates  were  being  harbored  in  South  Carolina  and  by 
the  disorderly  conduct  of  the  northern  settlement  on  Albe- 
marle  Sound.    As  a  consequence  thereof,  the  Attorney- 

'  Muschamp  claimed  that,  as  four-fifths  of  the  crew  of  the  vessel  in  ques- 
tion were  Scottish,  it  was  not  legally  navigated.  This  claim  was,  however, 
of  (jucstionable  validity.  See  ante,  Vol.  I,  pp.  go,  01.  According  to  the 
proprietors,  this  ship  had  been  trading  at  the  Leeward  Islands,  and  had 
come  to  Carolina  for  repairs. 

'  C.  C.  168S-1688,  pp.  4SI,  452. 


I 


192 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


General  had  been  instructed  in  1686  to  proceed  by  quo  war- 
ranto against  the  charters  of  Carolina  and  the  Bahama 
Islands.*  Two  years  before  this,  in  1684,  Governor  Lynch 
of  Jamaica,  who  was  conducting  a  vigorous  campaign  agains. 
piracy,  complained  that  his  efforts  were  being  thwarted  by 
the  asylum  given  to  the  buccaneers  in  Carolina,  New  England, 
and  the  other  continental  colonies.  In  especial,  he  com- 
plained of  the  aid  given  in  South  Carolina  to  Jacob  Hall, 
one  of  the  two  English  captains  who  in  1683  had  partici- 
pated in  the  raid  on  Vera  Cruz  by  the  Hispaniola  filibusters 
under  the  lead  of  Vanhom  and  de  Graff.''  In  his  vigorous 
reply  on  behalf  of  the  Carolina  proprietors,  the  Earl  of 
Craven  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade '  that,  on  his  return  from 
Vera  Cruz,  Hall  had  stopped  for  a  few  days  in  Carolina  to 
wood  8-v[  Tater,  but  that  as  he  had  acted  under  the  com- 
mand of  V  anhom,  who  had  a  commission  from  the  French, 
and,  as  it  was  not  known  that  it  was  illegal  for  Englishmen 
to  serve  under  foreign  powers,  no  attempt  had  been  made  to 
seize  him.  Craven  added  that  he  had  never  heard  of  but 
one  other  pirate  in  Carolina,  and  that  he  and  his  accom- 
plices were  'hung  in  chains  at  the  entrance  to  the  port, 
where  they  hang  to  this  day.'  In  addition,  he  wrote  that 
tlie  King's  instructions  to  "  the  colonies  to  pass  a  law 
against  pirates  similar  to  t.  jf  Jamaica  had  been  sent  to 
the  colony,  and  that  he  had  no  doubt  but  that  such  a  law 


•  P.  C.  Cal.  II,  p.  92. 

-  C.  C.  1681-1685,  P-  S08.    On  this  expedition,  see  Haring,  The  Buc- 
caneers in  the  West  Indies,  pp.  241-243. 
'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  642. 


THE  CAROLINAS 


193 


would  be  speedily  passed.'  At  the  same  time,  the  pro- 
prietors instructed  the  Governor,  Sir  Richard  Kyrle,  to 
seize  all  pirates  and  to  secure  the  enactment  of  the  desired 
law.* 

In  1685,  Carolina  passed  such  an  Act,'  but  it  naturally 
could  not  be  effectively  enforced  in  the  unfrequented  bays 
of  this  sparsely  settled  country,  and  it  was  apparently  not 
construed  very  strictly  even  where  there  was  a  regular 
government.  The  Secretary  of  the  province,  Robert  Quarry, 
while  temporarily  in  charge  of  affairs,  had  been  suspected 
of  complicity  with  the  pirates,  and  shortly  afterwards 
Governor  Joseph  Morton  was  accused  of  allowing  two 
buccaneers  to  bring  a  Spanish  prize  to  South  Carolina.* 
James  Colleton,  a  member  of  the  distinguished  Barbadian 
family  and  a  brother  of  one  of  the  proprietors,  was  appointed 
Governor  in  1686,^  and  was  instructed  to  investigate  these 
matters.*  In  addition,  the  proprietors  wrote  to  him  of 
some  Portuguese  brigantines  laden  with  sugar,  which  had 
been  captured  by  English  pirates  and  brought  to  South 
Carolina,  where  they  were  condemned  by  collusion  between 
Quarry  and  the  pirates  as  unfree  ships.  In  this  manner  a 
technically  legal  title  was  secured.    "Wee  see,"  the  propri- 

'  On  these  instructions,  see  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  347,  348 ;  C.  C. 
1681-1685,  p.  592 ;  Conn.  Col.  Rec.  Ill,  pp.  336,  337. 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  645,  646. 

'  Ilughson,  The  Carolina  Pirates,  p.  21.  See  also  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp. 
12,92,  178. 

*C.  O.  s/288,  ff.  75,  76;   C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  153,  154,  178,  179,  243. 

'  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  233. 

«  C.  O.  5/288,  ff.  103-10S ;  C.  C.  168 5-1688,  p.  338. 

o  (2) 


■i^ 


I 


ii!^- 


^  i   'm 


I 


194 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


etors  commented,  "that  Capt.  Quarry  hath  had  too  great 
a  hand  in  these  Transactions  for  which  Reason  you  are,  if 
you  see  Cause,  to  put  him  out  of  aU  Offices  he  holds  by 
our  Choice  or  Cofnission  from  us."  As  a  result  of  these 
charges,  and  for  other  causes,  Quarry  was  removed  from 
office,'  but  apparently  he  was  able  fully  to  vindicate  him- 
self, for  subsequently  he  was  not  only  restored  to  the  favor 
of  the  proprietors,  but  was  also  appointed  to  high  office 
in  the  imperial  colonial  service 

At  this  time,  the  proprietary  and  charter  colonies  were  in 
bad  repute  with  the  English  government,  mainly  because  of 
the  difficulty  encountered  in  enforcing  the  regulations  of  the 
colonial  system  within  them.    The  claim  advanced  in  South 
Ca-olina  that  the  charter  exempted  them  from  the  provisions 
of  the  Acts  of  Trade  and  Navigation,  combined  with  the  col- 
ony's friendly  attitude  towards  pirates,  had  furnished  addi- 
tional proof  that  the  Carolina  proprietors  were  not  able 
effectively  to  control  the  settlements  within  their  grant.   This 
had  already  been  clearly  demonstrated  in  the  case  of  the  small 
community  on  Albemarle  Sound,  out  of  which  developed  the 
future  North  Carolina.    The  bulk  of  the  settlers  there  had 
come  from  Virginia,  whicH  vvi-.s  close  by ;  and,  as  was  natural 
under  these  circumstances,  tney  turned  to  tobacco  planting 
as  their  main  means  of  gaining  a  livelihood.     Since  access 
to  the  harbors  of  this  region  was  barred  by  shifting  sands, 
it  was  dangerous  for  the  larger  ships  employed  in  the  trans- 
Atlantic  trade  to  venture  into  these  inlets;  and  hence  the 
bulk  of  the  tobacco  was  carried  in  smaU  vessels  to  Virginia 

»  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  4SI,  452, 


THE  CAROLINAS 


195 


and  New  England.'    The  New  England  traders  were  espe- 
cially prominent  and  virtually  controlled  the  commerce  of 
this  small  settlement.    Although  th:;  proprietors  had  paid 
but  scant  attention  to  the  Albemarle  community  and  had 
even  treated  it  with  something  akin  to  systematic  neglect, 
they  opposed  these  close  commercial  relations  with  New 
England.    In  1676,  they  instructed  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil to  do  all  in  their  power  to  divert  this  trade  to  the  mother 
country,  "itt  beinge  certaine  Beggary  to  our  people  of  Albe- 
marle if  they  buy  goods  at  2^  hand"  and  sell  their  tobacco 
and  other  commodities  at  lower  prices  than  those  prevailing 
in  England.    In  addition,  they  were  ordered  to  send  an 
exact  accoimt  of  the  depth  of  water  in  the  inlets  where  ships 
could  load  and  unload,  "for  this  has  been  so  concealed  and 
uncertainly  reported  here  as  if  some  persons  amongst  you 
had  joined  with  some  of  New  England  to  engross  the  poor 
trade  you  have  and  keep  you  still  under  hatches."  ^ 

In  the  eighth  decade  the  tobacco  crop  of  this  region 
amounted,  roughly  speaking,  to  about  two  thousand  hogs- 
heads or  one  million  pounds.'  Although  some  of  this  was 
shipped  directly  to  England,*  a  large  proportion  was  trans- 
ported to  the  other  colonies,  and  on  this  part  a  duty  of  one- 
penny  a  pound  was  payable  according  to  the  Act  of  1673. 
The  collection  of  this  duty  would,  however,  have  meant  a 
complete  alteration  of  the  course  of  the  settlement's  trade, 

'  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  242-244;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  351. 
» No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  230-232;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  496. 
» No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  247,  265,  266. 
*  Ibid.  pp.  322,  323. 


'■•1 


I 


i- 


W 


!,  -  I 

y  ! 


I  ^        ! 


I 


196 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


I 


which  would  have  been  diverted  from  New  England  to  the 
mother  country.  The  attempt  to  do  so  led  to  serious  com- 
motions, in  which  not  unnaturaUy  the  New  England  traders 
played  a  conspicuous  part. 

In  1675  *  were  sent  to  the  Governor  at  Albemarle  com- 
missions for  one  Copley  as  CoUector  of  the  Customs  and  one 
Birch  as  Comptroller,  with  instructions  to  appoint  others 
in  their  stead  in  case  the  men  designated  were  not  in  the 
colony.  As  the  orders  implied  the  coUection  of  the  one- 
penny  duty,  they  met  with  considerable  opposition,  it  being 
declared  that  as  a  result  the  New  England  traders  would 
double  the  price  of  their  wares.  "  Upon  w'^  the  people  were 
very  mutinous  and  reviled  &  threatened  y*  Members  off  the 
Counsell."  The  duty  was,  however,  collected  for  a  short 
time;  but  in  1676,  while  the  country  was  in  arms  to  resist 
the  Indians,  the  Governor  was  forced  to  remit  to  the  New 
England  traders  three  farthings  in  every  penny.'' 

As  the  affairs  of  the  colony  were  thus  "in  ill  order,"  the 
proprietors  removed  the  existing  Governor  and  appointed 
in  his  place  Thomas  Eastchurch  with  instructions  to  check 
the  New  England  trade,  which  they  claimed  "ruin'd  the 
place."  3  On  the  same  ship  with  Eastchurch  went  Thomas 
^liller  with  a  commission  appointing  him  Collector  of  the 

'  The  warrants  for  their  appointment  were  dated  May  15,  1674.  Cal. 
Treas.  Books,  1672-1675,  p.  522. 

-  Xo.  Cal.  Co.  Rec.  I,  pp.  291-293. 

'  The  proprietors  asserted  that  the  New  England  trau.rs  "ventur'd  in, 
in  small  \essels  &  had  soe  manadg'd  their  affayres  that  they  bought  their 
goods  att  very  lowe  rates,  eate  out  &  ruin'd  y"  place,  defrauded  f  King 
of  his  Customes  &  yet  govern"  the  people  ag*  their  owne  Interest." 


THE  CAROLINAS 


197 


Customs.'  The  vessel  stopped  at  one  of  the  West  Indian 
islands,  where  Eastchurch,  "lighting  upon  a  woman  y' 
was  a  considerable  fortune  took  hold  of  the  oppertunity 
marryed  her,"  and  sent  Miller  to  Carolina  to  settle  the 
affairs  there  "against  his  comeing."  Miller  assumed  the 
administration,  and,  according  to  the  proprietors,  "did  many 
extravagant  things  making  strange  limitations  for  y*  choyce 
of  y"  Parliam'  gitting  pow'  in  his  hands  of  laying  fynes  w'^'' 
tis  to  be  feared  he  neither  did  nor  meant  to  use  moderately 
sending  out  strange  warrants  to  bring  some  of  y*  most  con- 
siderable men  of  yf  Country  aUve  or  dead  before  him, 
setting  a  sume  of  money  upon  their  heads."  *  In  addition, 
as  Collector  of  the  Customs,  Miller  enforced  the  laws  of 
trade  strictly,  and,  together  with  his  deputies,  seized  a 
considerable  quantity  of  tobacco  as  well  as  some  European 
goods  that  had  been  illegally  imported.'  As  a  result,  the 
New  England  trade  was  greatly  hampered,  and  in  charac- 
teristically frontier  fashion  the  community  sought  its  own 
remedy.* 

'  November  16,  1676,  warrant  for  the  appointment  of  Thomas  Miller 
as  Collector  at  Albemarle.    Cal.  Treas.  Books,  1676-1679,  p.  373. 

'  C.  O.  391/3,  fit.  118  et  seq.;  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  278-284,  286-:8g, 
326-328. 

'No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  255,  264-267;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  875,  876; 
Treas.  Books,  Out-Letters,  Customs  5,  ff.  154,  163. 

*  From  the  account  of  Henry  Hudson,  one  of  Miller's  deputies  in  the 
customs  service,  it  appears  that  the  main  cause  of  the  rebellion  was  the 
desire  to  continue  unchecked  their  dealings  with  the  New  England  traders. 
According  to  him,  the  Assembly  convened  after  the  uprising  was  instructed 
by  the  people  "to  insist  upon  a  free  traid  to  transport  their  tobacco  where 
they  pleased  and  how  they  pleased  without  paying  any  duty  to  y*  King." 
No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  po.  272-274;  C.  O.  1/44,  20  ii. 


ii]' 


198 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


m 


Towards  the  end  of  1677,  the  people  rose  in  rebellion 
against  the  existing  authorities.  The  leaders  of  the  out- 
break were  John  Culpepper,  who  a  few  years  before  had  left 
South  Carolina  with  a  bad  record  ;  *  Captain  Zachariah 
Gillam,  a  prominent  trader,  who  had  been  closely  identified 
with  the  formation  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  ;*  Valen- 
tine Bird,  the  former  Collector,  who  had  permitted  the  ship- 
ment of  tobacco  on  which  the  export  duty  of  1673  had  not 
been  paid  ; '  and  the  New  England  traders,  who  objected  to 
this  duty.*  Miller  was  imprisoned,  and  the  duties  collected 
by  him,  as  well  as  the  seized  goods,  were  taken  from  him  by 
the  rebels."  In  his  place,  they  appointed  Culpepper  to  act 
as  Collector  ^  and  formed  a  temporary  government,  which 
remained  in  power  for  about  a  year  and  a  half.^  Culpepper 
refused  to  allow  Timothy  Biggs,  the  royal  Comptroller  and 
Surveyor  of  the  Customs  at  Albemarle,  to  enter  and  clear 
vessels,  and  exercised  all  the  powers  of  his  imprisoned 
predecessor.* 

When  the  proprietors  heard  of  these  revolutionary  pro- 
ceedings, they  induced  one  of  their  members,  Seth  Sothell, 
to  undertake  the  task  of  straightening  out  the  situation.    At 

>  So.  Ca.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  V,  p.  285. 

=  A.  C.  Laut,  The  Conquest  of  the  Great  Northwest  I,  pp.  102,  106,  125, 
166  ;  C.  P.  Lucas,  History  of  Canada  (Part  I,  New  France),  pp.  185,  186. 
'  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  256,  257,  265,  266;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  462. 

*  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  286-289. 

'  C.  O.  301/3.  f.  120;  Cal.  Treas.  Books,  1676-1679,  pp.  1371,  1372. 

•  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  478.  '  Ibid.  pp.  372,  373. 

«  C.  O.  1/44,  iQ,  19  i ;  Xo.  Ca.  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  242,  275-277  ;  C.  C.  1677- 
1680,  p.  478 ;  Sept.  28, 1678,  warrant  for  the  appointment  of  Biggs,  in  Cal. 
Treas.  Books,  1676-1679,  p.  11 19. 


THE  CAROLINAS 


199 


the  same  time,  pending  an  investigation  of  Miller's  conduct, 
Sothell  was  also  temporarily  appointed  Collector  by  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Customs. '  Wh  ile  on  his  way  to  assume 
the  governorship,  Sothell  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Bar- 
bary  pirates.  During  the  interval  necessary  to  secure  his 
redemption  from  captivity,  the  proprietors  nominated  a 
temporary  governor,  and  with  this  commission  went  Robert 
Holden,  who  was  appointed  Collector  in  place  of  Sothell  by 
the  Customs  Board  in  England.*  Holden  soon  became 
involved  in  an  acrimonious  quarrel  with  Biggs,  the  royal 
Comptroller  of  the  Customs,  but  in  1680  the  Proprietors  re- 
ported that  all  was  peaceful,  "his  Maj'*^"  Customes  quyetly 
paid  by  the  People,"  and  that  the  colony  had  taxed  itself 
to  repay  that  part  of  the  duties  used  by  it  during  the  late 
disorders.' 

Being  anxious  to  prevent  a  suit  for  the  voiding  of  their 
charter,  the  proprietors  understated  the  gravity  of  the  situa- 
tion. The  Albemarle  settlement  was  a  tj-pical  frontier 
community,  in  which  neither  the  imperial  nor  the  proprietary 
officials  could  exercise  any  effective  authority  in  opposition 
to  the  wishes  of  the  inhabitants.  The  colony  was  generally 
in  bad  odor.  In  1681,  Lord  Culpcper  said  that  it  'is  and 
always  was  the  sink  of  America,  the  refuge  of  our  renegades ; 
and  till  in  better  order  it  is  a  danger  to  Virginia.'  *  But  slight 
control  was  exercised  during  the  ten  years  following  the 


'  Cal.  Treas.  Books,  1676-1679,  p.  1093. 

'  Ibid.  p.  1 266. 

» No.  Ca.  Col.  Roc.  I,  pp.  2.<?6-.rS9,  31S-321,  3; 


6-328. 


'  C.  C.  1681-16S5,  p.  IS 


33- 


,11  \  ' 


It  >     \ 


300 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Culpepper  rebellion,  and  little  is  known  of  the  exact  course 
of  events. 

In  1682,  Albemarle  had  from  3000  to  3000  inhabit- 
ants and  in  general  the  country  was  better  settled  than 
that  around  Charles  Town.*  As  heretofore  the  main  crop 
was  tobacco,  but  in  addition  some  beef  and  pork  were  ex- 
ported to  the  West  Indies.*  There  was  little  direct  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  England,  and,  as  Virginia  in  1679 
prohibited  the  importation  of  tobacco  from  Carolina,'  the 
bulk  of  this  crop  was  shipped  to  New  England.^  There  is  no 
evidence  that  the  plantation  duties  on  these  shipments  were 
paid,  and  everything  points  to  the  opposite  conclusion.  In 
the  first  place,  this  one-penny  tax  would  have  been  an  in- 
superable burden  on  this  trade.  Furthermore,  it  would 
have  yielded  a  considerable  income,  the  tax  on  1,000,000 
pounds  of  tobacco  amounting  to  somewhat  over  £4000. 
As  no  sum  in  any  degree  conmiensurate  with  this  was  ac- 
counted for,  the  only  conclusion  that  can  be  drawn  is  that 
the  customs  officials  were  completely  unable  to  enforce  the 
law  in  face  of  the  popular  opposition  to  it.' 

>  R.  F.,  The  Present  State  of  Carolina  (London,  1682),  p.  4 ;  C.  0. 
324/s,  ff.  5-7 ;  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  425,  426. 

'  R.  F.,  The  Present  State  of  Carolina  (London,  1682),  p.  7. 

'  Ilening  II,  p.  445- 

*  C.  O.  324/5,  ff.  5-7  ;  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  42s,  426. 

'  For  the  various  customs  officials  during  these  years,  see  Treas.  Books, 
Out-Letters,  Customs  5,  f.  309;  8,  fi.  i,  175. 


CHAPTER  X 


NEWFOUNDLAND 

The  fishing  regulaticiu  —  Disputes  between  the  settlers  and  the  English 
fishermen  —  Agitation  for  the  appointment  of  a  royal  Rovernor  —  The 
decision  to  remove  the  settlers  —  Sir  John  Berry's  reports  reopen  the 
question  —  The  planters  are  allowetl  to  remain,  but  no  governor  is 
appointed  —  The  colony  and  the  laws  of  trade  —  New  England's  trade 
to  Newfoundland  —  Development  of  the  fishery. 

EngLvXnd's  chief  interest  in  Newfc    idland  arose  from  the 
fisheries,  which  were  highly  valued  as  a  source  of  naval  and 
conunercial  strength.    A  considerable  part  of  the  fish  caught 
was  consumed  in  the  Catholic  countries  of  southern  Europe, 
and  these  ex/orts  constituted  an  important  item  in  England's 
balance-sheet  as  drawn  by  the  economists  of   that  day. 
Furthennorc,  the  fisheries  employed  a  large  number  of  ves- 
sels and  were  a  nursery  of  seamen  for  the  royal  na\-y  and 
the  mercantile  marine.    At  the  time  of  the  Restoration, 
there  existed  m  Newfoundland  several  small  English  com- 
munities,  the  struggling  remnants  of  the  various  futile 
attempts  at  effective  settlement  made  in  the  first  half  of 
the  century.'    These  survivors  of  the  abortive  schemes  of 
Guy,  Mason,  Vaughan,  Baltimore,  Kirke,  and  others  were 
reinforced  by  English  fishermen,  who  chose  to  remain  in  the 
island  throughout  the  bleak  and  frigid  winter.     In  the  aggre- 
gate their  numbers  were  insignificant,  and,  though  scattered 
*  J.  D.  Rogers,  Newfoundland,  pp.  53-70. 


ft 


M 


Jf¥ 


;-  ■    ■■ 


2o2 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


in  about  thirty  small  distinct  settlements,  they  were  all 
grouped  in  one  section  of  the  island,  and  thus  gave  to  the 
southeastern  part  of  Newfoundland,  from  Trepassey  Bay 
to  Cape  Bonavista,  the  outward  semblance  of  an  English 
colony.  In  the  main,  however,  the  fishery  was  not  carried 
on  by  the  permanent  inhabitants,  but  by  the  fishermen 
who  annually  left  the  ports  of  western  and  southwestern 
England  for  this  purpose.  Between  these  fishermen,  gener- 
ally known  as  the  Western  Adventurers,  and  the  settlers, 
there  had  existed  bitter  rivalry  and  competition  ever  since 
the  days  of  the  Newfoundland  Company  of  i6io.^  After 
1660  this  friction  became  increasingly  acute. 

During  the  Interregnum,  the  rights  of  the  patentees  under 
the  Newfoundland  charter  of  1637,  which  at  the  time  had 
superseded  all  previous  grants,  were  set  aside,  and  Commis- 
sifiers  were  appointed  by  the  home  government  to  admin- 
ister the  colony.^  The  restoration  of  the  monarchy  in  1660 
necessitated  a  readjustment  of  affairs  in  Newfoundland,  as 
it  did  elsewhere,  and  brought  up  the  question,  whether  the 
colony  there  should  be  continued  or  the  field  should  be  left  en- 
tirely to  the  English  fishermen.  The  government  was  saved 
from  the  necessity  of  an  immediate  decision  by  the  claims 
of  former  patentees.  Those  of  the  Kirkes  under  the  charter 
of  1637  were  not  admitted,  but  Lord  Baltimore  secured 
recognition  for  his  rights  under  the  patent  issued  in  1623 
to  his  father,  Sir  George  Calvert.'     Baltimore  appointed 

'  Beer,  Origins,  p.  ago. 

'  J.  I).  Rogers,  op.  cil.  pp.  70-72;  Beer,  Origins,  pp.  370,  371. 

'  C.  C.  1574-1660,  pp.  481,  482 ;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  157. 


NEWFOUNDLAND 


203 


a  Deputy-Governor  for  his  province  of  Avalon,'  but  as  this 
region  was  not  coterminous  with  the  area  of  English  settle- 
ment in  Newfoundland,  civil  government  was  not  thereby 
established  over  all  the  inhabitants. 

For  the  regulation  of  the  fishing  industry,  the  Restoration 
government  adopted  with  one  additional  clause  the  pro- 
visions of  the  order  of  the  Court  of  Star  Chamber  issued  in 
1634,  which  had  been  embodied  in  the  charter  granted  in  the 
same  year  to  the  merchants  and  traders  to  Newfoundland. ^ 
This  order  and  charter  of  1634  — the  so-called  Western 
Charter  —  provided  that  no  ballast  should  be  thrown  into 
the   harbors;    that  no  person  should  damage   the  stages, 
cook-rooms,  and  other  structures  required  in  the  fishery ; 
that  no  person  should  "sett  fire  in  anie  of  the  woods"  or 
injure  them  by  rinding  the  trees ;  that  the  first  fishing  ship 
entering  any  harbor  should  be  the  admiral  thereof ;  that  no 
person  "doe  sett  vpp  anie  Tauern  for  selling  of  Wine,  Bearc, 
or  strong  waters,  or  Tobaco  to  entertaine  the  ffishermcn  be- 
cause it  is  found  that  by  such  meanes  they  are  debauched"  ; 
and,  finally,  that  the  mayors  of  the  fishing  towns  in  England 
and  the  Vice-Admirals  of  the  counties  wherein  they  were  sit- 
uated should  exercise  jurisd'ction  respectively  over  offences 
committed  on  land  and  at  sea.    In  1661,  these regulationswere 
reissued  with  an  additional  prox-iso,  prohibiting  the  English 
fishermen  from  taking  to  Newfoundland  any  but  their  crew, 
"or such  as  are  to  plant  and  do  intend  to  settle  there."' 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  385,  452,  iioq,  1666,  1729. 
«  C.  O.  IQ5/2,  ff.  3,  4;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  ig2-i97. 
» P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  374.  375 :  C.  C.  1661-1668.  no.  7. 


n 


='i 


i 


204 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  .  .STEM 


I  ; 


The  object  of  this  prohibition  was  to  prevent  the  transpor- 
tation of  such  men  —  the  so-called  boat-keepers  —  as  in- 
tended to  fish  in  small  craft  from  Newfoundland  as  a  base. 
If  conducted  in  this  manner,  the  fishery  would  obviousl}^ 
employ  fewer  ocean-going  ships  and  would  train  fewer  sail- 
ors. It  was  feared  that  as  a  result  of  such  a  method  of  car- 
r>-ing  on  the  industry-,  "when  this  present  Stock  of  Seamen  is 
worne  out,"  the  whole  trade  would  be  destroyed  "for  want 
of  supplies  of  Mariners."  Thu'-  inevitably  Newfoundland's 
value  as  a  source  of  sea  power  would  be  greatly  impaired.* 
As  Baltimore's  interest  in  Avalon  was  rapidly  waning,  and 
as  the  detailed  regulations  issued  in  1661  were  inadequately 
enforced,  there  soon  arose  a  demand  that  the  Crown  appoint 
a  governor  for  the  colony.  It  was  urged  in  1667  that  this 
invaluable  fishing  trade  was  in  danger  of  being  lost  to  the 
French,  unless  "some  able  Person"  were  sent  as  governor 
and  the  harbors  were  fortified.'^  The  fishermen  from  Ply-m- 
outh, Dartmouth,  and  other  English  ports,  however,  pro- 
tested that  their  trade  tended  "  greatly  to  the  Increase  of 
Mariners  and  Shipping  and  augmentation  of  his  Majesties 
Customs,"  that  heretofore  the  establishment  of  a  governor 
had  proved  very  pernicious,  and  that  such  an  official  w-ould 
be  "an  Vseless  and  insupportable  Charge."^  During  the 
three  following  years  this  controversy  assumed  considerable 
proportions,  and  the  arguments  in  favor  and  against  the 
proposed  step  were  greatly  amplified. 

'  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  374,  375;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  589. 

■'  p.  C.  Cal.  I.  pp.  448.  449. 

"Ibid,  pp.432.  433;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  1548,  i^6i. 


NEWFOUNDLAND  205 

Those  in  favor  of  the  establishment  of  a  regular  govern- 
ment laid  especial  stress  upon  the  danger  of  the  French 
gaining  control  of  the  Newfoundland  fisheries  and  of  ousting 
the  English  from  them.'  The  French  had  no  settlement  on 
the  island  prior  to  1662,  but  in  that  year  they  established 
themselves  at  Placentia,  on  the  western  side  of  the  province 
of  Avalon,  not  far  from  the  English  colonists.  This  place 
they  proceeded  to  fortify,  and  the  claim  was  made  that  its 
safety  from  pira.es  and  enemies  attracted  people  from  the 
adjacent  Enghsa  parts.  On  the  other  hand,  the  English 
harbors  were  totally  unprotected,  and,  as  no  government 
had  been  established  except  in  Baltimore's  province,  every- 
thing was  in  disorder  and  confusion. 

On  their  side  the  English  fishermen  2  stated  that  their 
industry  was  not  very  prosperous,  and  recommended  that, 
instead  of  appointing  a  governor,  the  settlers  should  be 
removed  from  Newfoundland,  since  it  was  most  barren  and 
rocky  and  did  not  produce  any  commodities  such  as  the 
other  colonies  did.     If  this  were  done,  they  said,  the  trade 
in  provisions,  'now  mostly  supplied  from  New  England,' 
would  be  carried  on  by  the  English  fishing  ships.     They 
admitted  that  the  regulations  were  violated,  but  claimed 
that  the   inhabitants,   not   they,   were  at   fault.    Finally 
these  Adventurers  pointed  out  that  Sir  David  Kirke's  ad- 
ministration had  been  so  verv-  unsatisfactory^  as  to  give 
little  encouragement  for  the  appointment  of  another  gov- 
ernor, and  that,  if  the  colony  were  supported,  'the  trade  in 

C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  1666,  1729. 


'  Ibid 


no.  17?;. 


J/  i 


206 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


a  few  years  will  be  removed  from  this  kingdom  and  become 
as  that  fishery  of  New  England,  which  at  first  was  main- 
tained from  these  parts,  but  is  now  managed  altogether 
by  tho  inhabitants  of  New  England.'  This  was  by  far 
the  most  effective  argument  advanced. 

These  contentions  were  answered  by  the  leader  of  the 
movement  in  favor  of  a  regularly  organized  colony.  Captain 
Robert  Robinson,  R.N.,  who  in  1669  had  applied  for  the 
post  of  governor.'  He  pointed  out  that  Kirke's  maladmin- 
istration during  the  English  CMl  War  had  no  logical  bearing 
on  the  question,  since  the  same  bad  results  would  not  follow 
from  the  appointment  of  a  satisfactory  governor.  Under  the 
existing  conditions,  according  to  him,  the  constant  friction 
between  the  fishermen  and  the  planters  could  not  be  con- 
trolled, and  as  a  consequence  the  English  industry  was  already 
so  se\erely  handicapped  that  he  feared  the  Frencli  would 
monopolize  the  Newfoundland  fisheries.  France,  he  said. 
employed  in  this  trade  400  ships  and  18,000  men,  as  opposed 
to  England's  300  ships  and  15,000  men.  Hence,  if  France 
should  gain  complete  control  of  the  industry-,  England  would 
lose  a  valuable  nurser\'  of  seamen  and  a  large  yearly  trarie 
credit,  'for  which  is  not  carried  out  of  the  kingdom  100  /. 
per  annum.'  ^  Furthermore,  if  the  French  should  add  New- 
foundland to  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia,  they  would  becom. 
exceedingly  dangerous  neighbors  to  New  England,  Ncv 
York,  and  Virginia. 

The  English  government  was  not  convinced  by  the  cx- 

'  P.  C.  Cal.  1.  pp.  337,  538:  C.  C.  1685-168S,  p.  635- 

'  C.  C.  1661-166S,  no.  1731 ;  C.  C.  166^-1674,  pp.  147-149. 


NEWFOUNDLAND 


207 


treme  arguments  of  either  party,  and  in  1670  merely  decided 
not  to  appoint  a  governor.'  It  was  realized,  however,  that 
something  had  to  be  done,  since  the  existing  state  of  affairs 
was  most  unsatisfactory.  In  addition,  in  1670,  the  English 
fishermen  complained  that  in  spite  of  the  order  of  1661  a 
great  number  of  passengers  were  still  carried  to  Newfound- 
land for  the  purpose  of  fishing  there,  and  prayed  that  this 
be  stopped.  The  matter  was  referred  to  the  Council 
for  Plantations,  which  early  in  1671  suggested  the  addition 
of  several  new  clauses  to  the  existing  regulations.^  These 
recommendations '  were  adopted  by  the  government,  and 
provided  that  no  alien  be  permitted  to  take  bait  or  to  fish  in 
Newfoundland  between  Cape  Race  and  Cape  Bonavista; 
that  no  inhabitant  should  cut  down  any  trees,  erect  any 
houses,  or  live  within  six  miles  of  the  sea-shore ;  *  that  the 
planters  should  not  take  possession  of  any  of  the  fishing 
places  before  the  arrival  of  the  ships  from  England ;  that 
the  regulations  of  1661  be  amended  S3  that  in  future  v  e 
English  ships  were  to  be  forbidden  to  take  to  Xew<"ound- 
land  any  but  their  crews,  and  that  ever>-  fifth  man  thereof 
had  to  be  "a  Greene  Man";  that  such  vessels  should  give 
bond  to  obey  the  preceding  regulation  and  to  bring  back 
to  England  their  entire  crew.  These  new  regulations  were 
decidedlv  hostile  to  the  further  growth  and  even  to  the 
continued  existence  of  the  colony.     The  enforcement  of  the 

'  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  544;  C.  C.  1685-16S8,  p.  635. 
'  C.  C.  i66g-i674,  PP-  Mi-  i44 ;  P.  C.  Cal.  I.  pp.  5„-,  556. 
'  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  558-563 ;  C.  O.  105  :■  I-  7- 

*  An  order  to  this  effect  had  already  been  issued  in  16?;.  but  it  had  never 
Wen  enforced.    P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  559 ;   C.  C.  167 5-1676.  pp.  504,  505. 


''M 


ft 


& 


2o8 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


clause  prohibiting  the  settlers  from  living  within  six  miles  of 
the  shore  would  have  made  their  further  continuance  in  the 
island  impossible,  and,  even  if  this  regulation  were  ignored, 
the  future  growth  of  the  colony  would  be  hampered  by  the 
fact  that  the  English  ships  were  prohibited  from  bringing 
over  new  settlers.  In  fact,  it  was  the  half-formed  purpose 
of  the  government  to  break  up  the  existing  settlements  and 
to  encourage  the  inhabitants  to  remove  to  Jamaica,  St, 
Utts,  or  to  some  of  the  other  English  colonies.* 

Partly  in  order  to  protect  the  fishermen,  but  partly  also 
in  order  to  enforce  these  regulations  and  those  issued  in  1061, 
it  became  customary  at  this  time  to  send  a  convoy  of  the 
navy  with  the  fishing  fleet  from  England.*  The  Duke  of 
York '  was  instructed  in  1671  to  give  orders  to  all  captains 
"of  Convoyes  yearly  appointed  by  his  Majesty  for  securing 
the  ffishery  Trade  there  "  to  assist  the  admirals  of  the  various 
harbors  in  preserving  the  place,  and  to  report  in  detail  on 
the  number  of  ships  engaged  in  fishing,  the  quantity  of  fish 
caught,  and  the  number  of  inhabitants. 

It  naturally  proved  impossible  to  enforce  the  stringent 
order  forbidding  settlement  within  six  miles  of  the  sea-shore. 
In  167 1,  Captain  Davis,  in  command  of  one  of  the  convoy 
ships,  reported  tliat  this  clause  had  aroused  great  complaints, 
and  that  he  feared  the  inhabitants,  'being  so  aflfrighted  with 
this  order  for  their  removing,'  would  repair  to  the  French. 


'  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  565. 

uy.  ibid.  p.  544;  c.  c.  1685-1688,  p.  635. 

annually  only  from  1675  on. 
»  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  563-565. 


Convoys  we     appointed 


NEWFOUNDLAND 


209 


In  general,  he  said,  the  chief  trouble  came  from  the  English 
fishermen;  they  destroyed  the  fishing-stages  in  order  to 
provide  fuel  for  their  home  voyage,  and  they,  to  save  pro- 
visions, at  the  end  of  the  season  shipped  their  seamen  to 
New  England.'  Shortly  after  this,  in  1672,  England  be- 
came involved  in  war  with  the  United  Pro\'inces,  and  it  was 
only  three  years  later,  after  peace  had  been  concluded, 
that  attention  could  again  be  paid  to  the  Newfoundland 
problem. 

In  February  of  1675, a  petition  urging  the  Crown  to  appoint 
a  governor  was  referred  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  who  during 
the  following  months  examined  a  mass  of  documents  bear- 
ing on  the  question  and  held  a  number  of  hearings  at  which 
the  parties  interested  presented  their  views  in  considerable 
detail.^  The  appointment  of  a  governor,  and  also  the 
further  existence  of  the  colony,  were  opposed  by  the  English 
fishermen.  On  their  behalf,  it  was  contended  that  the 
island  was  not  suitable  for  settlement.  In  this  connection 
was  cited  a  proverb  current  in  the  English  fishing  ports : 
"If  it  were  not  for  Wood,  Water,  and  Fish,  Newfoundland 
were  not  worth  a  Rush."  They  maintained  that,  with  two 
exceptions,  the  ports  in  Newfoundland  could  not  be  defended 
by  fortifications  such  as  those  who  wanted  a  goveinor  had 
suggested,  and  moreover  that  such  defences  were  not  neces- 
sary, since  the  English  possessions  were  adequately  pro- 

'  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  257.  Cf.  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1730.  This  docu- 
ment is  obviously  entered  under  a  wrong  date. 

-  C.  O.  301/1,  ff.  3-15 ;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  177,  I7Q,  187-180,  iqi.  102, 
197-199;  C.  C.  1699,  pp.  596-601;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  619;  Fleming  MSS. 
(II.M.C.  1890),  pp.  117,  118. 

P  {2) 


.% 


w 


V      ^ 


no 


THE  OLD  COLONI.\L  SYSTEM 


tcctcd:  in  winter,  by  the  ice  which  barred  the  way  to  all 
fws ;  in  summer,  by  the  large  fishing  fleet.  It  was  further 
asserted  that  the  industry'  was  greatly  handicapped  by 
the  inhabitants,  who  destroyed  the  woods  and  the  fish- 
ing-stages after  the  departure  of  the  English  fishermen, 
and  who  tot)k  early  possession  of  the  best  fishing  places  and 
debauched  the  English  seamen  with  wine  and  brandy. 

Those  favoring  the  appointment  of  a  governor  laid  main 
stress  on  the  rapid  growth  of  the  French  fishery,  as  a  result 
of  which,  they  claimed,  the  English  had  lost  a  valuable 
market  in  France  and  were  apparently  about  to  lose  those 
of  Portugal,  Spain,  and  Italy  as  well.  They  maintained  that 
the  inhabitants  could  fish  more  cheaply  than  the  English 
lishermen,  and  that  the  only  way  to  regain  what  had  been 
lost  was  to  encourage  the  growth  of  the  colony,  which 
would  enable  the  English  to  undersell  the  French. 

The  English  fishermen,  however,  categorically  denied  the 
truth  of  these  statements.  They  contended  that  they 
could  fish  more  cheaply  than  the  inhabitants,  and  that  the>- 
kept  'a  superiority  over  the  French  in  all  the  foreign  mar- 
kets except  in  France,  where  we  vend  none.'  They  further 
pointed  out  that,  if  the  fishery'  were  carried  on  by  a  colony. 
Newfoundland's  great  value  as  a  nurser\'  of  seamen  would 
vanish.  As  was  said  at  the  final  hearing:  "Should  woe 
indulge  a  Colon}'  at  Newfoundland,  the  more  it  prospered, 
the  lesse  would  it  be  to  the  advantage  of  Old  England,  but 
they  would  ah  adhere  and  depend  on  New  England,  Yield- 
ing his  Maj"'  no  more  obedience.  Seamen  or  Shipps  at  his 
neede  then  those  doe,  and  bating  that  they  spoke  the  Eng- 


NEWFOUNDLAND 


211 


'  5 


lish  Language  be  no  more  to  his  Maj"  then  the  Inhabitants 
of  Island."  ' 

This  argument  made  most  impression  on  the  Lords  of 
Trade  and  induced  them  to  adhere  to  the  existing  system. 
Before  reporting,  however,  they  instructed  the  English  fisher- 
men to  attend  them  in  order  to  advise  on  the  following 
points:  what  amendments  to  the  regulations  of  167 1  should 
be  made;  what  instructions  should  be  given  to  the  com- 
manders of  the  convoys  so  as  to  increase  their  usefulness; 
what  disposition  should  be  made  of  the  planters  in  New- 
foundland.^ The  Adventurers  stated  that  the  existing  rules 
were  adequate,  but  that  they  did  not  know  what  encourage- 
ments to  oflfer  to  the  planters  to  withdraw  from  Newfound- 
land. They  said  that  they  were  unwilling  to  advise  their 
forcible  deportation,  though  nothing  but  their  removal  could 
cure  the  existing  evils,  but  they  suggested  that,  as  the  settle- 
ments depended  upon  provisions  brought  by  the  New  Eng- 
land ships,  a  man-of-war  should  be  appointed  to  seize  such 
vessels.     This  somewhat  inhuman  expedient  did  not  meet 


.1  . 


»  C.  O.  391/1,  f.  15. 

-  The  Ltirds  of  Trade  also  wanted  information  about  the  French  method 
of  carrying  on  the  fishery.  C.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  :oi.  The  possible  removal 
of  the  English  settlers  brought  up  the  question  whether  or  no  England 
ivould  not  then  forfeit  her  title  to  Newfoundland.  Sir  Liolino  j  nkins 
rcptjrted  that,  if  the  French  took  possession,  grave  difucultits  might  result, 
as  the  geneial  law  of  nations  took,  no  notice  "of  any  other  than  any  actual 
corporeal  gross  occupancy  of  a  place  with  its  dependencies."  In  case  the 
English  settlers  were  to  be  withdrawn,  he  suggested  that  the  King  should 
declare  his  reasons  for  this  step,  stating  that  he  did  not  mean  to  depart 
from  his  rights  there,  and  that  the  French  goveTiment  should  be  formally 
and  oliicially  notified  to  tiiis  effect.     Il'id.  pp.  .^03,  J04. 


1  ;  hJ 


i 


s  <      .•  ei 


i  >*  1 , 


313 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


with  the  approval  of  the  Lords  of  Trade.  They  agreed, 
however,  to  recommend  that  the  commander  of  the  convoy 
should  order  the  planters  to  remove  six  miles  from  the 
shore,  that  he  should  bring  to  England  such  as  wanted  to 
come  and  should  tell  those  who  preferred  to  go  to  the 
other  colonies  that  orders  had  been  given  for  their  kind 
reception  there,  and  finally  that  he  should  threaten  those 
who  would  not  obey  the  charter  with  forcible  removal 
thereafter.* 

This  careful  investigation  had  taken  three  months'  time, 
during  which  the  available  facts  were  carefully  studied. 
But  as  the  colony's  side  of  the  controversy  was  inadequatelj' 
represented,  the  report  which  the  Lords  of  Trade  handed 
in  on  April  15,  1675,  was  strongly  in  favor  of  the  English 
fishermen.  Therein  *  the  Committee  of  the  Privy  Council 
pointed  out  that  the  English  fisheries  were  declining  as  a 
result  of  several  factors.  In  the  first  place,  they  said,  the 
French  had  of  recent  years  applied  themselves  energeti- 
cally to  this  industry,  with  the  result  that  they  had  ousted 
the  English  from  their  own  market  and  were  competing 
with  them  in  those  of  neutral  countries.  In  the  second 
place,  the  fisheries  on  the  New  England  coast  were  in- 
creasing, which  affected  adversely  those  at  Newfoundland. 
Thirdly,  the  English  fishermen  had  suffered  severely  during 
the  wars  of  the  past  twenty  years  and  besides  fish  was  no 
longer  so  plentiful.  Finally,  the  planters,  in  direct  violation 
of  the  charter,  lived  within  six  miles  of  the  shore,  destroyed 

'  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  204,  20S- 
•  P.  C.  Cai.  I,  pp  621-625. 


NEWFOUNDLAND 


"3 


the  woods  and  whatever  structures  the  fishermen  left  be- 
hind them,  took  possession  of  the  best  places  before  the  ships 
arrived  from  England,  sold  wine  and  brandy  to  the  seamen 
and  induced  them  to  remain  in  the  country,  "while  their 
Familyes  do  thereby  become  Burthens  to  their  respective 
Parishes  at  home."  The  Lords  of  Trade  then  stated  that  in 
their  opinion  the  appointment  of  a  governor  would  not  cure 
any  of  these  evils.  They  pointed  out  that  as  the  planters 
numbered  between  eight  hundred  and  a  thousand'  and  were 
scattered  in  twenty-five  different  harbors,  between  which 
there  was  no  communication  either  by  sea  or  land  during 
the  winters  when  these  abuses  were  committed,  a  governor 
would  be  powerless.  Nor,  even  if  the  fishery  could  stand 
the  expense,  was  the  appointment  of  a  governor  and  the 
erection  of  forts  necessary  for  purposes  of  defence,  since  the 
ice  in  winter  and  the  fishermen  in  summer  were  adequate, 
as"  .lat  place  will  allwayes  belong  to  him  that  is  superior 
at  Sea."  Furthermore,  they  reported  that  they  were  op- 
posed to  encouraging  a  colony  in  a  region  so  disadvantageous 
on  account  of  its  rigorous  climate  and  barren  soil,  and  be- 
cause the  settlers  chiefly  consumed  "the  Products  of  New 
England,  the  Shipping  of  which  Country  furnish  them  with 
French  Brandy,  and  Madera  Wines  in  exchange  for  their 
Fish,  without  depending  for  any  supply  from  hence ;  And 
we  had  reasons  to  presume  that  if  the  Climate  and  Soyle 
could  favor  a  Colony,  they  would  rather  adhere  to  New 
England,  and  in  time  tread  in  the  same  stepps,  to  the  losse 

'  According  to  Sir  John  Berry,  the  planters  numbered  in  1675,  1655  men, 
women,  and  children.     C.  C.  1675-1670,  p.  275. 


A 


'»!, 


ml 


1} 


-I* 


?! 


214 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


of  those  many  advantages,  which  at  present,  by  the  Methcnl 
things  are  in,  we  yet  enjoy."  They  then  added  that,  on  in- 
quir>',  they  found  that  the  English  Adventurers  fished  more 
cheaply  than  the  planters,  and  that,  while  the  testimony 
was  conflicting  as  regards  French  competition,  they  had 
reached  the  conclusion  that  "the  English  do  in  gem  .1 
still  i)rcser\e  a  superiorit}'  in  the  Trade.  They  Catch  it  as 
cheap,  Cure  it  as  well,  come  as  early  to  Market,  can  there 
sell  as  dear,  and  afford  it  as  cheap  as  any  the  French  can  doc." 
They  therefore  recommended  that  "all  Plantation  and  In- 
habiting in  that  Country  be  discouraged,"  and  that  with  this 
design  the  commander  of  the  convoy  should  be  instructed 
to  declare  the  King's  pleasure  that  the  planters  should  lea\  c 
voluntarily,  but  that  in  case  of  disc'  dience  he  should  prv)- 
claim  that  from  1676  on  the  six-mile  regulation  would  be 
strictly  enforced  and  all  offenders  against  it  would  be  seizcfl 
and  deported.  This  report  was  approved  by  the  govv.n 
ment,  and  the  necessar>'  instructions  were  ordered  issued.' 

Apparently  the  inchoate  colony  was  doomed  to  extinc- 
tion. It  was  saved  from  this  fate  by  the  courageous  frank- 
ness and  energ}'  of  Sir  John  Berr}',  who  two  years  later  was 
again  to  prove  his  worth  in  pacifying  Virginia  after  the  tur- 
moil of  Bacon's  rebellion.  In  1675,  this  distinguished  naval 
ofiicer  was  appointed  commander  of  the  Newfoundland  con- 
voy, and  his  investigations  of  conditions  there  convinced 
him  that  the  colonists  had  been  grievously  maligned  and  the 
government  grossly  misled  by  the  English  fishermen.  Once 
assured  of  this  fact,  he  insistently  brought  it  to  the  attention 


'  1*.  L".  Cal.  1,  pp.  b20-b2t);  C  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  225,  226. 


NEWFOUNDLAND 


31  ' 


of  the  English  government  and  sought  t«-  have  the  situation 
redressed.  On  July  24,  1675,  he  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of 
State,  Sir  Joseph  Williamson  '  that  he  had  made  the  King's 
instructions  known  to  the  inhabitants  of  St.  John's  and  of 
the  other  harbors  between  Cape  Race  and  Cape  Bonavista, 
but  that  the  greatest  part  of  them  were  too  poor  to  remove 
unless  a  ship  were  sent  for  them.  The  planters  implored  for 
permission  to  remain,  he  said,  and  he  predicted  that,  if  they 
were  transported  to  England,  they  would  become  a  charge 
on  the  parishes.  Berry  then  stated  that  upon  inquir}'  he 
had  found  that  most  of  the  charges  against  the  planters  were 
false.  The  fishing-stages  were  not  destroyed  by  the  planters, 
but  by  the  English  fishermen,  who  sold  the  wood  out  of 
which  they  were  built  to  the  ships  that  carried  the  cured 
fish  to  the  Mediterranean  markets.  Similarly,  it  was  not 
the  planters  who  induced  the  stamen  to  remain  in  Newfound- 
land, but  the  fishin;,'  captains,  ^vith  the  puqK)se  of  sa\ing 
the  cost  of  their  passage  home  to  England.  In  addition,  he 
reported  that  the  Xcw  England  vessels  did  not  bring  wine 
and  brandy  to  Newfoundland,  but  on  the  contrary-  secured 
these  commodities  there.  Two  months  later,  Berr\-  wrote 
ti)  Williamson  confirming  these  statements  and  giving  con- 
siderable statistical  information  about  the  fisheries.-  The 
catch  of  the  English  ships  amounted  to  £116,000,  while 
that  of  the  planters,  num'oering  1655  in  all,  was  valued  at 
£47.000.  From  this  it  was  apparent,  he  argued,  that  Eng- 
land would  suffer  greatly  if  the  intention  to  remove  the  in- 


'  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  2sg-26i. 

»  rhi,i    nr.     ,-r      i-fi 


*  Ibid.  pp.  275,  J76 


l;i 


::i;<1 


I 


I 


ilj 


■•    «       ! 


.'M 


fit;:;       I 


!  1 


2l6 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


habitants  were  persisted  in,  especially  as  they  then  planned 
to  settle  among  the  French.  He  stood  in  admiration,  he 
wrote  sarcastically,  'how  people  could  appear  before  his 
Majesty  with  so  many  untruths  against  the  inhabitants,' 
and  asserted  that  the  fishery  would  never  be  properly  reg- 
ulated unless  a  governor  were  appointed,  'for  the  strongest 
treads  down  the  weakest.'  Berry  likewise  wrote  in  the  same 
strain  to  Sir  Robert  Southwell,*  and  later  in  che  year  he 
again  wrote  to  Williamson  that  he  could  not  'but  pity  the 
poor  inhabitants,  considering  so  many  false  informations 
have  been  laid  to  their  charge.'  -  At  the  same  time,  in  an- 
other carefully  prepared  memorial,^  he  again  urged  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  governor  and  predicted  that,  if  the  inhabit- 
ants were  removed,  the  French  would  enlarge  their  fisheries 
as  they  pleased  and  would  shortly  take  possession  of  Ferr}-- 
land  and  St.  John's,  two  of  the  chief  English  harbors. 

Berry's  statements,  which  were  confirmed,*  naturally  re- 
opened the  entire  question."  The  order  for  the  removal  of 
the  planters  was  left  in  abeyance  and  the  appointment  of 
a  governor  was  reconsidered.  In  1677,  John  Downing, 
whose  father  had  been  the  Governor  of  the  colony  in  1640 
under  the  Kirke  patent,"  petitioned  for  the  establishment  of 
a  regular  government,  complaining  that  the  English  fisher- 
men molested  the  planters  by  violently  taking  possession 


'  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  276, 277. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  316,  317. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  329,  330. 

*  Ibid.  pp.  439,  504.  505. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  310,  311,  370,  371,  375,  439,  507. 

«  Ibid.  pp.  504,  505. 


NEWFOUNDLAND 


217 


of  their  houses  and  goods,  and  that  they  further  threatened 
to  drive  them  away  from  the  conr  'n'  on  the  strength  of  the 
six-mile  regulation  of  1671.  do  proLc::tc  '  that  this  pro- 
vision, which  had  never  been  .  nf  ^rced.  wa;  :ontrary  to  law, 
?nd  he  claimed  that,  if  the  iri'ial'tanfs  wire  driven  off,  the 
French  would  take  the  entire  island.^  In  response  to  this 
complaint,  the  government  ordered  the  English  fishermen 
"to  forbear  any  Violence  to  the  Planters  upon  pretence  of 
the  said  Westerne  Charter,  and  suffer  them  to  inhabite  and 
fish  according  to  the  Usage  of  the  years  last  past."  ^ 

In  addition,  in  the  fall  of  the  year,  the  commander 
of  the  convoy.  Sir  William  Poole,  reported  ^  on  the  whole 
situation.  If  matters  were  left  to  their  own  "managery," 
he  said,  conditions  would  not  become  better,  because  of 
the  ancient  animosity  between  the  planters  and  the  fisher- 
men. The  latter,  Poole  wrote,  grumbled  because  the  in- 
habitants were  still  allowed  to  remain  in  the  country,  though 
they  admitted  that  the  colony  was  of  very  great  use  to  them. 
According  to  him,  the  planters  occupied  themselves  during 
the  winter  in  felling  trees  and  sawing  them  into  boards  for 
making  oars  and  boats  to  be  used  in  the  fishing  season. 
In  their  houses  they  preserved  the  i\nused  salt  and  sheltered 
the  sick  fishermen.  Furtnermore,  if  at  the  beginning  of  the 
season  the  winds  were  contrar>',  the  English  fishermen  sent 
their  boats  ahead  to  take  possession  of  the  harbors,  where 


'  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  24,  38 ;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  700.    Cj.  C.  C.  1677-1680, 
pp.  76-78. 

=  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  39,  43 ;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  701,  702,  706. 
'  C.  0.  1/41,  62;  C.  C.  i677-i58o,  pp.  153,  154. 


2l8 


THE  OLD   COLONIAL   SVSTKM 


the  rule  was,  "first  come,  first  served."  These  boats  arrived 
some  ten  or  twelve  days  before  the  ships,  and  during  this 
interval  the  inhabitants  gave  shelter  and  food  to  their  crews. 
To  insist  upon  the  planters  moving  six  miles  from  the  shore, 
he  concluded,  were  'worse  than  to  turn  them  ofT,  and  to  turn 
them  quite  off,  the  masters  of  the  fishery  cry  God  forbid.' 
Poole  assured  the  Lords  of  Trade  that  there  was  ample  room 
for  both  fishermen  and  planters,  "yet  they  would  fain  be  in- 
juring one  another." 

At  this  time  and  throughout  the  following  year,  1678, 
this  entire  question  was  actively  discussed  by  the  English 
government  and  evidence  of  the  same  general  nature  as  be- 
fore was  produced.'  No  conclusion,  however,  was  reached. 
In  1679,-  Charles  Talbot,  the  commander  of  that  year's 
convoy,  wrote  to  Sir  Robert  Southwell  that  the  planters, 
who  then  numbered  1700,  observed  the  rules  issued  in 
167 1  better  than  did  the  English  fishermen,  who  destroyed 
the  stages  in  order  to  have  firewood  for  their  home  voyage?, 
and  that,  'far  from  being  prejudicial,  the  trade  could 
not  be  so  well  managed'  without  the  inhabitants.  He 
added  that  these  permanent  settlers  could  not  under- 
sell the  English  fishermen,  and  that,  as  they  had  suffered 
so  many  abuses  at  their  hands,  some  had  removed  to 
the  French.  He  concluded  that  the  only  way  to  pro- 
serve  England's  sovereignty  in  Newfoundland  and  to 
prevent  the  French  from  seizing  the  island  was  to  re- 

>  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  ig3,  194,  214,  21S,  348,  350.  355.  356;  P-  C.  Cal.  I, 

PP-  754.  75.V 

2  C   f"    !('i-7-i68o,  pp.  417-410. 


EWFOUNDLAND 


219 


tain  the  existing  colony,  to  appoint  a  governor,  to  fortify 
some  of  the  harbors,  and  to  maintain  garrisons  in  them.  A 
few  months  after  this,  early  in  1680,  were  received  renewed 
petitions  for  an  established  government.*  The  matter  was 
again  taken  under  consideration  and  the  Lords  of  Trade  re- 
ported 2  that  the  planters  should  be  allowed  to  live  as  near 
the  shore  as  they  pleased,  that  settlers  should  be  permitted 
to  go  to  the  island,  that  a  governor  should  be  sent  to  New- 
foundland with  power  to  punish  the  planters  and  to  secure 
all  offenders  from  the  English  fishing  vessels  and  to  send  them 
for  punishment  on  board  their  ships  or  to  England. 

Thus  within  five  years  the  government  had  completely 
reversed  itself.  Instead  of  removing  the  planters,  the  colony 
was  not  only  allowed  to  remain,  but  additional  settlers  were 
permitted  to  go  there.  Furthermore,  it  was  decided  to  ap- 
point a  governor  and  to  erect  fortifications  in  the  island. 
Before  taking  this  step,  the  government  ordered  the  English 
fishermen  to  give  their  opinion  as  to  what  regulations  were 
necessary  for  the  settlement  of  such  a  governor.''  As  on 
many  other  occasions,  the  crucial  point  was  the  financial 
one.  It  was  determined  that  the  T^nglish  Exchequer  should 
not  bear  this  additional  expense,  but  that  it  should  be  ap- 


I  ^ 


INI 
)   I 


'CO.  1/44,  27;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  477,  480,  483,  434,  491,  643; 
P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  882,  883. 

=  C.  O.  391/3,  f.  133;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  4S0,  48i,4S3-  Ten  days 
thereafter,  the  Lords  of  Trade  somcwhai  modified  this  by  agreeing  that  th~ 
planters  be  not  i)ermitted  to  keep  any  buildings  or  gardens,  which  might 
disturb  the  fishery,  within  a  quarter  of  a  mile  of  the  shore.  C.  C.  1677- 
16S0,  p.  4f>o.     In  actual  practice,  however,  this  was  not  insisted  upon. 

'  P.  r.  0.1,  T,  p.  SS7. 


1*1 


2  20 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


portioned  among  the  inhabitants  and  the  fishermen.  But, 
as  no  satisfactory  arrangement  could  be  made,  a  governor 
was  not  appointed.'  There  was,  however,  no  longer  any 
idea  of  removing  the  settlers,  who  were  allowed  to  remain 
undisturbed  in  their  homes.  Under  these  unsettled  con- 
ditions, few  additional  immigrants  were  attracted,  and  the 
population  increased  but  slowly  from  1655  in  1675  to 
about  2000  in  1684.*  The  state  of  affairs  in  the  island 
remained  as  unsatisfactory  as  before.  The  friction  between 
the  planters  and  the  English  fisherman  continued,  and 
the  regulations  of  the  so-called  Western  Charter  of  1676,' 
embodying  the  rules  of  1634,  1661,  and  1671,  were  flagrantly 
violated.  'Without  better  government  the  Colony  will 
come  to  an  end ;  all  is  confusion  till  the  man-of-war  comes,' 
reported  Captain  Jones,  R.N.,  in  1682.*  The  government 
was  frequently  urged  to  carr>'  into  effect  its  decision  to 
appoint  a  governor,*  but  the  policy  of  drift  was  not  aban- 
doned until  nearly  two  generations  later. 

During  this  entire  controversy,  the  English  government's 
main  object  was  to  preserve  and  develop  the  Newfoundland 
fisheries  as  a  source  of  naval  and  commercial  strength. 
Ever>'thing  was  subordinated  to  this  end.  The  most  effec- 
tive argument  against  the  establishment  of  a  regular!}- 
organized    colony   was    that   the   fishery  would   then   no 

•  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  612;  C.  C.  1681-1683,  pp.  383,  403.  See  also 
J.  D.  Rogers,  Newfoundland,  pp.  85,  86. 

'CO.  ;,So/io,  a.  i-6;C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  189,  275,  276,  508,  5011, 
C.C.  1677-1680. pp.  154, 155.642;  CO.  1/38, gi;  CO.  1/41,62x1  CO. 
I  '46,  7S,  70.  '  C.  C  1699,  p.  602. 

'  C  C.  i63i-i635,  p.  294.  '  Ibid.  pp.  707-710,  C.  O.  1/54.  56- 


NEWFOUNDLAND 


221 


longer  be  carried  on  from  England  as  a  base,  but  would  be- 
come a  purely  colonial  enterprise  as  had  that  of  Massachu- 
setts. The  valuable  New  England  fisheries  in  no  way 
added  to  England's  sea  power.  The  dread  that  Newfound- 
land would  follow  the  course  of  New  England  was  ever 
present  in  the  minds  of  English  statesmen,  and  their  opposi- 
tion to  an  established  colony  was  primarily  due  to  the  fear  of 
losing  so  valuable  a  nursery  of  seamen.  It  was  only  when  it 
was  proven  that  the  planters  were  of  assistance  to  the  Eng- 
lish fishermen  and  could  not  undersell  them  that  the  plans 
for  their  removal  were  abandoned.  The  existing  settlements, 
while  not  encouraged,  were  countenanced,  and  emigration  to 
them  from  England  was  even  allowed.  But  no  steps  were 
taken  to  establish  civil  government  as  in  the  other  colonies, 
and  in  consequence  the  question  arose,  whether  or  no  New- 
foundland was  included  within  the  scope  of  the  laws  of 
trade  and  navigation. 

At  the  outset,  it  was  unquestionably  the  intention  of 
Parliament  that  the  trade  of  Newfoundland  should  be  sub- 
ject to  the  same  regulations  as  was  that  of  the  other  colonies. 
This  is  evident  from  the  clause  in  the  Staple  Act  of  1663, 
which  specifically  e.xempted  salt  for  Newfoundland  from 
the  prohibition  to  import  mto  the  colonies  European  goods 
from  places  other  than  England.  At  this  time,  Baltimore  had 
an  organized  colony  on  the  island,  and  there  was  no  reason 
to  make  any  distinction  between  it  and  the  other  colonies. 
In  1 66 1  and  1662  were  seized  in  Newfoundland  several 
foreign  ships,  of  which  Baltimore's  Deputy-Governor  in 
Avalon  claimed  as  his  share  the  one-third  stipulated  in  the 


\\M 


I. 


f.ii 


'I  T 


*'! 


hjS ; ;  ■    ^1 


!  I 


222 


THE  OLD   COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Act  of  Navigation.'  But  after  a  short  time,  Baltimore 
allowed  his  jurisdiction  to  lapse  and  was  no  longer  repre- 
sented by  a  governor,  and  as  the  English  Treasury  did  not 
appoint  any  customs  officials  in  Newfoundland,  there  was 
no  one  to  enforce  the  law  except  the  officers  of  the  navy 
in  command  of  the  convoys.  These  officers  prevented 
foreign  ships  from  trading  within  the  English  limits,  but 
they  were  not  entnistcd  with  the  enforcement  of  the  laws 
as  a  whole.  This  lack  of  administrative  machinery  led  to 
several  inconveniences,  which  the  English  government  un- 
successfully sought  to  overcome  in  various  ways.  Finally, 
as  there  was  some  danger  that  Ne\vfoundland  would  be- 
come a  free  port  through  which  prohibited  goods  might  be 
shipped  to  the  other  colonies,  the  English  government 
ordered  that  it  should  be  considered  as  outside  the  barriers 
of  the  English  colonial  system,  as  Tangier  had  been. 

In  accordance  with  the  prevailing  economic  views,  the 
government  insisted  that  the  English  fishing  ships  and  the 
additional  vessels  required  to  carr>'  the  cured  fish  to  market 
—  the  so-caP'-d  sack  ships-  —  should  be  victualled  and  sup- 
plied for  their  entire  voyage  in  England.^  These  orders 
could  not,  however,  be  enforced.  Provisions  were  bought 
in  Ireland,  where  in  a  number  of  instances  tney  could  be 
secured  more  cheaply.    Furthermore,  as  salt  could  not  be 

'  C.  0.  1/16,  112,  ii3;C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  172,  385,  386;  P  C.  Cal.  I, 
PP-  330-341  • 

'  In  16S0,  the  fishing  fleet  numbered  07  of  9305  tons  with  3922  men,  and 
the  sack  ships  qq  of  8123  tons  with  1157  men.  CO.  1/46,  78,  79.  See 
also  C.  O.  390/6,  fT.  1-6;  C.  C.  1681-1685,  P-  710- 

»  P.  C.  Cal.  I.  pp.  SAS:  560- 


NEWFOUNDLAND 


223 


advantageously  procured  in  England,  these  ships  were  per- 
mitted to  buy  this  commodity  in   the   markets  of   con- 
tinental Europe,  and  during  their  stay  there  they  naturally 
laid  in  supplies  of  wine  and  brandy  as  well  as  some  other 
European  goods.    As  Newfoundland  was  held  to  be  an  Eng- 
lish colony,  this  was  clearly  illegal  under  the  Staple  Act  of 
1663.  but  there  was  no  official  in  the  colony  to  stop  such 
practices.    If  such  illegal  trade  were  limited  to  the  compara- 
ti\ely  small  wants  of  the  fishermen  and  planters,  it  was  not 
a  ver>'  serious  matter;  but  it  would  imply  a  grave  infraction 
of  the  colonial  system,  if  Newfoundland  were  being  more 
and  more  used  as  a  source  whence  the  other  colonies  were 
supplied  with  these  prohibited  goods.     Some  trade  of  this 
nature  was  carried  on  by  the  Massachusetts  merchants  and 
vas  one  of  the  many  reasons  for  that  colony's  disfavor  in 
England.     In    addition,   some  of    the  enumerated  goods, 
especially  tobacco,  were    brought  to    Newfoundland  and 
thence  shipped  to  foreign  markets.'     Alarmingly  exagger- 
ated reports  as  to  the  extent  of  this  trade  reached  England. 
Accordingly,  in  1687,  the  Commissioners  of  tl  ^  Customs 
stated  that  they  found  that,  under  color  of  a  trade  to  New- 
foundland for  fish,  large  quantities  of  wine,  brandy,  and  other 
European  goods  were    imported   into   the  other    colonies, 
especially  into  New  England,  and  that  Newfoundland  "had 
become  a  Magazine  of  all  sorts  of  Goods  brought  thither 
directly  from  France  Holland  Scotland  Ireland  and  other 
places."    This  trade,  they  claimed,  was  illegal,  since  New- 
foundland "is  not  to  be  taken  or  accomptec^  a  plantation 


r 


1;' 


c.  c. 


I&S3-I6SS,  pp.  465, 466. 


.«:■ 


ivi  -n 


ll'"'  ' 


I   ' 


224 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


being  under  no  Governm'  or  other  Regulation  as  all  His 
Ma"  Plantations  are,"  and  consequently  they  ordered  the 
seizure  of  all  European  goods  imported  into  the  other 
American  colonics  from  these  settlements.*  This  view  of 
the  status  of  Newfoundland  was  unsound  legally,  and  it 
was  soon  reversed.''  Moreover,  the  order  was  based  upon 
grossly  exaggerated  reports  of  the  extent  of  the  impor- 
tations of  European  goods  into  Newfoundland  and  the 
size  of  New  England's  trade  there. 

In  general,  the  English  fishing  and  sack  ships  took  in 
their  provisions  and  other  supplies  in  England  and  Ireland. 
'What  relates  to  the  fishery,'  it  was  said  in  1679,  'comes 
solely  from  England  in  English  ships.' '  On  their  way  to 
Newfoundland  a  number  of  these  vessels  stopped  at  the 
continental  European  ports  for  salt,  and  at  the  same  time 
bought  there  some  wine  and  brandy,  as  well  as  a  few  provi- 
sions and  other  goods."  Berr\'  stated  in  1675  that  over  one- 
half  of  this  wine  and  brandy  was  consumed  by  the  crews 
of  the  fishing  ships.*    The  balance  was  sold  to  the  planters 

'  CO.  5  004,  ff.  410,  411;  Toppan,  Randolph  IV,  pp.  145-147;  C.  C. 
1685-168S,  p.  309.    Cf.  also  C.  O.  1/63,  92. 

2  Towards  the  end  of  the  century  a  vessel,  which  on  technical  grounds 
was  not  free  under  the  Navigation  Acts,  was  seized  on  its  return  from  a 
fishing  voyage  to  Newfoundland.  The  Attorney-General  held  that  the 
seizure  was  valid.  The  Solicitor-General  said :  "I  should  have  thought 
that  Newfoundland  was  neither  a  CoUony  or  Plantation  belonging  to  his 
Majesty  having  no  Settled  Govern^  there  nor  pretending  to  any  Dominion 
therein  that  I  can  be  Informeti  of,"  but  since  Parliament  has  reckoned 
Newfoundland  among  the  colonies,  the  ship  is  forfeited.     Brit.  Mus.,  Add. 


MSS.  30.218.  ff.  2  27''•^ 


'  Ibid.  pp.  417-419 ;  C.  O.  1/42,  62  X. 
=  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  270,  277. 


C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  417-419. 


NEWFOUNDLAND 


23: 


and  to  the  New  England  traders,  who  exchanged  their 
I  rovisions  and  some  tobacco,  sugar,  rum,  and  molasses  for 
these  commodities  and  f,.r  fish.'     In  addition,  these  traders 
secured  some  cordage,  linens,  and  woollens.^    But  the  entire 
New  England  trade  was  unquestionably  of  small  volume. 
In  1676  it  was  stated  by  a  prominent  resident  of  Newfound- 
land that  eight  vessels  came  annually  from  New  England 
for  purposes  of  trade.''    Five  years  later  there  were  only 
six  such  small  ships.'"    In  1684,*  Captain  VVheler,  R.N.,  re- 
ported that  the  planters  in  Newfoundland  could  not  feed 
themselves,  and  had  to  rely  upon  provisions  brought  from 
England,  Ireland,  and   New   England.    All   clothing  and 
fishing  tackle,  he  .said,  came  from  England,  while  from  France 
and  New  England  were  imported  some  salt,  liquors,  and  pro- 
visions.   The  New  Englanders,  he  said,  brought  pork,  peas, 
some  beef,  lumber,  but  chiefly  rum,  sugar,  and  molasses,  and 
in  return  took  bills  of  exchange  and  fish  for  the  Barbados 
market."    VVheler  said  that  this  commerce  was  "consider- 
able," but  this  term  convcxs  no  definite  meaning.     Its 
volume  can  be  better  judged  by  the  accounts  of  Boston's 
trade  prepared  by  the  weU-kno\\-n  customs  official,  Edward 
Randolph.    Between  May  18  and  September  29, 1686,  there 
arrived  in  that  port  from  Neu-foundland  three  vessels  with 
oil  and  fish.^    During  the  same  period,  seven  ships  left  for 


'  Ibid. 


pp.  ^75,  276;  ibid.  1677-16S0,  pp.  600,  601 ;  C.  O.  1/42,  62  : 


'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  PP-  105-107 

'C.  C.  1675- 1676,  pp.  504,  505. 

'C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  :o6. 

'  C-  O.  1/54,  56;  C.  C.  jOoi-1635,  pp.  707-710. 


'Ibid. 


■  C.  O.  5/848,  i-s. 


li 


(is 


^i 


336 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Newfoundland  with  sugar,  molasses,  rum,  lumber,  and 
provisions.'  From  these  facts  it  is  plainly  apparent  that 
Newfoundland  was  not  the  extensive  magazine  of  contra- 
band goods  that  it  was  reported  to  be,  and  that  the  New 
England  traders  secured  only  relatively  insignificant  quan- 
tities of  such  commodities  there.^ 

It  was  not  only  on  account  of  these  illegal  practices  that 

New  England's  trade  with  Newfoundland  was  unfavorably 

regarded  in  England.    There  was  one  other  reason.    It  was 

largely  as  a  nursery  of  seamen  that  these  fisheries  were  so 

highly  esteemed  by  English  statesmen.    Hence  the  rules  of 

1671  obliged  the  English  fishing  ships  to  bring  back  to 

England  their  -^ntire  crew.    This  regulation  was,  however, 

evaded.     In  167'),  it  was  reported  that  the  New  England 

traders  yearly  induced  a  number  of  fishermen  to  go  away 

with  them,  and  that  as  a  result  their  own  fisheries  were 

increasing.^    In  the  following  two  years,  similar  complaints 

were  made,  and  it  was  even  claimed  that  this  had  led  to  a 

scarcity  of  sailors  in  England."     In  1682,  Captain  Jones, 

R.N.,  wrote  that  'none  violate  the  rules  of  the  Western 

Charter  so  much  as  the  New  England  traders,  who  spirit 

away  the  inhabitants,  to  the  mischief  both  of  adventurers 


>  C.  O.  s/848,  6. 

» It  should,  however,  be  noted  that,  in  1680,  Captain  Robert  Robinson, 
R.X.,  reported  that  'daily  several  ships  and  vessels  come  in  and  out  I'mm 
New  Err'and,  which  may,  in  the  whole  year,  amount  to  icx3  siiil,  and  whiih 
it  is  impossible  for  the  men-of-war  to  take  account  of.'  C.  C.  1677-16S0, 
p.  600.     No  other  document  indicates  so  extensive  a  trade. 

=  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  417-410- 

♦  Ibid.  pp.  600,  601 ;  C.  C.  1O81-1685,  pp.  105-107. 


NEWFOUNDLAND 


337 


and  planters.'  He  reported  that  he  had  seen  one  vessel, 
which  had  arrived  from  New  England  with  eleven  hands, 
leaving  with  twenty,  but  that  he  had  had  the  extra  men  put 
ashore.  In  addition,  he  obliged  the  New  England  traders 
to  give  bonds  ot  to  take  away  English  subjects  from 
Newfoundland.'  The  practice  was,  however,  not  stopped,'' 
and  constituted  one  of  the  many  reasons  why  New  England 
was  viewed  so  unfavorably  in  the  mother  country. 

In  spite  of  the  great  attention  paid  to  the  Newfoundland 
fisheries,  England's  share  in  them  did  not  increase  during 
the  seventeenth  century.  In  161 5,  it  was  estimated  that  250 
English  ships  of  15,000  tons  employing  5000  men  were  en- 
gaged in  this  industr>%  and  that  the  value  of  the  catch  was 
£135,000.  Twenty  years  later,  it  was  stated  that  the  Eng- 
lish fleet  fishing  at  Newfoundland  employed  10,680  mariners 
and  amounted  in  the  aggregate  to  26,700  tons.^  During  the 
Interregnum,  especially  at  the  time  of  Cromwell's  war  with 
Spain,  the  industr>'  declined ;  and,  after  the  Restoration,  the 
competition  of  the  French  was  felt  severely.^  The  English 
were  entirely  driven  out  of  the  French  market  and  had  diffi- 
culty in  maintaining  themselves  in  Portugal,  Spain,  and  Italy.^ 

■  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  294. 

Mn  1684,  Captain  WTielcr,  R.N..  wrote:  "Butt  this  I  find  very  in- 
convenient for  the  Kings  Service,  y?  the  New  England  Men  constantly 
Girn,'  away  abundance  of  y"^  fishermen,  &  Seamen,  who  presently  marry, 
&  thin  lliat  is  there  home."     C.  O.  1/54,  56. 

'  Beer,  Origins,  pp.  292,  293. 

*  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1730;  C.  C.  1660-1674,  pp.  147,  14S;  C.  C.  1675- 
1676,  pp.  187-189;  Sir  Francis  Brewster,  Essays  on  Trade  and  Navigation 
(London,  1695),  pp.  69,  70. 

=■  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  621-625;   C.  C,  1675-1676,  pp.  226,  227.     As  Lite  .as 


m 


f: 


i;'l 


■ '  I 

0 


i 


n  1! 


"r 


,*t 


I ; 


328 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


In  167s,  17s  English  ships  with  4300  men  were  engaged 
in  this  industry,  and  their  catch  together  with  that  of  the 
planters  was  valued  at  £i63,ooo.«  During  the  following  two 
years  there  was  a  slight  decrease,'  and  on  the  whole  no 
progress  had  been  made  since  161 5.'  At  this  time,  the  French 
were  rapidly  acquiring  an  unquestionable  superiority.  They 
made  more  and  better  cured  fish,  and  arrived  earlier  at  the 
European  markets.*  In  the  eighties,  the  English  fishery 
showed  a  marked  decline.  In  1680,  201,250  quintals  of  fish 
were  cured  as  against  241,250  five  years  before.'  In  1682, 
Captain  Jones,  R.N.,  wrote  that  the  fishing  had  been  in- 
different and  could  not  compare  wth  the  French  catch,  and 
that  as  a  result  the  Adventurers  were  so  discouraged  that 

1675,  however,  some  English  ships  sailed  with  fish  from  Newfoundland  10 
France.  C.  O.  1/35, 16  i.  In  addition  to  the  Lnglish  and  French,  some  few 
ships  from  Biscay  and  Portugal  fished  upon  the  northern  coast  of  Newfound- 
land and  upon  the  Great  Bank.    C.  C.  167 7-1680,  p.  156. 

»  C.  O.  300/6,  f.  1 ;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  27s,  276- 

'  C.  O.  1/38,  gi ;  C.  O.  1/41,  62  i-x;  C.  O.  300/6,  B.  2,  3;  C.  C.  1675- 

1676,  pp.  S08.  500;  C.  C.  1677-16S0,  pp.  154,  ISS- 

'  In  1615,  the  yield  was  300,000  quintals  at  85.,  amounting  to  £120,000. 
In  1677,  the  corresponding  figures  were  221,220  quintals  at  i2j.,  amounting 
to  £132,732.     C.  O.  105/2,  f.  23. 

*C.  O.  i/4t,  62;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  153.  154-  In  1676,  the  tola! 
yield  of  the  French  fishery  was  £386.478,  that  of  the  English  £143, T'^'^- 
C.  O.  105/2,  ff.  2^,  27.     Sec  also  C.  C.  i6Si-i685,pp.  107,  204,  708. 

'In  1680,  97  English  ships  of  9305  tons  with  3022  men  and  703  I'o^l* 
fished  in  Newfoundland,  making  for  export  133.O10  quintals,  which  at  i:s- 
6J.  amounted  to  £83,693  iS^-  The  planters  with  361  Ixjats  made  67,140 
quintals  valued  at  £42,087  10s.  The  fishing  ships  carried  to  market 
75,510  quintals.  The  balance  exported  to  Euroi)e,  125.740  quintals,  was 
carried  in  00  sack  ships  of  8123  tons  with  1157  men.  C.  O.  1/46,  "8.  To: 
C.  O.  300,  6,  i.  4;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  643. 


NEWFOUNDLAND 


329 


some  had  laid  up  their  ships  and  more  threatened  to  do  so.* 
In  1684,  the  output  was  only  115,420  quintals.-  Despite 
this  unsatisfa-tory  state  of  affairs,  which  was  not  remedied 
until  after  the  commercial  competition  with  France  had 
assumed  the  form  of  armed  conflict,  Newfoundland  was  a 
valuable  imperial  asset.  Its  fisheries  gave  employment  to  a 
large  number  of  vessels  and  prtxluced  a  considerable  number 
of  trained  sailors.  The  cured  fish  was  in  the  main  sold  to 
the  Catholic  nations  of  southern  Europe,  and  their  result- 
ing indebtedness  constituted  an  important  item  in  England's 
international  balance-sheet. 

»  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  294.    Cf.  ibid.  p.  178,  and  C.  0.  390/6,  ff.  4,  5. 
»  C.  O.  J90/6,  f.  6. 


I' 


f'.i 


m 


;« 


M 


ii  1 


> 


CHAPTER  XI 

MASSACHUSETTS 

England's  attitude  towards  the  New  England  colonies  —  Massachusetts's 
view  of  the  imperial  relation  —  The  situation  in  1660  —  The  royal  Com- 
missioners of  1664  —  The  claims  of  Mason  and  Gorges  —  New  England's 
irregular  trading  threatens  the  integrity  of  the  colonial  system  —  Ed- 
ward Randolph's  mission  in  1676— His  reports  and  the  beginnings 
of  the  movement  to  abrogate  the  Massachusetts  charter  —  Randolph 
appointed  Collector  of  the  Customs  in  New  England  —  His  difficulties 
in  enforcing  the  laws  — Extent  of  illegal  trade  — The  Massachusetts 
Naval  Office  Act  —  Abrogation  of  the  charter  —  Summary. 

The  colonies,  whose  economic  problems  and  development 
have  hitherto  been  considered,  had  this  feature  in  common, 
that  each  in  its  own  way  corresponded  in  some  degree  to  the 
aims  and  ideals  of  English  imperialism.  The  sugar  and  other 
products  of  the  West  Indies  both  freed  England  from  de- 
pendence upon  foreign  sources  of  supply  and  also  gave  her 
a  credit  balance  in  the  international  market.  Furthermore, 
a  large  number  of  ships  were  employed  in  transporting 
these  commodities  to  Europe,  and  a  considerable  revenue 
was  collected  from  the  import  duties  to  which  they  were  sub- 
ject in  England.  In  addition,  these  colonies  consumed  an 
abundant  quantity  of  English  goods.  The  trade  to  Virginia 
and  Maryland  was  in  a  similar  way  of  great  national  advan- 
tage. Although  in  themselves  of  but  slight  direct  economic 
value,  the  Bahamas  and  Bermudas  were  important  in  that 
their  strategic  position  facilitated  the  protection  of  the  in- 

230 


MASSACHUSETTS 


231 


valuable  sugar  and  tobacco  trades.  The  two  small  settle- 
ments in  the  Carolinas  had  not  as  yet  fulfilled  the  over-san- 
guine anticipations  of  the  proprietors,  but  each  in  a  different 
manner  was  later  to  contribute  to  the  economic  strength 
and  self-sufficiency  of  the  Empire.  Finally  Newfoundland, 
in  spite  of  French  competition,  was  still  an  important  im- 
perial asset,  emplojdng  many  mariners  and  ships  and  ena- 
bling England  to  pay  with  its  fish  for  the  wine,  silk,  fruits, 
and  other  products  of  Mediterranean  Europe. 

When  considered  from  this  standpoint,  the  New  England 
colonies  and  those  added  to  the  Empire  later— New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  and  the  Jerseys— form  an  entirely  distinct 
and  separate  group.  At  the  time  of  the  settlement  of  New 
England,  it  was  expected  that  this  region  would  supplant 
the  Baltic  countries  as  England's  source  of  supply  for  naval 
stores  and  that  an  extensive  fishery  would  be  developed  in 
this  region.*  The  latter  hope  was  realized,  but  the  fishery 
on  the  New  England  coast  soon  became  a  purely  colonial 
enterprise,  in  no  way  adding  to  England's  naval  and  com- 
mercial strength,  and  even  lessening  it  by  competing  with 
the  English  Adventurers  in  Newfoundland.  Moreover,  the 
attempts  to  secure  from  New  England  pitch,  tar,  hemp,  and 
other  naval  stores,  though  persisted  in  for  a  considerable 
period,  were  unmitigated  failures.  Hence  interest  was 
shifted  from  this  region,  and  there  developed  in  England  a 

'  Beer,  Origins,  pp.  63-70.  In  his  notes  on  New  England,  Sir  Simonds 
D'Ewcs  stated  that  in  that  region  were  all  the  materials  for  supplying 
shipping  to  England,  whose  resources  in  timber  were  failing.  Brit.  Mus., 
Harli'ian  MSS.  167,  f.  105. 


i ;  :if  i 


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232 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


marked  tendency  in  favor  of  tropical  and  semi-tropical 
colonization,  by  means  of  which  England  would  be  able  to 
secure  an  abundant  supply  of  exotic  products  both  for  home 
consumption  and  for  export  to  foreign  nations.  At  the  time 
of  the  Restoration  but  scant  national  advantage  was  ex- 
pected from  the  colonization  of  the  more  northerly  regions 
of  America,  and  the  attention  of  the  govenmient  was  prima- 
rily directed  towards  the  development  of  the  West  Indies 
and  those  parts  of  the  continent  to  the  South  of  Delaware 
Bay.  A  colony  was  valued  mainly  as  a  source  of  supply, 
and  beyond  some  fish-oil,  a  few  furs,  ships,  and  some  masts 
(mainly  those  of  exceptionally  large  size,  which  were  scarce 
in  Europe),  New  England  furnished  the  metropolis  with 
virtually  nothing.  Moreover,  these  colonies  to  some  extent 
duplicated  the  economic  life  of  England  and  competed  with 
her  in  supplying  food-stuffs  to  the  West  Indies,  in  the  carn.- 
ing  trade,  and  in  the  fisheries.^    The  main  economic  advan- 

'  In  1661,  Captain  Thomas  Breedon  urged  the  English  authorities  to 
settle  the  government  and  secure  the  obedience  of  New  England,  "they 
being  the  key  to  the  Indies  without  which  Jamaica,  Barbadoes  and  y*"  Char- 
ibby  Islands  are  not  able  to  subsist,  there  being  many  thousand  tunns  of 
provisions,  as  beefe,  porke,  pease,  biskett,  butter,  fish,  carried  to  Spaine 
Portugall  and  the  Indies  every  year,  besides  sufTicient  for  the  Countny's 
use."  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  p.  40.  At  this  time,  however,  the  West  Inii'  - 
could  have  been  abundantly  supplied  from  England,  Ireland,  and  Newfound- 
land, and  hence  this  argument  was  as  yet  of  little  force  and  validity.  Only 
at  a  considerably  later  date  would  such  a  claim  have  been  true.  During 
the  Restoration.  England  was  an  exporter  of  food-stuffs  and  competed 
with  the  continental  colonies  in  the  West  Indian  markets.  Cf.  Cal.  Treas. 
Books.  1672-1675,  p.  100.  Ini68o,  Governor  Bradstreet  of  Massachusetts  re- 
ported that  they  sold  their  horses,  lumber,  provisions,  and  fish  to  the  sugar 
colonies,  but  that  manv  times  thev  found  these  markets  "so  overlaid  and 


MASSACHUSETTS 


233 


tage  derived  from  the  New  England  colonies  consisted  in 
their  consumption  of  English  goods.  Not  only  was  this 
outlet  under  normal  conditions  not  large,  but  in  addition 
Massachusetts  consistently  sought  to  lessen  it  by  the  crea- 
tion of  local  industries.' 

In  1 67 1,  the  Earl  of  Sandwich  —  one  of  the  surviving 
Cromwellian  worthies— put  in  writing  his  opinion  of  the 
New  England  situation,  which  was  based  upon  the  many 
sources  of  information  open  to  him  as  President  of  the 
Council  for  Plantations.  New  England  was  already  at  that 
date,  he  said,  a  numerous  and  thriving  people  and  in  twenty 
years  was  likely  "  to  be  mighty  rich  and  powerfuU  and  not 
at  all  carefuU  of  theire  dependance  upon  old  England."  As  a 
result,  England  was  exposed  to  the  following  inconveniences : 
I,  the  loss  of  her  exports  of  manufactures  to  these  colonies 

dogged  with  the  like  comoditys  from  England  Ireland  and  other  places" 
that  many  of  their  products  had  to  be  sold  there  for  less  than  their  value  in 
Massachusetts.  C.  O.  1/44,  61  i.  The  isolated  details  available  about  the 
prices  current  in  England  and  the  colonies  are  not  sufficiently  complete,  for 
precise  deductions.  According  to  such  a  Ust  for  the  year  1677,  the  price 
of  bread  in  England  was  about  hnlf  that  in  Massachusetts,  while  beef 
and  pork  were  considerably  dearer.  Bodleian,  Rawlinson  MSS.,  A 185,  f. 
263.  The  facts  are,  however,  far  from  clear.  In  1671,  Sandwich  stated 
that  New  England  supplied  the  West  Indies  with  provisions  and  "all 
wooden  utensills,  much  cheaper  then  others  can."  F.  R.  Harris,  Edward 
Mountagu,  Earl  of  Sandwich  II,  p.  .537.  In  i68q,  it  was  also  claimed  that  the 
other  colonies  could  not  subsist  without  the  supplies  of  beef,  pork,  tlsh,  meal, 
lumber,  and  horses  from  New  England.  A  Brief  Relation  of  the  State  of 
New  England  (London,  i68q),  in  Force  IV,  no.  1 1,  pp.  7,  8.  Some  few  years 
I  !tir,  Davenant  based  his  defence  of  the  northern  colonics  on  this  fact.  On 
this  entire  subject,  see  also  ante,  \'ol.  I,  pp.  40-51. 

'  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  IV,  Part  IT,  pp.  206,  320,  512;    V,  p.  28.     Cf.  \V.  B. 
Wcedon.  Economic  and  Social  History  of  New  England  I,  pp.  303-310. 


IS  .i 


f\ 


It 

ii 


234 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


—  "  possibly  to  the  value  of  £50,000  per  ann."  —  and  more- 
over the  likelihood  of  their  competing  with  England  in  the 
sale  of  such  goods  in  foreign  markets;  2,  the  dependence  of 
the  West  Indies  upon  them  for  provisions  and  "  all  wooden 
utensills,"  and  the  probabiUty  that  they  would  also  furnish 
those  islands  with  other  manufactures  "  that  we  doe,"  and 
so  "  reape  the  whole  benefitt  of  those  colonies; "  their  con- 
trol of  the  trade  in  masts   and  naval  stores  in   northern 
America,  whose  later  development  he  foresaw.     Sandwich 
reaUzed  that  it  was  impossible  "  to  prevent  whoUy  theire 
encrease   and   arrivall  at   this  power,"  but  he  deemed  it 
"  advisable  to  hinder  theire  growth  as  much  as  can  be." 
With  this  object  in  view,  he  suggested  :  i,  the  passage  of  an 
Act  of   Parliament  prohibiting  emigration  to  the  colonies 
without  Ucense  from  the  King—"  at  present  40  or  50  families 
or  more  goinge  yearely  thither; "  2,  "  to  remoove  as  many 
people  from  New  England  to  our  southern  plantations  as 
may  be,  where  the  produce  of  theire  labours  will  not  be 
commodities  of   the  same   nature  with   old   England  to 
out-trade  us  withall."  * 

Thus,  however  significant  from  the  standpoint  of  universal 
history  was  the  colonization  of  New  England,  however  vital 
and  fundamental  a  part  it  played  in  the  transfer  of  European 
civilization  to  the  American  continent,  these  communities 
were  in  the  eyes  of  contemporary  statesmen  but  the  unfortu- 
nate results  of  misdirected  efforts,  since  in  no  way  did  they 
answer  the  national  ends  of  their  creation.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  over-emphasize  the  influence  of  New  England 

'  F.  R.  Harris,  Edward  Mouniagu,  Earl  of  Sandwich  II,  pp.  537)  oi- 


MASSACHUSETTS 


235 


in  the  genesis  of  the  American  Nation,  but  the  English 
government,  when  directing  the  movement  of  colonization, 
did  not  aim  to  create  embryonic  national  states,  but  colonies 
of  the  plantation  type  or  trading  and  fishing  stations, 
whose  commercial  and  political  welfare  would  be  intimately 
bound  up  with  that  of  the  metropolis.  That  the  outcome 
was  far  different  from  the  one  contemplated  is  merely  one 
of  the  innumerable  historical  instances  in  which  forces 
beyond  the  foresight  of  contemporaries  in  the  end  turned 
their  labors  <. wards  an  entirely  different  result.  It  was 
the  inexorable  force  of  circumstances,  not  choice,  that  first 
made  England  the  "Mother  of  Nations."  The  course  of 
events  in  Massachusetts  was  the  most  potent  factor  in 
forcing  this  unwelcome  role  upon  England.    . 

The  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  century  statesmen 
aimed  primarily  to  create  a  self-sufficient  commercial  Em- 
pire of  mutually  complementary  economic  parts.  As  New 
England  did  not  fit  mto  such  a  scheme,  its  political  connec- 
tion with  England  was  constantly  a  disturbing  factor,  in- 
terfering with  the  plans  of  the  English  government.  De- 
spite persistent  efforts,  it  could  not  be  moulded  into  the 
proper  economic  shape.  It  remained  always  a  centre  of 
disharmony,  out  of  accord  with  the  spirit  of  British  im- 
perialism until  ultimately,  when  events  were  favorable,  its 
secession  and  that  of  the  other  continental  colonies  dis- 
rupted the  old  commercial  Empire. 

To  some  extent  a  parallel  may  be  drawn  between  the 
development  of  New  England  and  a  significant  ep  de  in 
Roman  imperialism.     At  the  time    of    Qesar's  conquest, 


I 


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1  » 


1 1 


236 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Gaul  was  in  the  eyes  of  Rome  a  poor  barbarous  region  of 
swamps  and  forests,  which  offered  the  prospect  of  much 
fighting,  but  of  little  booty  or  permanent  wealth.    Ever>'- 
one  then  was  planning  the  conquest  of  the  rich  and  civil- 
ized Onciiu      Similarly,  in  Restoration  England  slight  or  no 
economic  advantages  to  the  nation  were  expected  from  the 
colonization  and  settlement  of  the  more  northerly,  temperate 
regions  of  America,  but  it  was  from  the  southerly  and  tropi- 
cal parts  that  great  wealth  was  anticipated.    Yet  Gaul 
became  in  time  the  richest  of  Roman  provinces,  and  New 
England  likewise  attained  a  similar  position  in  the  British 
Empire.     Moreover,  in  a  broad  way,  the  conquest  of  Gaul 
marks  the  beginning  of  European  civilization  and,  as  a  re- 
sult of  its  subsequent  economic  development,  this  province 
counterbalanced  the  Oriental  influences  that  threatened  to 
change  the  culture  of  Rome.    In  the  same  broad  way,  New 
England  was  the  chief  centre,  or  at  least  one  of  the  two 
chief  ones,  whence  European  civilization  spread  over  the 
North  American  continent.     Ultimately,  in  population  and 
in  wealth,  Gaul  overshadowed  its  parent  state,  just  as  the 
United  States  has  in  these  respects  outstripped  its  metrop- 
olis.    None  of  these  momentous  results  was  even  vaguely 
foreseen  by  the  Roman  or  English  statesmen,  who  set  in 
movement  and  directed  the  forces  leading  thereto,  and  both 
had  in  view  ends  far  different  from  those  ultimately  realized. 
In  1660,  the  position  of  New  England  towards  the  Em- 
pire offered  very  many  difficulties.     These  communities  — 
Massachusetts,  New  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island— 

1  Fcrrero,  Characters  and  Events  of  Roman  History,  pp.  72,  73. 


I 


MASSACHUJETTS 


237 


were  virtually  independent  commonwealths,  acknowledging 
only  the  slenderest  tie  of  allegiance  to  the  mother  country. 
They  all,  but  especially  Massachusetts,  regarded  with  sus- 
picion and  disfavor  the  restored  monarchy,  dread,  ig  a  loss 
of  the  liberties  that  they  had  enjoyed  during  the  supremacy  of 
their  spiritual  kin  in  England  under  the  Commonwealth  and 
Protectorate.  Many  of  the  most  influential  of  the  colonists 
would  have  welcomed  a  status  of  absolute  independence. 
But  they  dared  not  attempt  to  carry  their  ideal  into  prac- 
tice, for  even  if  English  opposition  could  have  been  over- 
come, there  were  present  other  deterring  factors.  New 
England  was  surroimded  by  the  possessions  of  France  and 
the  United  Provinces,  and  these  European  powers  would 
not  have  hesitated  to  add  this  region  to  the  list  of  their 
colonial  dependencies,  if  the  prospect  of  war  with  England 
had  been  removed.  In  that  age  of  keen  international  rivalry 
in  colonization,  a  small  and  undeveloped  community,  like 
Massachusetts,  could  under  no  circumstances  hope  to  remain 
an  independent  political  entity.*    That  independence  from 

'  In  1664,  Sir  John  VVolstenholme,  one  of  the  Fanners  of  the  Customs, 
vsTote  to  Edward  Rawson,  the  Secretary  of  Massachusetts,  that,  "if  wayed 
with  judgment  and  discretion,"  the  colonies  were  as  much  concerned  as 
England  in  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation,  "for  if 
wee  doe  not  maintaine  here  the  honour  and  reputation  of  his  Majesty  and 
the  nation  which  must  be  by  our  navigation  and  shipping  which  are  our 
walls,  the  plantations  will  be  subject  to  be  devoured  by  straingers."  Hutch- 
inson Papers  II,  p.  108.  In  167-,  when  discussing  the  possibility  of  New 
England's  secession.  Sandwich,  however,  stated :  "  I  confesse  as  yet  informed 
I  iloc  not  in  the  least  apprehend  theire  need  of,  or  disposition  to  admitt  the 
protection  of  any  other  Nation  either  French  or  Dutch,  but  if  any  the  French 
rather  of  the  2,  for  the  likelihood  of  better  usage  and  power  already  in 
.\merica."    F.  R.  Harris,  op.  cii.  II,  p.  338. 


m 


>U 


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,|t« 


ik 


238 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


I 


England  would  merely  have  been  a  step  to  their  conquest  by 
the  French  or  Dutch,  in  all  likelihood  the  former,  was  keenly 
realized,  though  but  faintly  expressed,  by  the  Puritan  colonies. 
Throughout  the  entire  colonial  period,  until  the  conquest 
of  Canada  in  1760,  the  Gallic  peril  was  the  dominating 
dynamic  factor  controlling  the  political  relations  between 
New  England  and  the  Empire.  The  more  acute  was  this 
danger,  the  x.iore  these  colonies  were  thrown  back  upon 
England,  and  when  once  it  was  entirely  removed,  indepen- 
dence, whether  merely  in  fact  or  in  name  also,  was  the 
inevitable  result.  New  England's  thought  upon  imperial 
questions  was  not  consciously  dominated  by  this  factor, 
but  unconsciously  and  continuously  it  determined  the 
strength  and  weakness  of  the  tie  binding  together  me- 
tropolis and  colony.  The  colonist  did  not  say  to  himself : 
"If  my  country  were  independent,  it  could  remain  so 
only  on  the  sufferance  of  France,  and  it  could  never  ex- 
pand inland  while  that  aggressive  and  powerful  neighbor 
claimed  the  land  that  surrounds  it."  But  a  realization  of 
this  fact  formed  the  background  of  all  colonial  speculation 
on  these  subjects. 

Accordingly  it  is  not  surprising  that  Massachusetts  in 
1660,  after  some  hesitation,  determined  to  acknowledge 
allegiance  to  the  restored  monarchy,  while  at  the  same  timc 
rcserving  the  greatest  possible  amount  of  freedom  of  action. 
At  the  outset,  the  political  question  was  not  complicated  by 
the  economic  one,  for  the  Act  of  Navigation  protected  their 
ship-building  and  carrying  trades  from  foreign  competition, 
and  did  not  put  in  the  enumerated  list  any  of  New  England's 


MASSACHUSETTS 


239 


products.'  Towards  the  end  of  1660,  Governor  Endicott 
of  Massachusetts,  in  a  letter  written  in  an  humble,  and  even 
obsequious,  tone,  full  of  characteristic  Biblical  references  and 
phrases,  supplicated  Charles's  "  gratious  protection  of  us 
in  the  continuance  both  of  our  civill  priviledges  .  .  .  and 
of  our  religious  liberties,"  as  expressed  in  the  colony's 
charter.^  The  despatch  was  extremely  vague  and  merely 
acknowledged  Charles  II  as  their  lawful  sovereign.  To  this 
letter  an  equally  non-committal  reply  was  sent,  in  which 
Charles  II  wrote  that  he  had  made  'it  his  care  to  settle 
his  lately  distracted  kingdoms  at  home,  and  to  extend  his 
thoughts  to  increase  the  trade  and  advantages  of  his  Colonies 
and  Plantations  abroad,  among  which  His  Majesty  consid- 
ers New  England  to  be  one  of  the  chiefest.' '  Apart  from 
recognizing  a  vague  allegiance  to  the  Crown,  Massachusetts 
was  willing  to  concede  no  political  rights  to  England  and  in 
especial  was  opposed  to  having  appeals  from  the  colonial 
courts  heard  there.*  According  to  their  officially  expressed 
view,  the  colony  was  "by  the  pattent  a  body  politicke,  in 

'  As  has,  however,  already  been  pointed  out,  the  law,  as  administered  at 
the  outset,  obliged  vessels  sailing  from  England  to  bring  back  w  hatsocver 
products  they  should  lade  in  the  colonics.  As  far  as  New  I^ni^land  was 
concerned,  this  error  was  rectified  already  in  1661.  See  ante.  Xul.  II,  pp. 
"4,  115- 

'  "Our  wittnes  is  in  heaven,  that  wee  left  not  our  countrje  vpon  any  dis- 
sattisfaction  as  to  the  constitution  of  the  civil  Slate.  Our  loll  after  the 
example  of  the  good  old  non  conformist,  hath  binn  oncly  to  act  a  passiue 
part  throughout  these  late  vicissitudes  and  successiue  ouerturiiinges  of 
State."    Mass.  Col.  Rec.  IV,  Part  I,  pp.  448-453  ;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  26. 

'C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  31. 

♦  Mass.  Col  Rcc.  IV,  Part  I,  pp.  445,  4.V6. 


i 
I 

I 

I 


!  I 


t  , 


240 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


fact  and  name,"  and  had  "full  power  &  authoritje,  both 
legislative  &  executive,  for  the  gouflment  of  all  the  people 
heere,  whither  inhabitants  or  straingers,  both  concerning 
eclesiasticks  &  in  ciuils  w"'out  appeale,  excepting  lawe  or 
lawes  repugnant  to  the  lawes  of  England."  * 

Such  revolutionary  views,  so  subversive  of  all  imperial 
control,  were  in  the  nature  of  a  challenge  to  the  English 
government.  In  1661  were  also  received  several  complaints 
against  Massachusetts,'  of  which  the  most  effective  was  that 
addressed  by  Captain  Thomas  Breedon  to  the  Council  for 
Foreign  Plantations.'  "It  is  not  vnknowne  to  you,"  he 
wrote,  "that  they  looke  on  themselves  as  a  Free  State,  anc! 
how  they  sate  in  Counsell  in  December  last  a  weeke  before 
they  could  agree  of  writeing  to  his  Ma**,  there  being  too 
many  against  owning  the  King  or  their  haveing  any  de- 
pendance  on  England."  He  further  added  that  the  French 
and  Dutch  traded  to  the  English  colonies  very  much  to 
England's  prejudice  and  to  the  loss  of  many  thousands  of 
pounds  to  His  Majesty's  customs. 

On  the  strength  of  these  various  complaints  and  of  other 
sources  of  information,  the  Council  for  Foreign  Plantations 
reported  in  the  spring  of  1661  *  that  New  England  had 
"strayed  into  many  enormities,"  had  transgressed  the 
powers  of  its  charters,  and  "that  their  Trade  is  in  no  way 
managed   to  yf  Advantage  of   His   Ma'f  Crown."    They 

'  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  IV,  Part  II,  pp.  24-26. 
'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  46,  48-53. 

« Ibid.  no.  43 ;   N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  39-41 ;   N.  Y.  Hist.  See.  CoU. 
i86q,  pp.  16-10;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  207-298;  C.  O.  1/42,  133. 
*  C.  O.  i  15,  nos.  42,  47  ;  Brit.  Mus.,  Egtrton  MSS.  2395,  f.  299. 


MASSACHUSETTS  241 

import  "hither  very  little  to  the  Balance  of  their  Exporta- 
tion," and  "Contrary  to  the  Policies  &  restrictions  hereto- 
fore observed  by  Yo^  Ma'T'  Predecesors  have  transported 
&  increased  a  Stock  of  Sheepe  to  the  number  of  neere  one 
hundred  thousand  Sheepe,  whereby,  not  only,  this  Nation 
&  y*  manufacture  thereof  are  become  less  necessary  to  them, 
but  they  are  likely  to  be  so  stored  with  wool  that  the  Dutch, 
who  Trade  freely  with  them,  may  supply  themselves  from 
thence,  of  such  Wool  as  shall  be  necessary  for  them  to  mingle 
with  their  finer  Wools,  w"*  they  draw  together  out  of  several 
parts  of  Europe."    The  Council  then  stated  that  they  had 
called  before  them  Leverett,  who  had  acted  for  several  years 
as  agent  for  Massachusetts,  but  that  he  claimed  that  he  had 
no  authority  to  give  any  information  or  to  answer  the  com- 
plaints, as  his  agency  had  expired.     "By  all  which  it  ap- 
pears,"  the  report  continued,  "that  the  Government  there 
hath  purposely  &  upon   design   withdrawn   all  manner  of 
means  of  corresponding  or  being  understood,  or  having  their 
Affairs  judg'd,  or  disposed  of  in  England,  as  if  they  intended 
to  suspend  their  absolute  obedience  to  His  Ma'r  Authority, 
until  time  shall  farther  discover  how  far  Necessity  or  their 
Interests  shall  compell  them  thereunto."    As  the  situation 
was  a  delicate  one,  the  CouncU  prepared  a  tactful  letter  for 
New  England,  one  written  "with  all  possible  tenderness," 
avoiding  all  contentious  matters  and  not  mentioning  either 
their  reception  of  the  regicides,  WTialley  and  Goffe,  or  "press- 
ing upon  them  the  Act  of  Navigation  (as  we  have  done  to 
other  places)  which  restraines  the  Licentiousness  of  their 
Trading." 


k 


fi'i 


il 


mi 


(2) 


242 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


I ; 


This  report  and  the  proposed  letter  weie  submitted  to  the 
Pri\7  Council,  which  did  not  think  it  fit  that  the  despatch 
should  be  sent  at  that  time,  'nor  at  all  by  the  Council  of 
Plantations,'  and,  as  the  question  was  'a  matter  of  State,' 
it  appointed  its  own  special  committee  for  this  purpose.'  The 
English  government  was,  however,  unwilling  to  bring  matters 
to  an  issue,  as  there  was  little  to  be  gained  even  in  the  event 
of  success.  Far  different  would  have  been  its  attitude,  if 
Massachusetts  had  been  producing  some  commodity  like 
sugar  or  tobacco.  Hence  it  pursued  a  waiting  policy  and 
its  attitude  was  to  a  marked  degree  conciliatory.  In  i66j 
and  1663,  respectively,  exceedingly  liberal  charters  were 
granted  to  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island ;'  and,  although 
Massachusetts  was  mildly  taken  to  task  for  its  bigoted  in- 
tolerance towards  the  Quakers,'  its  charter  was  confirmed 
and  a  free  pardon  was  granted  for  ofTences  committed  during 
the  Civil  War,  provided  the  oath  of  allegiance  were  obserxed 
and  justice  were  administered  in  the  King's  namc.^ 

Matters  could  not,  however,  continue  long  in  this  inde- 
terminate condition.  Massachusetts  had  either  to  become 
an  actual  member  of  the  Empire  or  to  withdraw  wholly  from 
it.  It  could  not  continue  to  enjoy  the  advantage  of  being 
protected  as  an  English  colony,  while  in  other  respects  acting 
as  if  it  were  an  independent  state.  Self-respect,  if  nothing 
else,  obliged  England  not  to  permit  Massachusetts  to  ignore 
the  duties  that  were  a  corollary  to  the  privileges  it  enjo}  ed 

>  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  86,  87,  88,  gi. 

» Ibid.  nos.  284,  512 ;  R.  I.  Col.  Rcc.  II,  pp.  1-21. 

»  C.  L.  1061-1668,  nos.  89,  90,  168.        ♦  Ibid.  no.  314. 


MASSACIIlSErrS 


Hi 


as  a  member  of  the  English  Kmpirc.  Towards  the  end  of 
1662,  after  a  serious  debate  on  New  England  affairs  in  the 
Committee  for  Plantations,  the  Lord  Chancellor  declared 
that  the  King  would  speedily  send  commissioners  to  settle 
the  affairs  of  these  colonies.*  But  it  was  only  a  year  and  a 
half  later,  when  England  was  sending  an  cxfK'dition  to  attack 
New  Netherland,  that  this  resolution  was  carried  into  effect. 
Presumably  it  was  thought  that  the  presence  of  an  armed 
force  would  make  recalcitrant  Massachusetts  more  pliable. 

In  1664,  a  commission  was  issued  to  Colonel  Richard 
Xicolls,  Sir  Robert  Carr,  George  Cartwright,  and  Samuel 
Maverick  to  visit  the  several  colonies  in  New  England,  to 
examine  and  determine  complaints  and  appeals  in  all  causes, 
and  to  settle  the  peace  and  security  of  that  countr>-.2  These 
Commissioners  were  ordered  to  proceed  to  Massachusetts 
and,  among  other  things,  to  see  that  the  Act  of  Navigation 
was  punctually  observed  and  to  make  particular  inquiries 
into  the  whole  frame  and  constitution  of  their  government.' 
On  the  same  day  that  these  instructions  were  issued,  Charles 
II  wrote  to  the  Massachusetts  authorities  that  one  of  the 
reasons  for  sending  the  Commissioners  was  'to  discounte- 
nance, suppress,  and  utterly  extinguish  all  unreasonable 
jealousies  and  malicious  calumnies  that  the  King's  subjects 
in  those  parts  do  not  submit  to  his  Majesty's  Government, 
bi  t  look  upon  themselves  as  independent  upon  us  and  our 
laws.' "    In  so  far  as  the  other  New  England  colonies  were 

■  P.  C.  Cal.  I.  pp.  337,  338;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  370. 
'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  708. 

'  Brit.  Mxi..  Egcrton  MSS.  ,m>S.  d-  387  etseq.;  M;iss.  Col.  kcc.  IV,  Part 
".  ['■  117;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  711.  *C.  C.  1661-166S,  no.  715. 


i 


i  I    >1 


I  i. 


344 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


I  I 


I  ' 


concerned,  essentially  the  same  instructions  were  issued  ; 
and,  in  addition,  the  Commissioners  were  especially  directed 
to  inquire  what  iron-works  had  already  been  erected  in 
Connecticut,  what  opportunities  existed  for  others,  and  of 
what  nature  was  their  ore.'  Thus  these  Commissioners 
were  to  inform  themselves  not  only  about  religious  and 
political  conditions  in  New  England,  but  also  about  their 
economic  development.  The  aim  of  the  English  govern- 
ment was  to  secure  both  their  submission  to  the  sovereignty 
of  the  mother  country,  and  also  their  incorp)oration  into 
the  commercial  system  which  the  Restoration  statesmen 
were  creating. 

The  Commissioners  met  with  a  satisfactory  reception  in 
the  smaller  New  England  colonies  —  Connecticut,  Rhode 
Island,  and  New  Plymouth.  In  them  justice  was  adminis- 
tered in  the  King's  name,  and  they  further  allowed  the  Com- 
missioners to  hear  appeals  and  promised  loyalty  and  obedi- 
ence to  England.  These  colonies  were,  however,  feeble 
and  of  slight  commercial  importance.  Plymouth  was  situ- 
ated in  the  most  barren  part  of  the  country.  They  had, 
the  Commissioners  reported,  about  twelve  small  towns, 
one  saw -mill,  "one  bloomery  for  iron,"  but  they  were  very 
poor,  having  no  good  river,  no  good  harbor,  nor  any 
place  of  strength.  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut,  though 
much  more  fertile,  were  still  largely  undeveloped.  In  the 
former,  considerable  attention  was  paid  to  the  raising  of 
sheep;  but,  in  general,  the  chief  occupation  of  both  colonics 
was  the  production  of  pro\asions  for  home  consumption 

'  C.  C.  1661-166S,  no.  717 ;  Brit.  Mus.,  Egerton  MSS.  3j9S,  Q-  393  et  sc^i- 


MASSACHUSETTS 


245 
The 


and  for  export  to  the  West  Indies  and  Newfoundland.* 
attitude  of  these  colonies  was,  however,  of  no  special  im- 
portance, as  in  material  resources  and  development  they 
were  insignificant  in  comparison  with  Massachusetts. 
Politically,  and  even  more  so  economically,  they  were 
dwarfed  by  their  powerful  neighbor.  As  the  Commission- 
ers reported,  Massachusetts  had  engrossed  the  whole  trade 
of  New  England,  and  was  by  far  the  richest  and  most 
prosperous  of  these  communities. 

At  this  time  it  was  said  that  Boston,  a  growing  town  of 
several  thousand  people,  was  "full  of  good  Shopps  well 
furnished  with  all  kinr'  of  Merchandize  and  many  Artificers 
and  Trad'smen  of  all  ^orts." '  The  basic  industries  of  the 
colony  were  ship-building  fishing,  ..nd  agriculture.  A  large 
number  of  boats  were  employed  in  the  local  fishery,  and  the 
best  fish  was  sent  to  southern  Europe  and  to  the  Spanish 
and  Portuguese  "Wine  Islands,''  while  that  of  poorer  quality 
found  a  market  in  the  English  West  Indies.  In  addition, 
they  shipped  pipe-staves,  masts,  lumber,  some  pitch  and  tar, 
beef,  pork,  horses,  an- 1  com  to  Virginia,  Barbados,  and  the 

'  The  Commissioners  reported  that  the  best  Engh'sh  grass  and  most 
sheep  were  in  Rhode  Island, '  the  ground  being  very  fruitful,  ewes  bring  ordi- 
narily two  lambs,  corn  yields  80  for  one,  and  in  some  places  has  grown  26 
years  together  without  manuring.'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1103  ;  Brit.  Mus., 
Egerton  MSS.  2305,  ff.  426  et  seq.  On  September  19,  1660,  John  Winthrop, 
Jr.,  wrote  from  Hartford  that  Connecticut  exported  large  quantitiesof  biscuit, 
[teas,  beef,  butter,  etc. ,  to  Barbados,  Newfoundland,  and  elsewhere.  Winthrop 
Pipers  IV.  In  1664,  New  Plymouth  added  a  clause  to  the  oath  taken  by  its 
Governor,  binding  him  to  obey  the  .\ct  of  Navigation.  Records  of  New 
Plymouth,  Laws  1623-1682,  p.  150. 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1660;  Brit.  Mus.,  Egerton  MSS.  2395.  f.  402. 


ill 

.    V 

'(   ■    1 


246 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


other  West  Indian  islands.  Part  of  these  supplies  came  from 
the  neighboring  colonies.  In  return,  they  brought  back  sugar 
and  tobacco,  which  the  Commissioners  said  "they  after  send 
for  England."  The  exports  to  England  consisted  mainly  of 
the  large  masts  required  by  the  ships  of  the  line  in  the  Ro}al 
Navy,  which  were  scarce  at  all  times  in  Europe,  and  were 
especial' \  difTicult  to  obtain  during  time  of  war,  when  the 
communications  with  the  Baltic  countries  were  precarious. 
During  the  Dutch  war  of  1665-1667,  England  drew  freely 
upon  the  supply  in  New  England.  From  England,  Massa- 
chusetts imported  wearing  apparel,  textiles,  and  utensils.' 
The  colony's  comparatively  extensive  trade  was  carried 
well-nigh  exclusively  in  its  own  shipping.  In  1665,  !Mas- 
sachusetts  had  about  132  ships,  of  which  forty  were  from  40 
to  100  tons,  and  twelve  were  even  larger.*  Nearly  all  these 
ships  were  built  in  the  colony,  and  unquestionably  this  de- 
velopment was  in  part  due  to  the  stimulus  given  by  the  Eng- 
lish Navigation  Act.  But  in  addition  Massachusetts,  like 
Virginia,  gave  preferential  treatment  to  its  own  shipping. 
By  a  law  of  1667  all  vessels  of  above  twenty  tons  not  be- 
longing to  Massachusetts  had  to  pay  tonnage  dues  in  gun- 
powder for  every  voyage  made  there.' 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  no,?,  1336,  1660;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  300,  t^;; 
N.  Y.  Col.  Ooc.  Ill,  pp.  110-11,5;  'int.  Mus..  Egerton  MSS.  2,u),i,  iT.  4;.. 
434;  Richard  Blome,  .\  Description  of  the  Island  of  Jamaica  J.oiul. :., 
167.'),  p.  1 70. 

■  Ma.^.  Col.  Rec.  IV,  Part  II,  p.  203.  In  1671,  the  Council  for  Foreip 
Plantations  was  informed  that  Xew  England  had  about  20&'  vessels,  of  whi.h 
8  or  10  were  of  200  tons  burden.     C.  C.  i66g-i674,  p.  232. 

'  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  IV,  Part  II,  pp.  331,  ii2. 


i 


I 


MASSACHUSETTS 


247 


Already  before  the  appointment  in  1664  of  the  royal  Com- 
missioners, Massachusetts  had  taken  steps  to  make  the  Act 
of  Navigation  eflFective  within  its  bounds.  In  the  spring  of 
1663,  on  receipt  of  a  petition  from  several  inhabitants  of 
the  colony,  the  General  Court  ordered  Secretary  Rawson 
to  take  bonds  from  vessels  loading  the  enumerated  com- 
modities.' Later  in  the  year,  in  response  to  the  circular 
letter  of  the  Privy  Council  enjoining  upon  the  colonies  a 
strict  observance  of  these  laws,  the  General  Court  appointed 
officers  at  Boston  and  other  ports  to  seize  unfree  vessels,  to 
take  the  enumeration  bonds,  to  keep  an  account  of  all 
vessels  arriving  and  departing,  and  to  send  these  accounts 
together  with  the  copies  of  all  bonds  to  the  Governor,  who 
should  transmit  them  to  the  authorities  in  London.''  These 
orders  were  carried  into  effect,  and  Secretary  Rawson  in  1664 
sent  to  Sir  John  Wolstenholme  "eleven  copies  of  bonds" 
and  a  copy  of  the  order  of  the  General  Court  "in  pursuance 
of  the  act  of  navigation."  '  Thus  at  this  time  Massachusetts 
unequivocally  recognized  the  legal  force  of  this  law  within 
its  jurisdiction. 

The  royal  Commissioners  of  1664  were  especiall>'  in- 
structed* to  see  that  provision  was  made  for  the  strict 
enforcement  of  the  Act  of  Navigation  and  that  careful  ac- 
counts of  all  ships  freighted  in  New  England  were  forwarded 

'  'W</.  p.  73. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  86,  87 ;  The  Colonial  Laws  of  MassachusetU  (Boston,  1889), 
pp.  222,  223. 

'  Hutchinson  Papers  II,  p.  108.  See  also  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  I\',  Part  II, 
p.  Qq. 

*  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  IV.  Part  II.  p.  103 ;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  p.  .^4= 


II 


248 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


once  a  year  to  the  English  customs  authorities.     It  was 
pointed  out   to  them  how  earnestly  Parliament  had  pre- 
sented this  law  to  the  King  as  of  infinite  concern  to  the  trade 
of  England  and  her  dominions,  and  how  carefully  it  had 
been  enforced  "as  a  thing  wee  well  know  the  heart  of  this 
whole   nation  are   set  vpon."    Accordingly,   the  Commis- 
sioners were  to  inform  the  Massachusetts  authorities  that 
the  English  government  could  not  but  take  notice  of  how- 
much  the  Act  was  violated  in  Massachusetts,  and  "what 
ill  acts  are  practised  by  some  in  authority  there  to  enervate 
&  avoyd  the  same";  p-.m'  they  wee  further  to  see  that  all 
Massachusetts  laws  repugnant  to  this  Act  were  repealed.' 
In  reply  to  the  accusations  in  this  instruction,  the  Mas- 
sachusetts General  Court  declared  in  1665  that  they  had 
been  misrepresented  to  the  King.     "The  act  for  trade  hath 
for  some  yeares  beene  observed  heere,  as  our  orders  will  de- 
clare," and  we  are  not  conscious,  they  further  said,  "that 
wee  haue  greatly  violated  the  same,  neither  know  wee  any 
lawe  of  ours  against  it."  ^ 

As  far  as  this  phase  of  the  royal  commission's  errand 
was  concerned,  no  fault  could  be  found  with  Massachusetts's 
attitude.  The  political  question  was  far  graver.  Massachu- 
setts recognized  a  some\  hat  vague  allegiance  to  England, 
while  claiming  virtual  sovereignty  within  its  own  bounds. 

'  In  addition,  the  Commissioners  were  to  inquire  into  a  cj.nplaiiii  thai  in 
a  specific  case  during  1661  the  Massachusetts  authorities  had  not  cii:.>r.i,i 
the  law.  Cf.  Toppan,  Randolph  I.  p.  28  n.  In  1665,  the  Ceiieral  (Durt 
denied  that  it  had  acted  unjustly  in  this  case.  Mass.  Col.  Rcc.  1\',  Tart  II. 
p.  202. 

2  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  IV,  Part  II,  p.  202. 


MASSACHUSETTS  ,.„ 

249 

As  a  result  of  this  allegiance,  the  colonial  authorities  ac- 
knowledged their  obligation  to  defend  themselves  from  for- 
eign foes.     During  the  Dutch  and  French  war,  the  conduct 
of  Massachusetts  was  from  the  imperial  standpoint  on  the 
whole  satisfactory.     In  1664,  the  colony  raised  some  men 
and  money  for  the  Dutch  war';  and,  although  in  1666  it 
refused   to  cooperate  in  the  projected   expedition  against 
Canada,  there  was  some  justification,  as  the  season  had  be- 
come so  advanced  that  success  was  more  than  doubtful." 
On  the  other  hand,  Massachusetts  made  a  gift  to  the  Royal 
Navy  of  some  valuable  masts,  "as  a  testimony  of  loyalty 
&  affection,"  =>  and  contributed  a  considerable  amount  of 
provisions  to  the  naval  expedition  designed  for  the  reco\ery 
of  the  Leeward  Islands  from  the  French.*    Lord  Willoughby 
stated  that  this  aid  was  invaluable,'^  and  Charles  II  thanked 
the  colony  for  its  generosity  in  this  instance  and  in  con- 
tributing masts  to  the  English  na\y.«    To  some  extent,  this 
zeal  of  Massachusetts  was  unquestionably  intended  to  ward 
off  any  possible  attack  upon  its  charter.     In  1664  and  1665, 
however,  the  English  government's  attitude   toward   the' 

■|  Ibid.  pp.  117,  120-122,  137,  ,40,  157,  158. 

=  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  ,20,  1,57,  ,58;  Hutchinson  Papers  H,  p.  1^4- 
t.  C.  . 661-1608,  no.  ,292;  Mass.  Col.  Rcc.  IV.  Part  II.  pp.  ;io,  517,  323' 
329;  Wmthrop  Papers  IV,  pp.  ,01-103 ;  Conn.  Col.  Rcc.  II.  p.  .,4. 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668.  nos.  1409.  1797  ;  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  l\\  Part  II  pp  ,,s 
327,328,368,369.  ^  ^     ' 

•  C.  C.  1661-1668.  no.  1574;  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  IV,  Part  II,  pp.  345,  4,,  • 
Hutchmson  Papers  II,  pp.  .54,  ,53;  Conn.  Col.  Rec.  II.  pp  5,;  J'. 
W.nthrop  Papers  IV.  pp.  „ 7-1 19.  ■  PP    5  .,  .10, 

'  C.  C.  1661-1668.  no.  1648. 

•  [hid.  no,  1798;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  20,  31. 


I 


I' 


II 


M  f 

4 

,  n 

;  !■ 
■  (  -i 


i      I 


350 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


colony  was  decidedly  conciliatory  and  there  was  no  inten- 
tion whatsoever  of  taking  such  proceedings.'  But  there 
was  a  radical  difference  between  the  English  government's 
interpretation  of  the  scope  of  this  patent  and  that  of 
Massachusetts. 

When  the  royal  Commissioners  arrived  in  Massachusetts, 
they  found  that  justice  was  being  administered  in  the  King's 
name,  but  they  were  not  permitted  to  hear  cases  on  the 
ground  that  the  General  Court  was  the  supreme  judicature 
in  the  colony.  "They  hope,"  these  Commissioners  re- 
ported, "by  writing  to  tire  the  King,  the  Lord  Chancellor, 
and  the  Secretaries,  and  say  they  can  easily  spin  out  seven 
years  by  writing  and  before  that  time  a  change  may  come ; 
nay  some  have  dared  to  say,  who  knows  what  the  event  of 
this  Dutch  war  may  be.  .  .  .  Many  times  in  their  lawes 
(they)  stile  themselves  tliis  State,  this  Comon-wealth,  & 
now  believe  themselves  to  be  so."  ^  After  these  reports  had 
been  duly  considered,  in  the  spring  of  1666  Charles  II  wrote 
to  the  New  England  colonies  that  he  was  pleased  at  the 

'  In  1666,  the  distinguished  EngUsh  scientist,  Robert  Boyle,  wrote  from 
London  to  John  Endicott  in  Massachusetts  about  the  favorable  intlination 
he  had  found  in  the  King  and  Clarendon  towards  New  England.  'Thouph 
Clarendon,'  he  continued,  'again  repeated  and  confirmed  the  assurance  he 
authorized  me  to  give  your  friends  in  the  city,  yet  I  cannot  but  acquaint 
you  with  this,  observing  that  in  your  last  addresses  to  His  Majesty  and  letters 
to  Clarendon  there  are  some  passages  that  were  much  more  unexpected 
than  welcome,  in  so  much  that  not  only  those  who  are  concerned  in  your 
affairs,  but  the  most  considerable  persons  that  favor  you  in  England,  have 
expressed  to  me  their  being  unsatisfied  in  more  particulars  than  I  am  sfH'ak- 
ing  of.'     Winthrop  Papers  III,  pp.  401,  402. 

■'  Brit,  Mus..  Egerton  MSS.  2395,  f.  434 ;  N  .Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  110- 
113;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  iioj. 


MASSACHUSETTS  351 

treatment  accorded  to  the  Commissioners  by  aU  of  them  ex- 
cept Massachusetts,  whose  denial  of  appeals  from  their  judg- 
ments was  "  a  matter  of  such  high  consequence  as  every  man 
discerns  where  it  must  end."    Therefore,  Massachusetts  was 
commanded  to  appoint  persons  to  attend  the  government  in 
England,  so  that  the  question  might  be  settled.    At  the  same 
time  assurances  were  given  that  the  charter  would  not  be 
infringed.'    The  prediction  of  the  Commissioners,  however, 
came  true.     Massachusetts  evaded  the  summons  and  ap-' 
pointed  no  agents,^'  apparently  trusting  to  the  patent  dis- 
inclination of  the  English  government  to  force  matters  to 
an  issue. 

During  the  subsequent  five  years  this  troublesome  question 
was  not  again  raised,  primarily  because  the  English  govern- 
ment was  not  sufficiently  interested  in  this  region  to  use  force 
in  order  to  secure  the  submission  of  Massachusetts.    The 
English  statesmen  could  weU  ask  themselves,  what  would 
be  the  national  advantage  even  if,  after  the  expenditure  of 
much  time  and  energy,  their  views  were  enforced.    At  this 
time  many  in  England,  apparently  without  much  regret,  re- 
garded Massachusetts  as  on  the  verge  of  casting  off  all  allegi- 
ance to  the  mother  country.     In  1671,  however,  this  question 
came  up  prominently  again,  mainly  through  the  claims  of 
Ferdinando  Gorges  to  Maine  and  of  Robert  Mason  to  New 
Hampshire.     Massachusetts  had  overturned  the  government 
that  the  royal  Commissioners  of   1664  had  organized  in 
Maine,  and  refused  to  recognize  Gorges's  rights  to  this 
country.    New   Hampshire   had    been    virtuaUy   annexed 


'  C.  C.  1661-166S,  no.  1171. 


'  Ibid.  no.  1 297. 


. 


f.n 


il 


■  t 

1(1 


I' 


Hi 

i 
r 

1 


■J 


; 


353 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


without  any  legal  warrant.'  Both  of  these  steps,  however, 
were  taken  in  agreement  with  the  wishes  of  the  majority  o{ 
the  people  in  these  two  districts.  Through  the  petitions  of 
Mason  and  Gorges,  this  matter  was  brought  before  the 
Council  for  Foreign  Plantations. 

At  its  session  of  May  26,  1671,  Evelyn  reports,  what  was 
"most  insisted  on  was  to  know  the  condition  of  New  Eng- 
land, which  appearing  to  be  very  independent  as  to  their 
regard  to  Old  England,  or  his  Majesty,  rich  and  strong  as 
they  now  were,  there  were  great  debates  in  what  style  to  write 
to  them ;  for  the  condition  of  that  Colony  was  such,  that 
they  were  able  to  contest  with  all  other  Plantations  about 
them,  and  there  was  fear  of  their  breaking  from  all  depen- 
dence on  this  nation."  Some  of  the  Council  "were  for  send- 
ing them  a  menacing  letter,  which  those  who  better  under- 
stood the  peevish  and  touchy  humour  of  that  Colony  were 
utterly  against,"  and  it  was  finally  decided  in  the  first 
place  to  secure  accurate  information  about  the  state  of 
New  England.-  Ten  days  later,'  there  was  a  long  debate 
in  the  Council  on  New  England,  "but  at  length  it  was  con- 
cluded that,  if  any,  it  should  be  only  a  conciliating  paper 
at  first,  or  civil  letter,  till  we  had  better  information  of  the 
present  face  of  things,  since  we  understood  they  were  a  peoj^le 
almost  upon  the  ver>'  brink  of  renouncing  any  dependence 
on  the  Crown."  On  August  3,  the  same  subject  again  came 
up,  and  it  was  d'^Hated,  whether  or  no  to  send  "a  Dei)ut\'' 
to  New  England  to  require  Massachusetts  to  recognize 

'  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  54:5,  544;  C.  C.  1660-1674,  pp.  20,  31,  171,  208. 
'  Evelyn,  May  26,  1671.  '  Ibid.  June  6,  1671. 


MASSACHUSETTS  253 

the  rights  of  Mason  and  Gorges,  and  "with  secret  instruc- 
tions to  inform  us  of  the  condition  of  those  Colonies,  and 
whether  they  were  of  such  power  as  to  be  able  to  resist 
his  Majesty,  and  declare  for  themselves  as  independent  of 
the  Crown,  which  wc  were  told,  and  which  of  late  years 
made  them  refractory."  The  Council  dctermin  -d  to  advise 
the  King  to  send  commissioners  to  New  England  to  adjust 
the  disputed  boundaries  and  "with  some  other  instructions" 
as  well.'  The  government  adopted  this  recommendation, 
and  decided  to  send  the  commissioners  in  the  spring  of 
1672.  On  April  30,  1672,  the  Plantation  Council  was  in- 
formed  that  the  King  had   actually  named  commission- 

■  Evelyn,  August  .,,  1671 ;  C.  C.  1669-1674.  p.  208.    Among  the  Pcnys 
Manuscripts  at  Magdalene  College,  Cambridge,  is  a  memorandum    ap- 
parently of  about  this  time,  wherein  Evelyn  after  commenting  upon  the 
military  strength  of  New  England  wrote :  "  When  all  is  said  to  deter  us  from 
attemptmg  anything  of  force  upon  them  (which  yet  were  not  impossible) 
If  New  Engd.  finds  that  his  Ma"'  takes  care  of  their  Ministers  and  uill 
conhrm  them  a  better  subsistence  (for  which  many  of  them  extremely  begin 
to  complam)  you  disarm  them  of  their  zeal,  which  is  their  chief  Artillery  and 
Ammunition.    In  sum.  N.  England  is  to  be  gained  by  either  policy  or  force 
so  the  means  be  prudently  carried  on."    Pepys  MSS.   (H.M.C.   iqu) 
pp.  270.  271.    The  President  of  the  Council.  Sandwich,  urge,!  a  moderate 
couRe.    On  July  2,  1671,  he  wrote:  "Our  principall  care  then  must  be  to 
regulate  this  people  and  gett  as  much  hand  in  thcire  government  as  wee  can 
to  enable  us  to  kecpe  off  prejudice  from  us  as  long  as  wee  can.     I  take  the' 
way  of  roughnesse  and  peremptory  orders,  with  force  to  backc  them,  to  be 
utlcTly  una<lviseable.     For  they  are  already  too  strong  to  be  com,x"Ile<l .  .  . 
bdccve  if  wee  use  severity  towards  them  in  theire  Government  civill  or 
religious,  that  they  will  (being  made  desperate)  sett  up  for  themsc-Ives  and 

Tl '  i"t      "" ^'''"  "  ^  ^'"'■■''''"^  ^^^ ^"''''"^  ^'^'" "  °f  -^Massachusetts  in- 
clu(  nl  the  sending  of  royal  commis.sioners  to  Xew  England,  who  should  in- 

trown  government  in 


ILimpshire,  and  Kennebec.     F.  R.  H; 


le  Island,  Maine,  New 


rris,  vp.  cit.  II,  pp.  338-341. 


,( 


ni 

u 


\,\i 


ii 


Hi 


t  • 


aS4 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


ers,*  but  at  the  last  moment  the  plan  was  abandoned  owinR 
to  the  serious  nature  of  the  war  with  the  Dutch,  in  which 
England  had  shortly  before  this  become  involved.  Thrsc 
hostilities  deferred  for  three  years  all  attempts  to  settle 
the  New  England  question. 

When  urging  their  claims  to  New  Hampshire  and  Maine, 
Mason  and  Gorges  had  placed  great  stress  uix)n  the  eco- 
nomic value  of  these  territories  to  the  Emj^ire.  In  a  me- 
morial of  167 1,'  Mason  stated  that  New  Hampshire  was  the 
best  developed  and  most  populous  place  in  New  England ; 
that  it  abounded  in  com,  cattle,  timber  and  fish ;  that  it 
had  an  extensive  trade  and  considerable  shipping,  import- 
ing and  exporting  yearly  thousands  of  tons,  "which  ncuer 
pays  any  custome  to  the  King."  These  customs,  if  looked 
after,  he  said,  might  amount  to  £4000  yearly.'  In  the 
following  year,  the  King  was  urged  to  interfere  on  behalf 
of  Gorges  in  order  to  prevent  the  great  destruction  among 
the  mast  trees  of  Maine,  where  an  abundant  supply  was 
available  for  the  Royal  Navy."    In  1674,'  another  memorial 

'  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  208.     Sec  also  Evelyn,  Feb.  12,  1672. 

»  C.  O.  1/27,  56;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  294. 

» According  to  Mason,  New  Hampshire's  yearly  exports  were  :o.ooo 
tons  of  lumber,  10,000  quintals  of  fish,  10  shiploads  of  masts,  and  sc\ir.il 
thousand  beaver  and  otter  skins.  Its  imports  were  300  tons  of  wine  ar.  1 
lirandy,  200  tons  of  goods  from  the  Leeward  Islands,  and  2000  ton?  of  s.dt 
The  Commissioners  of  1664  had  reported  that  in  New  Hampshire  were  ob- 
tained excellent  masU,  that  there  were  over  20  saw-mills  upon  the  PisiMt- 
aqua  River,  and  that  "heere  are  great  store  of  Pipe-staves  made,  &  gnat 
Store  of  good  Timber  spoyled."  Brit.  Mus.,  Egerton  MSS.  2393,  f.  4:7 ; 
C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1 103. 

*  C.  C.  1669-1674,  p.  448. 

•  Ibid.  pp.  5?!>-s.S2. 


MASSACflUSETTS 


255 


Stated  that  the  prosperity  of  New  England  was  greatly 
hindered  by  these  territorial  controversies  and  prayed  the 
King  to  purchase  the  rights  of  Mason  and  Gorges.  The 
writer  of  this  petition  was  enthusiastic  about  the  agricultural 
and  mineral  resources  «)f  New  ;  fampshire  and  Maine.  He 
claimed  that  England  could  be  supplied  thence  with  masts, 
tar,  timber,  and  other  naval  stores  at  cheajK-r  rates  than  those 
current  in  Europe  (which  would  conduce  to  the  national 
safety),  and  that  a  con.llerablc  trade  in  beaver  and  other 
furs  could  be  established  with  the  Indians. 

It  was  not  these  optimistic  accounts  of  the  economic 
possibilities  of  New  Hampshire  and  Maine  that  led  the 
English  government  seriously  to  take  in  hand  this  entire 
(juestion,  when  in  1675  Mason  and  Gorges  renewed  their 
claims.'     Nor  would  the  opinion  of  the  law  officers  of  the 
Crown  that  these  claims  were  valid  *  in  itself  have  sufficed 
t<i  induce  the  government   to  grapple  with   this   thorny 
pr(jblera.     But  at  this  time  those  in  charge  of  colonial 
affairs  became  keenly  alive  to  the  fact  that  Massachu- 
sctts's  trade  was  developing  along  lines  that  threatened 
to  nullify  the  efforts  of  the  English  statesmen  and  to  dis- 
rupt the  colonial  system  in  its  very  inception.     It  was  of 
relatively  little  importance   to   England  to  what   extent 
Massachusetts  violated  the  laws  of  trade  and  na\igation 
in  so  far  as  that  colony  alone  was  concerned.    For  Mas- 
sachusetts produced  no  one  of  the  enumerated  commod- 
ities^ and  furnished   a  comparatively  small   market   for 

'  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  200,  201,  211,  222-224. 

'  Ihid.  pp.  .jr,  233.  3Q\  ii,u  p  ^sj 


w 


m 

i  ■  f 


r 


, 


356 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


English  manufactures.    But  it  became  a  most  serious  matter 
when  the  New  England  traders  took  the  sugar  and  tobacco 
of  the  other  colonies  directly  to  Europe,  and  brought  back 
to  them  European  goods  which  had  not  passed   through 
England.    If  unchecked,   his  trade  might  in  the  end  nullify 
all  the  benefits  that  England  expectc!  to  derive  from  the 
other  colonies.     In  addition,  the  New  England  fisheries 
competed  with  those  at  Newfoundland  and  lessened  their 
value  as  a  nursery  of  seamen.     By  this  time  also,  the  New 
England  traders  had  acquired  a  strong  position   in  tlio 
Yucatan    logwood    trade,    which    threatened    to    invoke 
England  in  fresh  hostilities  with  Spain.    As  these  traders 
carried  this  logwood  directly  to  the  countries  of  continental 
Europe,  England's  industrial  rivals  were  supplied  with  this 
dye-stuff  as  cheaply  as  the  mother  country  and  without 
the    unpleasant  prospect  of  war  with  Spain.'     Detaild 
reports  of  this  general  nature  had  rer-hed  England  and  ha  ! 
led  to  the  passage  by  Pariiament  of  the  Act  of  1673  imposin-,' 
the  plantation  duties.    This  measure  had  not  proven  itself 
an  effective  remedy,  and  in  1675  and  1676  the  complaints 

'  In  1675,  the  Governor  of  Jamaica,  Lord  \'aughan,  wrote  to  Sccrrtar.- 
Williamson  that  the  New  England  traders  were  reaping  the  whole  profit  ir,,m 
the  loR^\•oo<l  trade,  'and  his  Majesty  receives  no  Customs  for  it,  and  un'i-s 
his  Majesty's  authority  be  settled  there  they  will,  under  colour  of  thiir  p.i- 
tent,  make  the  trade  of  most  of  the  Plantations  (as  they  have  their  t/wi. 
imlependent  of  that  of  England,  nor  will  the  late  Act  of  Parliament  restr.nn 
them.'  'It  much  imports  his  Majesty's  interest  that  this  point  be  tinuly 
considered,'  he  added,  'and  possibly  this  is  a  juncture  his  authority  niiKht  I  v 
easily  established,  the  Indians  being  in  rebellion  against  Plymouth  ami  tin 
Massachu-  as,  and  not  like  to  be  reduced  this  winter.'  C.  C.  1673-16-6, 
p.  i82. 


MASSACHUSETTS 


»57 


\  I  :u''.inci 
I<|  I'-ur  pc. 
.r-  ..  the 
•^  •  1  'yhc 
">  •  pssfls 
■  uply  shows  no 


became  so  insistent  and  so  circumstantial  that  the  govern- 
ment realized  the  gravity  of  the  situation  and  was  forced 
to  take  steps  to  rectify  this  dangerous  state  of  affairs.' 

Of  the  memorials  presented  to  the  government  one  of  the 
most  imjKjrtant  was  that  of  Captain  VVv»')mcof  H.M.S. 
Garland,  who  in  1673  had  gone  to  Bo«5r  ofit  and  had 

remained  there  for  three  months.*    '  . n     -  I'm,    ■,■„'    a 

■  The  itress  laid  on  these  complaints  in  E..  1  v.  jiu.  m  1  .  -e 
following  corrcsiwmlcncc.  In  the  fall  of  '  ;  \l  i  .;  ,■  ,  .,.  ,  ,,  . 
friend  of  Massachusetts,  wrote  from  Ent,'«;i        i.  -v  ■         .;,  ,     .   - 

the  dissatisfaction  in  some  great  ministers  <u  .'      t 

traders  were  defrauding  the  customs  by  si         uj.,  1  .     , 
"  I  Icnow  this  is  don  by  particular  persons,  .  .  1  . 
government,"  he  wrote,  "yet  I  know  not  how  to  c*.  1:  ■ 
advised  Leverctt  to  prevent  such  practices  in  the 
escaped  the  authorities  to  inform  against  them.     Levcic 
realization  of  the  seriousness  of  such  charges  from  the  English  viewpoint, 
lie  wrote  to  Thomson  that  he  did  not  understand  that  any  but  one  vessel 
had  gone  from  their  ports  this  year  and  that  this  vessel  was  fjound  for  Eng- 
land and  was  laden  mainly  with  log\vood.     If  any  of  their  ships  did  take 
tobacco  directly  to  Europe,  he  added,  they  must  have  sailed  from  \irginia, 
but  he  supposed  that  the  payment  of  the  1673  export  duties  there  would  in 
the  future  remove  these  complaints.     "For  myself."  he  concluded.  "I  am 
not  concerned  therein,  the  general  court  haveing  left  the  care  of  thai  affair 
with  the  secretary,  onely  shall  advertise  him  to  more  circumspection  in  his 
place."    In  reply,  Thomson  wrote  early  in  1675  that  the  payment  of  the 
167}  duties  did  not  allow  the  direct  exiwrtation  of  the  enumerated  products 
to  foreign  parts.     "I  should  be  sorr>'."  he  continued,  •'that  his  Majestic 
should  hav.  any  ground  of  offence  in  this  kind,  for  a  liille  protitt  to  some 
particular  persons  to  be  an  occasion  of  dcprivcing  the  whole  of  their  chiefest 
injoyment:,.     Its  objected  here  by  some  that  you  have  noc  such  law  there, 
and  soi'  will  not  judg  by  our  lawes  in  exporting  or  importing  of  goods  to  or 
from  foraine  kingdomes.     If  it  be  S(w.  as  a  true  iricnd  to  you,  I  would  advise 
It  be  one  of  the  first  things  you  doc  to  prevent  greater  evills."     Hutchinson 
Papers  II,  pp.  IQ3,  ^qi,  202,  ^04. 

'■  C.  O.  1/35,  so;   C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  306-308. 

(a) 


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Hi  ,* 

4    ■ 


258 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


source  his  statements  unquestionably  carried  great  weipht, 
but  in  estimating  their  accuracy  it  should  not  be  forgotten 
that  Wyborne  was  a  prejudiced  witness,  having  been  publicly 
insulted  in  the  colony.'    This  naval  captain  reported  that 
the  trade  of  New  England  was  very  great  both  to  the  Eng- 
lish West  Indies,  "as  allso  to  most  parts  of  Europe  so  that 
it  is  become  a  Magasine  both  of  all  American  &  European 
Commodityes  for  the  furnishing  &  supplying  of  the  sea\erall 
Countreys  &  that  during  his  stay  ships  dayly  arrived  from 
Spain  ff  ranee  Holland  &  Canareys  bringing  all  sorts  of  Wines 
Linins  Silks  &  fruits  which  they  transport  to  all  the  other 
plantations    taking   American    commodityes   in  exchange 
which  they  carr)'  back  to  the  aforesaid  Kingdomes  without 
coming  to  England. "    Wyborne  said  that  he  had  complained 
of  this  illegal  trade  to  the  Boston  magistrates,  but  was  un- 
able to  secure  any  satisfaction.^    Nor  would  they  assist  him 
in  his  scheme  to  recapture  New  York  from  the  Dutch,    'liy 
their  discourse,'  he  added,  'they  look  upon  themselves  as  a 
free  State,  not  at  all  to  be  interested  in  the  King's  differences 
with  other  nations.' 

Early  in  1676,  shortly  after  this  memorial  was  considered, 
a  number  of  English  merchants  complained  to  the  King 


•  Chalmers,  Political  Annals  (London,  1780),  p.  434- 

'  In  1677,  Sir  Thomas  Lynch  told  the  Lords  of  Trade  that,  while  he  was 
Lifutenant  Governor  of  Jamaica,  a  New  England  ship  had  come  tluro 
directly  from  1-rance  with  brandy,  and  that,  on  his  refusinK  to  allow  iur 
to  trade,  she  had  sailed  to  New  England,  when-  Captain  Wyborne  trinl 
to  seize  her,  but  was  prevented  by  the  magistrates.  C.  ()  vn  -',  f  5;; 
C.  r.  1677  1680,  pp.  loi,  loj;  Toppan,  Randolph  II,  pp.  268-270;  I'.  C. 
C.il.  I,  p.  710. 


MAi;SACHUSETTS 


259 


that  of  late  the  inhabitants  of  New  England  traded  directly 
to  most  parts  of  Europe  and  encouraged  strangers  to  trade 
with  them,  'whereby  all  sorts  of  merchandise  of  the  produce 
of  Europe  are  imported  directly  into  New  England,  and 
thence  carried  to  all  the  other  of  the  King's  dominions  in 
America,  and  sold  at  far  cheaper  rates  than  any  that  can  be 
sent  from  hence,  and  that  they  take  in  exchange  the  com- 
modities of  the  Plantations  which  are  transported  to  Europe 
without  coming  to  England,  so  that  New  England  is  become 
the  great  mart  and  staple,  by  which  means  the  navigation  of 
the  kingdom  is  greatly  prejudiced,  the  King's  revenue  in- 
expressibly impaired,  the  price  of  home  and  foreign  com- 
modities lessened,  trade  decreased,  and  the  King's  subjects 
much  impoverished.' ' 

These  and  similar  complaints,  as  well  as  the  claims  of 
Mason  and  Gorges,  were  considered  by  the  Lords  of  Trade, 
who  naturally  turned  to  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs 
for  further  information.*  This  board  reported '  that  while 
they  had  hoped  that  the  appointment  of  customs  officials 
in  the  colonies  would  prove  effective,  yet  there  was  some  ille- 
gal trade  in  New  England,  but  they  had  'nothing  on  which 
to  ground  a  calculation  of  the  particular  detriment  thus 
arising.'*  At  first,  the  Lords  of  Trade  were  in  favor  of 
sending  commissioners  to  New  England  as  had  been  done 

'  C.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  337.  »  /A»v.  p.  224. 

'  C.  O.  1/34,  nos.  74,  75 ;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  p.  231. 

'  On  October  11,  1675,  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  reported  that 
they  hail  received  from  the  Secretary  of  Massachusitts  eight  bonds  for 
laumerated  commodities,  which  he  sai<l  were  all  that  had  been  taken  in 
i('U-     C.  O.  324/4,  fl-  ^2-24;    C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  2g6-298. 


1   : 


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260 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


ten  years  before.'    In  the  spring  of  1675,  they  reported  in 
favor  of  sending  five  men  'of  great  sobriety  and  discretion '-; 
but  towards  the  end  of  the  year  they  stated  that  such  a  step, 
'besides  the  charge,  uncertainty  of  success  and  danger  of 
affront,  would  look  like  awarding  execution  on  those  people 
before  they  were  heard,'  and  therefore  they  advised  that  a 
copy  of  the  complaints  of  Mason  and  Gorges  be  sent  to  Mas- 
sachusetts and  that  the  colony  be  required  to  send  representa- 
tives to  England  to  answer  them.'    Accordingly,  in  March 
of  1676,  Charles  II  wrote  to  the  Massachusetts  authorities 
about  the  claims  of  Mason  and  Gorges  and  stated  thai  it 
was  'high  time  to  afford  a  solemn  hearing,'  so  that  justice 
should  be  administered  to  all.     He  commanded  them  to 
send  to  England  within  six  months  agents  fully  instructed 
and  empowered  to  answer  these  claims.''     It  was  evidently 
deemed  advisable  to  reopen  the  entire  question  of  Mass;i- 
chusetts's  relations  to  England  by  means  of  this  one  spceilic 
point.     Xo   mention   was   made   of   the   colony's   evasion 
of   the  laws  of  trade  and   navigation.     This  subject  was 
I)urposcly  deferred,  as  it  was  realized  that  it  was  lirst  rci- 
uisite  'to  do  sometliing  etTectual  for  the  better  regulation 
of  that  Government,  or  else  all  hojws  of  it  may  be  herc-atta 
lost.'  -^     Circular  letters  were,  however,  again  sent  to  t!ie 
Go\ernors    in    the   royal   colonies,  enjoining    a    strict   cn- 

'('.().  1   .?4.  nos.  6S,  60 ;    C.  O.   5  'A5.    T.    <)-ij;    f.   v.".    1675  U>:'k 
pp.  2.' 2- 2 24.     Cf.  C".  O.  I    iS,  46. 

u\  r.  167s  1676.  p.  224. 

'  Ihid.  pp.  soS,  ^22.     (7.  P.  ('.  Cal.  I.  pp.  (^\o.  <>ii. 

'  C.  (".  167;   1676,  pp.  <sS,  Mk).  ^(u  ;  Toi>p;in.  Ramlolph  11,  pp.  i<)\'V,>i. 

'■  ('.  V.  i()7i   1676.  pp.  s.iO.  .;''>.  M>2. 


■    \ 


'.'sxigfsxr-'siatKsmmt^jBm 


MASSACHUSETTS 


261 


forcement  of  tlese  laws,  which  would  have  put  a  stop  to  a 
considerable  part  of  the  illegal  trade  of  the  New  Englanders.' 
It  was  in  connection  with  these  royal  commands  that  Ed- 
ward Randolph's  long  connection  with  the  colonies  began. 
He  was  entrusted  with  the  delivery  of  the  King's  letter  and 
the  accompanying  documents,  and  was  commanded  to  bring 
back  the  colony's  answer.^  In  addition,  Randolph  was  in- 
structed to  collect  information  as  to  what  laws  were  in  force 
derogatorj'  to  those  of  England,  as  to  the  colony's  military 
strength,  trade,  commerce,  public  revenue,  disposition  to- 
ward England,  and  observance  of  the  laws  of  trade  and  navi- 
gation. A  number  of  statements  as  to  the  size  of  New 
England's  population,  its  shipping,  iron-works,  its  trade  and 
industr>'  were  gi'  >>!  .0  him  for  confirmation  or  correction  as 
the  facts  ascertained  might  warrant.  The  lack  of  reliable 
information  was  evidently  keenly  felt.' 

•  c.  ().  ,?24/4,  ff.  37-30;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  360-371,  3^1-    ^'^^^  ;''«J 

Cal.  Trras.  Buoks.  1676-1670,  p.  170.  According  to  Williamson's  notes  it 
was  also  planned  at  this  time  to  send  customs  ofiicials  to  .New  England. 
C:il.  IJom.  1675-1676,  p.  574. 

•  ('.  V.  1675-1676.  pp.  33S,  360,  3()i  ,  Toppan,  Randolph  II,  pp.  104  -106 ; 
("al.  Treas.  Books,  1676-1670.  pp.  2S,  !;',o. 

'  Among  the  statements  whose  relial)ility  Randolph  was  to  investigate 
\\,is  one  to  the  cflecl  that  the  [wpulation  ol  New  England  was  120,000,  of 
\\liom  16.000  were  able  to  bear  arms.  C.  ().  5  <)03.  IT.  103-105  ;  Brit.  -Mus., 
I'.mrton  M.SS.  23(15,  f.  522;  Toppan,  Randolph  II,  pp.  ioH-201  ;  C.  C. 
i'i75  1676,  pp.  i6i,  362.  In  1675,  William  Harris,  a  well-known  New 
l.nRl.inder  (see  I.  B.  Richman,  Rhode  Island  U.  pp.  207  ft  passim,  and 
Osgood,  up.  lit.  II,  pp.  337  li  siy.).  had  given  considerable  information  alniul 
thi  irailc  of  these  colonies.  He  st.ited  that  the  niimhcr  of  men  capable  of 
luiriiig  arms  was  In'tween  7000  and  Sooo  foot  and  about  O50  horse,  and 
thai  Massachusetts  built  every  year  twelve  ships  ol  from  40  to  80  tons, 
t".  O  I  34,  nos.  50  '■'».  C.  C  10,-5-1076,  pp.  2ij,  220-222.    In  conuectiou 


<'  ri 


If' 

1 

1  ' 

363 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


While  Randolph  was  engaged  in  this  mission,  the  English 
government  continued  to  investigate  the  question  of  illegal 
trade  in  New  England.  On  April  10,  1676,  was  read  before 
the  Lords  of  Trade  a  petition  from  the  mercers  and  silk- 
weavers  of  London,  stating  that  formerly  large  quantities 
of  silks  had  been  shipped  from  England  to  the  colonies,  but 
that  in  recent  years  they  had  been  supplied  by  the  Xcw 
England  traders  with  goods  imported  directly  from  Fram  e. 
Italy,  and  other  foreign  countries,  "so  that  yo'  pet"  send 
little  or  none  thither,  by  meanes  whereof  they  are  many  of 
them  totally  ruined,  others  of  them  greatly  hurt,  and  most 
of  them  very  much  prejudiced."  In  addition  to  this  illegal 
importation  of  silks  and  stuffs,  they  asserted  that  the  .New 
Englanders  furnished  the  other  colonies  with  brandy,  wine, 
oil,  and  other  commodities,  all  of  which  by  law  ought  t.) 
be  shipped  from  England  and  pay  customs  there,  and  that 
the  total  loss  to  the  revenue  on  these  accounts  "would 
amount    to   above  si.xty  thousand   pounds   per  .Annum."  ' 

with  the  general  fwlicy  towards  New  England  at  this  time  and  more  sixmIi'i- 
cally  Randolph's  mission,  Professor  Channiiig  writes  that  "the  C'oniiiiis- 
sioners  of  the  Customs  and  William  Blathwayt,  secretary  to  the  Lor.!>  of 
Trade,  were  the  moving  spirits  in  this  entcr(iris<'."  Channing,  History  I'l 
the  L'niltd  Stales  II,  p.  15S.  At  this  time,  Blathwayt  had  as  yet  im  in- 
tluence,  having  been  employed  only  a  few  months,  since  Septtinht  r  :. 
167  s.  ill  a  minor  ca|)acity,  as  assistant  to  Sir  Robert  Southwell  the  Ckik 
of  ilu;  ('uun(il  attending  the  Lords  of  Trade),  with  a  sal.iry  of  L'l  50.  Cil- 
Tna;^.  Hooks.  1O76  i(>-(),  pj).  240,  .'S.\  :iii);  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  [)i>.  i>t)-\.  tih-. 

'  ('.  O.  5  ()05,  ff.  io6-ioS;  C.  C  1675  1676,  p[).  ^74,  375.  At  tins 
time,  information  was  also  retei\ed  that  the  \ew  England  traders  wire 
i'nplicated  in  the  illegal  inijKjrtation  of  tobacco  into  Ireland  which  «.i5 
gi\ing  the  government  so  much  trouble,     Cal.   Dom.   1O76  1C177,  pp.  5^0. 


MASSACHUSETTS 


263 


<      I 


Although  grossly  exaggerated,  these  statements  demand- 
ed further  investigation,  and  the  Lords  of  Trade  summoned 
before  them  a  number  of  men  qualified  to  give  informa- 
tion, including  some  who  were  to  be  found  at  the  Exchange, 
'upon  the  New  England  Walk.' '  On  their  appearance 
before  the  Lords  of  Trade,  some  of  the  New  England  mer- 
chants "were  shie  to  unfold  y*  misterj-  thereof,  others 
pretended  Ignorance,  but  the  most  of  them  declared  plainly, 
how  all  sorts  of  goods  growing  in  his  Ma'"*  other  Plantations 
were  brought  to  New  England  on  paym'  of  y'  duties  pay- 
able by  the  Act  for  going  from  one  plantation  to  another." 
With  these  goods,  and  often  also  with  cargoes  of  logwood,' 
they  then  sailed  to  all  parts  of  Europe,  returning  with  mer- 
chandise to  the  colonies  "without  euer  calling  at  Old  Eng- 
land, but  when  they  thought  fitt,"  so  that  wines,  brandies 
and  other  commodities  were  sold  in  the  colonies  for  one- 
fifth  less  than  the  English  merchants  trading  according  to 
law  could  afford  to  furnish  them.  This,  they  claimed, 
would  entirely  destroy  Englant's  trade  to  the  colonies  "and 
leave  no  sort  of  dejiendancy  in  that  place  from  hence." 
Thereupon  the  Lords  of  Trade,  thinking  it  "inconvenient 
to  ravel  into  any  of  the  }3ast  miscarriages,  but  to  prevent  the 
mischief  in  the  future''  resohcd  :  1,  that  all  the  colonial 
(iovtrnors  should  be  obliged  to  lake  the  t)aths  to  obey  the 
.\cts  of   Trade   and    .N'avigat ion ;     2,   that    royal   customs 

'  C.  ("    167  q   1676.  p.  ,577. 

•A  month  after  this,  luiw.ird  Crantield  told  the  Lunls  of  Trade  that 
while  Iv  'Aas  in  Ameriia  ' stxetitct'ii  siil  of  N'tw  I.iinland  ships  with  logwood 
Wire  Ihiund  to  France  whence  they  bring  the  commodities  of  that  place  to 
Mii  111  the  WcM  Indies.'     C".  C.  1675-1O76,  p.  398. 


*!■ 


)  / 


-.ri 


4 


264 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


ir 


officials  should  be  established  in  New  England  as  in  the  other 
colonies  and,  "in  case  of  refusall  in  them  to  admitt  such 
Officers,  that  the  rest  of  the  Plantations  should  be  forbid  to 
allowe  them  any  liberty  or  intercourse  of  Trade";  3,  that 
the  captains  of  the  frigates  of  the  navy  should  be  instructed 
to  seize  and  bring  in  ofTenders  "that  avoided  to  come  and 
make  their  Entries  here  in  England."  '  But  beyond  pre- 
paring a  new  form  of  oath  and  taking  steps  to  see  that  it 
was  administered  to  the  royal  Governors,*  nothing  further 
was  done,  presumably  because  it  was  thought  advisable  to 
;  vait  the  answer  of  Massachusetts  to  the  royal  letter  and 

andolph's  report  on  his  mission. 

When,  in  the  summer  of  1676,  Randolph  arrived  in  Boston, 
delivered  the  letter  to  Governor  Leverett,  who  made 

'ht  of  the  Mason  and  Gorges  claims,  calling  them  'impi-r- 

iiencics,  mistakes,  and  falsehoods,'  and  left  the  matter  to 
con-  leration  of  the  General  Court  at  its  next  session.^ 
\erct  with  the  other  colonial  authorities  regarded  Ran- 
lif  !j)''  lason's  agent,^  and  treated  him  with  scant  courtes\-, 
|),  It;  iiun  none  of  the  respect  due  to  an  official  messenj^cr 
of  th  King.  Contrar>'  to  the  royal  instructions,  they  re- 
fused to  deliver  to  Randolph  their  answer  to  the  complaints, 

'  C.  O.  s  003,  fl.  108-110;  C.  C.  167^-1676,  pp.  370,  380.     Cf.  il'id  pp 

156,  3«i. 

-  t".  ().  3.'4/6,  f.  53:  \o.  Ca.  Col.  Rcc.  I,  pp  227.  228;  P.  C.  Cai  1, 
pp.  663.  664 ;  {".  C.  1675- 1676,  pp.  3.S5,  3S(),  390;  Cat.  Treas.  Books,  1670- 
1670,  p[).  170,  227. 

'  (".  '.'.  167S-1676,  pji   402,  40^ 

'  .Mason  was  a  brother-in-law  of  Randolph's  wife.  Goodrick,  Randolph 
VI.  p.  0. 


■i 


^^.;- 1^>-*#^  .^w.v 


MASSACHUSETTS 


265 


but  despatched  it  by  other  conveyance  to  England.  As  a 
result,  Randolph  was  from  the  very  start  forced  into  a 
position  of  hostility  to  those  in  power  in  Massachusetts,  and 
his  feelings  quickly  developed  into  those  of  bitter  animosity. 
This  bias  is  apparent  in  the  reports  of  his  mission  delivered 
to  the  English  government.  In  addition,  while  in  the 
colony,  Randolph  was  the  natural  centre  to  which  gravitated 
all  the  malcontents  in  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  and  Massachu- 
setts. They  filled  his  ears  with  their  numerous  grievances 
against  the  dominant  theocratic  oligarchy.  Hence  his  re- 
ports were  strongly  partisan  and  highly  colored,  especially 
in  their  phraseology.  Some  of  the  facts  reported,  especially 
those  relating  to  resources  and  po[julation,  were  also  un- 
trustworthy, but  in  their  fundamental  statements  his  ac- 
counts were  reliable  and  were  confirmed  not  only  by  a  mass 
of  corroborative  testimony,  but  by  the  actual  course  of 
New  England  history  itself.  They  showed  conclusively, 
what  had  become  already  plainly  apparent,  that  Massachu- 
setts was  determined  to  remain  a  virtually  independent 
commonwealth,  denying  to  England  any  more  than  a  merely 
nominal  authority,  and  that  the  independent  course  of  her 
traders  was  threatening  to  wreck  the  attempts  of  the  Eng- 
!i-li  statesmen  to  create  a  self-contained  commcicial  Empire. 
A>  !!istrutl^-(l,  Randolph  gathered  together  considerable 
inlormation  about  the  [X)litical  and  economic  conditions  of 
New  England,  and  embodied  these  facts  in  his  reports.'     He 

'  Toppaii,  Randoli*  II,  pp.  20,^  200,  225  -'50;  C.  t\  1675-1676.  op. 
to6  40(),  455,  456.  465  46«;  Hutchinson  Tapers  II,  pp.  210-240;  Brit. 
Muo.,  Add.  MSS,  20,oSg.  il.  7  20. 


W 


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I 

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^-•'r-^  . 


366 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Stated  that  New  England  had  suflfered  greatly  from  the 
recently  concluded  Indian  war,  and  that  its  commodities 
consisted  of  naval  stores,  provisions,  cattle,  and  fish,  which 
were  shipped  to  the  other  colonies  and  to  Europe.    Their 
exports  of  fish  alone  were  valued  at  £50,000  yearly.    Ran- 
dolph further  reported  that  they  launched  yearly  twenty 
vessels,  some  as  large  as  100  tons,  and  that  in  1676  thirty 
were  ordered  to  be  set  on  the  stocks  by  the  merchants  in 
England,   'who  make   their  returns  from  hence  in  new 
shipping.'    Although  the  Indian  war  had  prevented  that 
number  being    built,   yet    twelve,   some   over   160  tons, 
were  being  constructed.    In  all,  he  stated,  Massachusetts 
had   built    730   ships  of   from  6  to   250   tons.     Further, 
Randolph  reported,  that   the  iron  ore  was  excellent,  and 
that  there  were  six  forges  employed  in  working  it.    The 
population  of  Massachusetts,  including  Maine  and  New 
Hampshire,  he  estimated  at  150,000  and  that  of  Connecticut 
and  New  Plymouth  at  80,000  —  figures  far  in  excess  of  the 
actual  facts.    These  two  last  colonies,  Randolph  stated, 
observed  the  Navigation  Acts  and  were  ready  to  submit  to 
English  control.    He  also  asserted  that  in  Massachusetts, 
New  Hampshire,  and  Maine  were  many  opponents  of  the 
ruling  theocracy,  who  would  look  favorably  upon  the  es- 
tablishment of  royal  government. 

More  important  for  the  specific  purposes  of  this  work  was 
Randolph's  account  of  Massachusetts's  attitude  toward  the 
laws  of  trade.  This  colony,  he  stated,  traded  to  most  parts 
of  Europe,  from  which  they  imported  so  much  merchandi-*, 
that  little  was  left  for  thi   English  merchants  to  sell.     In  one 


MASSACHUSETTS 


267 


week  during  his  stay  at  Boston,  two  vessels '  had  arrived 
there  from  France  with  some  brandy,  wine,  and  other 
commodities  and  three  from  the  Canaries  with  wine.'  He 
further  reported  that,  some  weeks  prior  to  his  arrival,  two 
other  Boston  vessels  had  arrived  with  Canary  and  ^ipanish 
wines,  as  well  as  with  oil  and  other  products.  When  Ran- 
dolph complained  to  Leverett  of  these  open  violations  of 
the  law,  the  Governor  "  freely  declared  that  the  laws  made 
by  the  King  and  Parliament  oblige  them  in  nothing  but 
what  consists  with  the  interest  of  New  England,  that  the 
legislative  power  abides  in  them  freely  to  make  laws  not 
repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England  by  their  charter,  and 
that  all  matters  in  difference  are  to  be  concluded  by  their 
final  determination,  denying  any  appeal  to  the  King." 

In  view  of  this  statement  and  the  facts  that  had  come  to 
his  notice,  it  is  not  surprising  that  Randolph  returned  to 
England  impressed  with  the  advisability  of  a  thorough 
change  in  the  political  system  of  Massachusetts.  This  he 
deemed  essential,  not  only  for  political  reasons,  but  as  a  nec- 
essary prerequisite  to  the  effective  working  of  the  economic 
policies  embodied  in  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation.  Al- 
though Randolph  had  confidently  predicted  that  Massachu- 
setts would  adhere  to  its  policy  of  contumacious  procrastina- 
tion and,  as  in  1666,  would  ignore  the  royal  commands  to 
send  agents,  the  colony  did  obey.  William  Stoughton  and 
Peter  Bulkeley  were  appointed  to  rcjiresent  its  interests  in 
England.     These  agents  were,  however,  authorized  to  act 

'  These  two  were  Boston  ships. 

■  Ui  thi'si'.  one  was  of  Boston,  one  was  English,  and  the  other  Scottish. 


.!f. 


y  11 


tti^'t 


a68 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


only  in  the  Mason  and  Gorges  matter.'  But  the  funda- 
mental point  in  dispute  far  transcended  these  narrow  limits. 
Stripped  of  ail  collateral  matter,  the  naked  question  at 
issue  was  whether  Massivchusetts  was  to  remain  an  Kng- 
lish  colony  and  to  become  an  effective  member  of  the  Em- 
pire, or  was  to  sever  all  political  ties  with  the  mother  country. 
Unquestionably  the  existing  anomalous  conditions  muld 
not  continue. 

The  uncertainty  prevailing  in  England  as  to  the  status  of 
Massachusetts  and  the  ultimate  outcome  is  well  illustrated 
in  a  report  of  Lords  of  Trade,  dated  Februar>'  6,  1677,  on 
the  rules  to  be  observed  in  issuing  masses  to  ships  trading  to 
the  colonies.  They  stated  that,  although  New  England  was 
included  in  the  colonies,  they  had  not  framed  "any  Rules  for 
Passes  thither,  inasmuch  as  they  doe  not  yet  conform  them- 
selves to  the  Laws  by  which  other  ye  plantations  doe  tra.k-, 
but  take  a  liberty  of  Trading  to  all  manner  of  places,  where 
they  think  fit.  Soe  that  Until  Your  Ma'*  come  to  a  better 
understanding  touching  what  degree  of  dependance  that  dov  - 
crment  will  acknowledge  to  Your  Ma*^  or  that  Your  Ma'" 
Officers  may  be  there  received  and  setted,  to  administer 
what  the  Laws  require  in  resjxxt  of  Trade,"  in  conformit) 
with  the  practice  of  the  other  colonies,  they  refrained  from 
proposing  any  rules  for  passes  in  that  place.  Speedy  care, 
they  added,  should  be  taken  to  come  to  some  resolution  in 
this  matter,  as  it  was  "of  great  importance  unto  Trade."' 


'  C.  V.  T675-1676,  pp.  4')?-40S.  5«3- 

*  C".  <).  i/,5().  2();    (\  (      1677   i68o,  pp.  15,  16.     This  rc|x)rt  was  basiil 
uiH)n  one  from  Sir  Gt-orL-c  Downing,  made  at  the  request    .f  Sir  KoUrt 


MASSACHUSETTS 


269 


Randolph's  views  regarding  the  measures  demanded  in 
this  crisis  were  embodied  in  a  memorial  presented  to  the 
government  a  short  time  after  his  return  to  England.' 
Herein,  he  attacked  the  legal  validity  of  the  Massachusetts 
charter  and  stated  that  the  colony  had  formed  itself  into  a 
commonwealth,  denying  appeals  to  England  and  not  taking 
the  oath  of  allegiance.  After  citing  various  matters  in  which 
he  claimed  that  they  had  exceeded  their  legal  jwwers  —  such 
as  the  coining  of  money  with  their  own  impress,  the  infliction 
of  the  death  penalty  on  religious  dissenters  -  he  asserted 
that  they  violated  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation  so  exten- 
sively that  the  English  customs  revenue  suffered  a  loss  of 
£100,000  yearly.  As  a  remedy,  he  suggested  the  use  of  the 
English  troops  then  in  Virginia  to  reduce  Massachusetts  to 
obedience  and  to  settle  that  country  under  royal  authority. 

Southwell  on  behalf  of  the  Lords  of  Trade.  Therein  this  Harvard  graduate 
said  that  he  thought  it  would  be  convenient  if  the  colonies  had  the  rules 
for  Spanish  and  Dutch  passes,  hut  that  he  knew  of  no  occasion  that 
they  might  have  for  Swedish,  Danish,  and  Turkish  p.-i!vscs.  Consequently, 
he  sent  rules  for  Spanish  and  Dutch  passes  for  all  the  colonies.  Downing 
then  added  :  ".Mthough  New  England  be  among  the  Plantations,  I  do  not 
suppose  the  intent  is  to  send  any  rules,  &c.,  for  passes  thither  at  present, 
thi  V  having  their  own  government  and  doing  what  they  please,  and  not 
conforming  ihemselves  to  his  Majesty's  laws  relating  to  the  Plantations." 
If,  however,  the  Lords  of  Trade  should  decide  to  send  the  rules  for  passes 
th(ri',  ho  wrote,  "it  will  be  necessary  to  send  them  rules  in  pursuance  of 
every  treaty,  for  they  de  facto  trade  to  all  places."  Cal.  Dom.  1676-1677, 
PP  504.  5-'i-  Sec  also  Cal.  Dom.  1677-167S,  p.  u6.  In  16S3,  a  writer 
IKjinti'd  out  that  "the  (iovernment  of  Xrw  England  (both  vivil  and  Ecclesi- 
astiial)  do  so  difTer  from  that  of  his  Majesties  other  Dominions  that  it  is 
hard  to  say  what  may  be  the  Consequence  of  it."  England's  Guide  to 
Industry  (London.  i6Sj),  pp.  75,  76. 

'  Toppan,  Randolph  II,  pp.  265-268;   C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  79. 


i 


MICaOCOPV  RBOWTION   TEST  CHART 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


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VI 


i 


270 


THE  OLD   COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


From  this  time  dates  the  movement  to  abrogate  the 
Massachusetts  charter.  To  many  this  must  have  suggested 
itself  as  the  only  means  of  escape  from  the  existing  impasse. 
Unless  Massachusetts  were  allowed  to  go  its  own  way  and 
to  become  an  independent  commonwealth  —  which  in  the 
prevailing  acute  state  of  international  rivalry  was  a  condi- 
tion that  could  not  have  lasted  —  there  was  no  other  solu- 
tion consistent  with  the  accepted  theory  of  colonization. 
Although  the  English  statesmen  were  far  from  approving  of 
many  of  the  political  tenets  of  the  Massachusetts  theoc- 
racy, the  movement  against  the  charter  did  not  spring  from 
any  opposition  to  colonial  self-government  in  itself,  but  from 
the  conviction  forced  upon  the  home  authorities  that  the 
uncontrolled  manner  in  which  the  colony  was  exercising  its 
powers  was  becoming  increasingly  detrimental  to  the  eco- 
nomic welfare  of  England  and  the  Empire. 

In  June  of  1677,  the  Lords  of  Trade  took  Randolph's 
memorial  under  their  careful  consideration.  Before  ventur- 
ing an  opinion  on  the  legal  points  raised  in  it,  'as  thesi" 
matters  were  of  such  high  concern,'  they  sought  the  advice 
of  the  Judges,  and  merely  reported  on  the  question  of  illegal 
trade.*  On  this  point,  they  stated  that  the  guilt  of  the 
Massachusetts  government  had  been  clearly  proven;  and,  to 
prevent  such  practices  in  the  future,  they  proposed  that  the 
King  should  again  instruct  the  colony  to  enforce  these  laws 
and  that  the  Lord  Treasurer  should  appoint  "such  Officers 
of  the  Customs  at  Boston,  and  other  parts  of  New  England, 

'  C.  O.  391/2,  flf.  ■53,  62;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  io2-io<n  Toppan,  Ran- 
dolph II,  pp.  268-270,  272-274;   P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  710. 


MASSACHUSETTS 


271 


as  the  said  Acts  doe  prescribe."  Within  a  few  weeks,  the 
Judges  also  rendered  their  opinion.  While  they  held  that 
Massachusetts  had  no  legal  jurisd'ction  over  Maine  and  New 
Hampshire,  they  pronounced  the  colony's  charter  of  1629 
valid  and  that  it  made  '  the  Adventurers  a  corporation  upon 
the  place.'  This  decision  raised  serious  legal  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  those  who  planned  to  abrogate  the  Massa- 
chusetts charter  and  to  establish  in  that  system's  stead 
crown  government  as  in  Barbados  and  Virginia.' 

On  July  19,  1677,  two  days  after  this  report  of  the 
Judges  was  read,  the  Massachusetts  agents,  Stoughton 
and  Bulkeley,  were  summoned  before  the  Lords  of  Trade 
and  were  questioned  about  the  charges  made  by  Randolph. 
The  agents  stated  that  they  had  no  authority  except  in  the 
Mason  and  Gorges  matter,  but  that  as  private  individuals 
they  would  give  the  desired  information.  Although  putting 
the  facts  in  a  different  setting,  in  general  they  were  unable 
to  refute  Randolph's  accusations.  As  regards  illegal  trade, 
they  said  that  there  were  perhaps  some  private  persons 
who  had  in  ignorance  violated  these  laws,  but  that  the 
Governor  was  obliged  to  take  bonds  to  prevent  such  c\asions 
.md  would  obey  the  orders  of  the  English  government  in  this 
respect.^  Furthermore,  in  a  written  reply  to  Randolph's  in- 
dictment,' they  said  that  they  supposed  that  the  trade  laws 
"have  not  beene  strictly  observed  by  some  Merchants  but 

>  This  plan  had  quickly  assumed  definite  shape  in  Randolph's  mind. 
See  his  "Narrative  of  the  State  of  New  England,"  in  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp. 

128,  I2Q. 

'Toppan,  Randolph  II,  pp.  274-277;   C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  123. 
»C.  O.  1/41,  31;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  124-126. 


■iil^^- 


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272 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


as  to  the  damage  thereby  accrewing  to  his  Ma*?'  we  doe  most 
certainely  know  is  very  inconsiderable  in  comparison  of  what 
is  reported."  In  this  they  were  correct,  as  Randolph  had 
grossly  over-estimated  the  actual  direct  and  indirect  harm 
caused  by  the  Massachusetts  traders.  Since  the  agents  were 
most  anxious  to  prevent  the  appointment  of  royal  customs 
officials  in  the  colony,  they  then  added  that  they  did  not 
doubt  but  that  "vpon  due  consideracon  of  this  Matter  and  a 
right  vnderstanding  of  the  said  Acts  his  Ma'.'  Government  of 
the  Massachusetts  will  readily  apply  themselves  to  attend 
the  duty  incumbent  on  them  in  that  Respect,  Humbly 
hopeing  his  Ma"'  will  be  pleased  first  to  experience  theire 
Managery  before  any  other  be  employed  therein." 

A  week  later,  the  Lords  of  Trade  resumed  their  consid- 
eration of  the  New  England  question  and  discussed  'the 
necessity  of  bringing  those  people  under  a  more  palpable 
declaration  of  their  obedience  to  His  Majesty,  and  that  they 
may  be  of  use  to  him  in  times  of  necessity,  which  hath  hith- 
erto remained  too  long  undecided. '  They  told  the  Massachu- 
setts agents  that  the  colony  must  confine  itself  to  the  territo- 
rial limits  recently  reported  by  the  Judges,  that  they  had 
transgressed  in  coining  money,  that  such  of  their  laws  as 
were  defective  and  contrary  to  those  of  England  had  to  be 
amended  and  repealed,  and  that  'the  Act  of  Navigation  must 
for  the  future  be  religiously  observed.'  Finally,  they  were 
informed  that,  although  their  attendance  in  England  was 
long,  it  was  necessary,  and  although  they  were  not  authorized 
to  act  in  all  these  matters,  'they  were  to  know  that  His 
Majesty  did  not  think  of  treating  with  his  own  subjects  as 


MASSACHUSETTS 


273 


with  foreigners  and  to  expect  the  formality  of  powers.'  *  A 
few  days  later,  the  Lords  of  Trade  again  told  Stoughton  and 
Bulkeley  'that  his  Majesty  would  not  suffer  the  abuse  of 
the  Navigation  Act  to  continue,'  and  that  they  would  re- 
ceive an  officer  of  the  customs  to  see  that  the  laws  were 
fully  obeyed.^ 

These  instructions  were  forwarded  to  Massachusetts,  and 
on  October  10, 1677,  the  General  Court  ordered  the  masters 
of  all  vessels  to  yield  obedience  to  the  trade  laws,  stating, 
however,  that  the  King's  pleasure  in  this  respect  had  not 
"binn  before  now  signified  vnto  us,  either  by  expresse  from 
his  majesty  or  any  his  ministers  of  state." '  This  statement 
was  an  absolute  perversion  of  the  actual  facts.  Orders  to 
this  eflfect  had  been  sent,  and  in  1663  Massachusetts  had 
taken  measures  for  the  enforcement  of  the  Act  of  Naviga- 
tion. Such  indefensible  prevarications  naturally  sorely  tried 
the  patience  of  the  English  government,  and  ultimately  could 
lead  only  to  the  downfall  of  the  charter  government.  Even 
more  ill-advised  was  the  claim  made  by  the  General  Court 
in  this  connection  shortly  thereafter.*  "Wee  humbly  con- 
ceive," they  sa*d,  "according  to  the  vsuall  sayings  of  the 
learned  in  the  lawe,  that  the  lawes  of  England  are  bounded 
w'^n  the  fower  seas,  and  doe  not  reach  America.  The  sub- 
jects of  his  maj''*  here  being  not  represented  in  Parljament, 
so  wee  haue  not  looked  at  ourselues  to  be  impeded  in  our 
trade  by  them,  nor  yett  wee  abatei'  in  our  relative  allegiance 


'  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  13s,  136. 

"  Ibid.  p.  141 ;  Toppan,  Randolph  II,  pp.  281-284. 
'  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  V,  p.  155.  *  Ibid.  p.  200. 


(*) 


r- 


• 


P'   . 


274  THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

to  his  maj"*."  However,  they  continued,  as  soon  as  the 
King's  pleasure  was  known  that  the  laws  should  be  ob- 
served—  which  could  not  be  done  without  invading  the 
liberty  an  1  property  of  the  subject  except  by  action  of  the 
General  Court  —  measures  to  this  effect  were  adopted. 
Such  revolutionary  views  were  bound  to  bring  matters  to 
a  crisis.  Without  loss  of  self-respect,  England  could  not 
decline  the  challenge  implied  in  them.* 

In  the  spring  of  1678,  the  Lords  of  Trade  again  resumed 
consideration  of  the  New  England  situation.  Considerable 
annoyance  was  aroused  by  the  fact  that  Massachusetts  had 
reimposed  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  colony.  This  action 
brought  upon  them  a  severe  letter  of  rebuke  from  the  King.- 

'  On  this  occasion,  the  General  Court  also  stated  that  they  doubted  not 
that  these  restraints  on  their  trade  would  in  time  pi^ove  to  be  "an  abstrac- 
tion of  his  maj'"""  customes  in  England,"  and  that  it  seemed  hard  that 
tht-'v  might  not  ship  the  enumerated  commodities  to  foreign  markcti 
after  they  had  paid  the  export  duties  of  1673.  Shortly  before  this,  the 
General  Court  wrote  in  a  similar  strain  to  Stoughton  and  Bulkeley.  stating 
that  their  trade  had  not  lessened  the  English  customs  revenue,  "as  is  so 
falsely  suggested."  and  complaining  that,  if  they  shipped  the  enumerated 
goods  via  their  ports  to  England,  they  had  to  pay  both  the  plantation  duties 
of  1673  and  those  imposed  in  England.  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  V,  p.  174.  For 
an  instance  of  a  New  England  vessel  arriving  in  England  from  Boston  wi:h 
tobacco,  sugar,  and  logwood,  see  Cal.  Dom.  1677-1678,  p.  7.  This  %olan-.e 
also  records  the  arrival  in  England  of  another  New  England  vessel  with 
tobacco  from  Maryland.    Ihid.  p.  665. 

^  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  247,  248.  On  April  27,  1678.  Charles  II  wrote 
to  Massachusetts  that  the  imposition  of  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  color.y 
was  very  displeasing  to  him,  "inasmuch  as  the  allegiance  due  to  us,  and  the 
fidelity  to  the  country  are  joyned  together  in  the  same  undecent  forme, 
wherein  such  fidelity  is  made  even  to  precede  your  allegiance  to  us,"  Top- 
pan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  i,  2. 


MASSACHUSETTS 


275 


Nor  had  Massachusetts  remedied  the  other  matters  in  com- 
plaint, except  that  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation  were 
ordered  enforced.  Whatsoever  credit  the  colony  was  en- 
titled to  on  account  of  this  order  was,  however,  more  than 
counterbalanced  by  the  false  statement  that  instructions  to 
obey  these  laws  had  hitherto  not  been  received  from  Eng- 
land. Randolph,  who  was  ever  on  the  alert,  had  brought 
this  serious  misrepresentation  to  the  attention  of  the  Lords 
of  Trade.'  The  colony's  agents  sought  to  exculpate  their 
principals,  stating  that  the  error  was  due  to  the  hurry  of 
the  General  Court  to  carry  into  effect  the  English  govern- 
ment's instructions.^  This,  however,  was  no  excuse  for  so 
gross  a  misstatement,  which  showed  conclusively  what 
scant  attention  had  been  paid  by  Massachusetts  to  the  laws 
of  trade  during  the  preceding  decade.  In  view  of  these 
facts,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  Lords  of  Trade  '  very  much 
resented  that  no  more  notice  was  taken  of  those  points 
which  were  so  fairly  and  with  so  much  softness  intimated 
to  the  agents,'  and  reached  the  conclusion  that  nothing  but 
the  appointment  of  a  royal  governor  would  prove  effective.' 
On  May  16,  1678,  they  advised  the  institution  of  quo  war- 
ranto proceedings  against  the  Massachusetts  charter.''  At 
the  same  time,  the  Lords  of  Trade  were  recommending  the 
appointment  of  Edward  Randolph  as  Collector  of  the  Cus- 
toms in  New  England.*  The  Massachusetts  agents,  however, 

'  Goodrick,  Randolph  VI,  pp.  71-75. 

'  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  233-236 ;  Toppan,  Randolph  II,  pp.  289-298. 
^Ibid.  *  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  253. 

'/fr^i.  pp.  229,  230,  253.     In  accordance  with  the  recommendatioas  of 
the  Lords  of  Trade  during  the  preceding  year,  the  Trea3ur>'  wTotc  on  July 


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376 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Strenuously  opposed  the  selection  of  Randolph,  both  on  the 
ground  that  he  was  a  "person  of  a  very  indigent  fortune" 
and  so  not  likely  to  be  unbiassed  in  this  employment,  and 
because  his  attacks  on  the  charter  had  made  him  so  "e.\- 
treamly  obnoxious"  to  the  colony  that  they  feared  the 
go\'emment  of  Massachusetts  would  be  unable  to  guard 
him  from  disrespect.'  The  Customs  reported  that,  in  their 
opinion,  Randolph  might  "be  fitt  for  that  employment," 
but,  since  the  New  England  agents  objected  to  him  as 
"obnoxious  to  the  hatred  of  that  People,"  this  involved  a 
matter  of  state,  which  they  left  to  the  decision  of  the  Lord 
Treasurer.-  As  a  result  of  this  opposition,  on  May  6,  167S, 
the  appointment  of  one  Daniel  Whitfield  was  ordered;  but 
Randolph  continued  to  urge  his  claims,  and  the  Lord 
Treasurer  then  referred  the  question  to  the  King  for  hi> 
personal  determination.'  Randolph,  who  had  gathered  his 
impressions  of  colonial  sentiment  from  virtually  exclus;i\e 
association  with  those  dissatisfied  with  the  theocratic  party. 
assured  Charles  II  "that  the  generality  of  the  People  there 
were  loyall  and  well  affected  to  his  Government  and  that 
it  would  be  much  to  their  contentment  if  he  were  the  per- 


17, 1677,  to  the  Customs  that  there  were  officers  in  all  the  plantations  ex- 
cept "in  the  Colonyes  of  \ew  England,  which  for  some  weighty  reasor.s 
hath  been  deferred  until  now :  the  commotions  in  those  parts  being  r.o.v 
([uieted,  his  Majesty  doth  now  think  fitt  that  officers  should  be  forthwi;h 
Settled  there  as  in  other  the  Plantations."  and  instructed  them  to  take  up 
this  matter  siH-edily.     Cal.  Treas.  Books,  1676-1670,  pp.  683,  6S9. 

'  Cioodrick,  Randolph  \'I.  pp.  75-80. 

2  /'•«/.  pp.  80.  8i. 

'  Cal.  Treas.  Books.  1676-167Q,  pp.  nS^,  t.v>0- 


MASSACHUSli'rrS 


277 


son  sent  over ;"  and  on  the  strength  of  this  statement,  after 
over  a  year  of  indecision,  he  finally,  in  June  of  1678,  secured 
the  position.'  This  was  a  most  important  step.  For  the 
first  time  in  the  history'  of  the  New  England  colonies  there 
was  permanently  established  in  their  midst  an  oflicial  who 
was  not  responsible  to  them.-  It  was  all  but  a  half  century 
after  the  foundation  of  Massachusetts  before  the  imperial 
government  was  represented  by  an  oflficial  resident  in  the 

colony. 

In  contradistinction  to  the  practice  in  the  other  colonies, 
whose  collectors  retained  as  their  remuneration  varying  por- 
tions of  the  duties  received  by  them,  Randolph's  salary  of 
£100  was  inserted  in  the  English  establishment.'  He  was 
instructed  by  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  to  enforce 
within  his  jurisdiction,  which  included  also  the  other  New 

'  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  p.  782;  Cal.  Treas.  Books,  1676-1679,  pp.  1023,  1.386. 
On  November  16,  1677,  Danby  had  instructed  the  Customs  Board  to  select 
some  one  for  this  post  so  "that  I  may  present  a  fit  officer  to  his  Majesty 
in  case  of  objection  against  Mr.  Randolph,  as  obnoxious  to  the  hatred 
of  the  people."  Cal.  Treas.  Books.  1676-1679,  p.  784.  .^t  this  time,  Sir 
Edmund  .\ndros  wrote  of  Massachusetts :  "  I  doe  not  find  but  the  generality 
of  the  Magistrates,  &  people  are  well  affected  to  y^  King  and  Kingdome, 
but  most  knowing  noe  other  Govemm'  then  their  owne,  think  it  lx;st,  and 
are  wedded  to  &  oppiniatre  for  it."  C.  O.  1/42,  32  ;  >J-  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill, 
pp.  262-264. 

'■q.  c.  o.  1/45, 74;  c.  c.  1677-16S0,  pp.  587. 588. 

'  His  salary  was  to  commence  from  September  lo,  1676,  the  date  of  his 
return  from  New  England.  Toppan,  R:ni(lolph  III,  p.  41 1  P-  C.  Cal.  I, 
P"  S'4,  845;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  37S;  Cal.  Treas.  Books.  1676-1679,  p. 
114.  No  provision  was  made  for  Randolph's  exiK;nses  in  hiring  clerks, 
(.v.,  but  the  Customs  Board  was  authorized  to  m:ikc  smh  allowances  as 
they  "should  see  reason  of  the  same."  Treas.  Books,  Out-Letters,  Cus- 
toms 5,  f.  93. 


!!■ 


tfln 


\ 


V 


^  ^  ^ 


P    I 


\  ] 


i  I 


278 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


England  colonies,  all  the  Acts  of  Trade  and  Navigation,  as 
well  as  the  Statute  of  Frauds  in  the  Customs  of  1662  '  whose 
force  in  the  colonies  was  of  questionable  legality.  Randolph 
was  to  reside  in  Boston  and  was  authorized  to  appoint  dep- 
uties for  the  other  colonies.'  In  addition,  special  commis- 
sions were  issued  to  Randolph  and  others  to  administer  to 
the  separate  Governors  in  the  four  New  England  colonies 
the  oaths  to  obey  the  laws  of  trade.' 

Further  action  by  the  English  government  was  delayed  by 
the  frenzied  excitement  arising  from  the  alleged  Popish 
Plot,  and  it  was  only  in  the  fall  of  1679  that  Randolph  left 
England  to  assume  his  post.  In  the  meanwhile,  much  to 
the  annoyance  of  the  English  government,  the  Massachusetts 
agents  had  bought  the  claims  of  the  Gorges  heirs  and,  al- 
though this  purchase  did  not  carry  with  it  the  legal  right  to 
govern  Maine,  it  disposed  of  one  of  the  colony's  important 
opponents.  Mason,  to  whom  similar  overtures  had  been 
made,*  refused  to  sell  his  interests  in  New  Hampshire;  but 
as  the  English  legal  authorities  held  that  these  did  not  in- 
clude the  right  to  govern  this  territory,  and  as  Massachusetts 
had  no  valid  authority  for  exercising  jurisdiction  there,  it 
was  decided  to  establish  crown  government.^  The  Mas- 
sachusetts agents,  who  were  impatiently  fretting  at  their 
prolonged  sta\  in  England,  were  also  finally  permitted  to 
return  home.*    Randolph  carried  with  him  commissions 


1. 


'  13  &  14  Ch.  II,  c.  xi.  '  Toppan,  Randolph  ITT,  pp.  19-30. 

'  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  289,  290.      *  Ibid.  p.  224. 

'  Ibid.  pp.  362,  384,  390,  391 ;  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  851-856. 

«  P.  C.  Ca!.  I,  pp.  786,  787;  C.  C.  1677-1680.  pp.  361,  362. 


MASSACHUSETTS 


279 


for  the  erection  of  the  new  government  in  New  Hampshire; 
letters  from  the  Lords  of  Trade  to  the  Governors  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, New  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode  Island; 
commissions  to  administer  to  these  officials  the  statutory 
oaths  to  obey  the  laws  of  trade;  and  also  a  letter  from  the 
King  to  the  Governor  and  Company  of  Massachusetts.* 

In  this  letter,  which  was  carefully  prepared  by  the  Lords  of 
Trade,*  Charles  II  stated  that  he  had  consented  to  the  return 
of  Stoughton  and  Bulkeley  to  Massachusetts,  as  the  Privy 
Council's  time  was  so  taken  up  with  the  Popish  Plot  that 
"there  appeares  little  prospect  of  any  speedy  leasure  for 
entring  upon  Regulations  in  your  affaires  as  is  certainly  nec- 
essary, not  only  in  respect  of  Our  Dignity,  but  of  your  own 
perfect  Settlement."  In  order  to  arrange  such  a  settle- 
ment, he  commanded  them  to  send  "other  fit  person  or 
persons  clep.rly  instructed"  within  six  months  after  the 
receipt  of  this  letter.  After  expressing  satisfaction  at  their 
taking  the  oath  of  allegiance  the  preceding  year,'  Charles 
II  stated  his  surprise  at  their  attitude  toward  such  Protes- 
tants as  did  not  belong  to  the  Congregational  Church,  since 
"Liberty  of  Conscience  was  made  one  principall  motive  for 
your  first  Transplantation  into  those  parts,"  and  instructed 
them  to  extend  the  suffrage  to  all  other  than  Papists  and 
also  to  make  such  persons  eligible  to  public  office.  In 
addition,  all  military  commissions,  as  well  as  all  judicial 
proceedings,  were  to  be  in  the  King's  name.    Gratification 

•  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  421 ;  Cal.  Treas.  Books,  1676-1679,  p.  1089. 
'  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  361,  362,  366,  377. 
'  See  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  V,  p.  193. 


U.  \. 


\k 


3So 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


I  I 


I  ! 


was  then  expressed  at  the  provision  made  by  them  for  en- 
forcing the  laws  of  trade,  and  they  were  ordered  to  repeal 
all  local  acts  repugnant  to  them  and  to  assist  F  lolph  in 
his  work.  The  King  then  took  them  to  task  for  their  i)rc- 
sumption  in  buying  Maine  and  ordered  them  to  surrender  the 
title-deed  to  him  on  receipt  of  the  purchase-money  paid,  — 
£1250.  Finally,  the  letter  commanded  them  to  cease  exer- 
cising any  jurisdiction  in  New  Hampshire,  since  the  King 
intended  to  provide  for  its  government.' 

In  the  meanwhile  the  extremists  in  Massachusetts  had 
been  deposed  from  office  and,  in  place  of  the  intransigent 
Leverett,  a  moderate,  Bradstreet,  had  been  elected  Governor. 
Some  attention  was  now  paid  to  the  royal  orders.  Mili- 
tary commissions  were  issued  in  the  King's  name,  and  the 
exercise  of  authority  in  New  Hampshire  was  discontinued. 
But  Maine  was  not  surrendered  to  the  King,  the  laws  re- 
pugnant to  those  of  England  were  not  repealed,  the  disabili- 
ties of  religious  dissenters  were  not  removed,  and  agents  to 
represent  the  colony  in  England  were  not  appointed.^  More- 
over, illegal  trading  still  continued,  as  the  reports  of  Ran- 
dolph during  the  year  1680  abundantly  proved. 

The  select-on  of  Randolph  as  the  first  imperial  customs 
official  in  New  England  was  far  from  a  wise  one.  On  the 
score  of  ability  and  energy-  there  can  be  no  question  of  his 
fitness,  except  in  so  far  as  his  legal  training  occasionally 
led  him  to  insist  upon  a  meticulous  obedience  to  the  law, 

»  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  840-844;  Hutchinson  Papers  H,  p.  260;  C.  C.  16"- 
1680,  pp.  377,  378. 

*  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  536,  S49. 


1. 


MASSACIILSETTS 


381 


when  a  broader  and  less  technical  interpretation  of  its 
spirit  would  have  injured  .lo  one  and  would  have  obviated 
considerable  friction.  But  Randoljjh  had  been  the  main 
source  whence  the  English  government  during  the  preced- 
ing three  years  had  derived  the  data  for  its  charges  against 
Massachusetts,  and  it  was  well  known  that  he  had  advocated 
the  abrogation  of  the  colony's  charter.'  Hence  it  was  only 
natural  that  he  was  extremely  unpopular  in  Massachusetts. 
On  January  29, 1680,  shortly  after  his  advent  from  England, 
he  wrote:  "I  am  received  at  Boston  more  like  a  spy,  than 
one  of  his  majesty's  servants."  ^  To  greet  him  were  pre- 
pared some  doggerel  verses,  in  which  it  was  lamented  that, 
if  Caesar  would  have  his  due,  it  should  be  by  such  a  "  wicked 
Hand"  as  Randolph's.  Some  of  the  difficulties  to  be  en- 
countered by  him  were  foreshadowed  by  the  lines : 

"  Wee  veryly  bclieue  wee  are  not  bound 
To  pay  one  Mite  to  you,  much  less  a  Pound."  ' 

Randolph  remained  at  his  post  for  somewhat  over  a  year 
and  sent  detailed  reports  of  his  experiences  to  the  English 
government.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  he  wrote  that,  in 
spite  of  the  protestations  of  the  agents,  the  Bostoncrs  were 
'acting  as  high  as  ever,'  the  merchants  trading  as  freely, 
and  that  no  seizure  had  been  made  for  illegal  trade  since 

'  A  copy  of  Randolph's  "  Narrative  of  the  State  of  New  Kngland,"  in 
whirh  he  urgea  the  government  to  appoint  a  general  governor  for  these 
colonies,  had  been  given  to  the  Massachusetts  agents  by  Mason,  w  ho  had 
assisted  in  drawing  up  the  memorial.  Stoughton  and  Bulkeley  in  turn  sent 
the  document  to  Massachusetts.    Ibid.  pp.  128,  129,  229. 

'  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  64-66. 

'  Ibid.  Ill,  pp.  61-64. 


:;i^'[  : 

1''V 

V- 

V 

■'' 

1 

.1         I 


\  •' 


282 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


their  law  of  1677.  It  is  in  every  man's  mouth,  he  added, 
that  they  are  not  subject  to  the  laws  of  England,  nor  are 
they  of  any  force  in  Massachusetts  until  confirmed  by 
them.*  The  merchants  insisted  that,  after  payment  of  the 
plantation  duties  of  1673,  they  could  export  tobacco  directly 
to  foreign  markets.-  There  was  no  sound  legal  basis  for  this 
contention,  and  the  English  government's  insistence  that 
even  after  payment  of  these  export  duties  the  enumerated 
goods  had  still  t  j  be  shipped  to  England  was  one  of  the  two 
chief  complaints  of  the  colony  against  the  laws  of  trade. 
The  other  arose  from  the  Staple  Act  of  1663,  which  obliged 
Massachusetts  vessels  taking  fish  to  the  Mediterranean 
countries  to  return  home  via  England,  provided  they  loaded 
there  any  commodities  other  than  salt.'  Randolph  reported 
that  vessels  outward  bound  from  Massachusetts  did  not 
clear  with  any  officials  or  give  the  enumerated  bonds,  and 
that  it  was  necessary  to  have  added  to  his  instructions  a 
clause  obliging  all  vessels  to  enter  and  clear  with  him.* 
In  his  efforts  to  enforce  the  law,  Randolph  encountered 

•  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  56-61 ;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  487-490. 
'  Ibid. 

'  In  1678,  the  Massachusetts  agents,  Stoughton  and  Bulkeley,  pointed 
out  that  these  were  the  two  chief  obstructions  to  trade.  C.  C.  1677-16S0, 
pp.  269,  270. 

*  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  66-68,  70-73 ;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  544, 
545.  In  1678,  however.  Governor  Andros  of  New  York  stated  regarding 
New  England  that  "the  acts  of  trade  &  Navigacon  are  Sayd  &  is  generally 
believed  not  to  be  observed  in  the  CoUonyes  as  they  ought,  there  being  noe 
Custome  houses,  but  the  govemo''  of  the  Massachu.setts  giues  Clearings 
Certificates  &  passes  for  euery  pticuler  thing  from  thence  to  New  Yorke." 
C.  O.  1/42,  52 ;  Toppan,  Randolph  II,  pp.  301-305 ;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill, 
pp.  263-264. 


<  \    I 


MASSACHUSETTS 


283 


obstruction  from  all  sides  —  from  the  government,  courts, 
and  the  people.  Public  sentiment  was  hostile  to  him,  since 
he  was  looked  upon  as  the  country's  inveterate  enemy; '  and 
this  hostility  aggravated  the  difficulties  which  even  under 
the  most  favorable  circumstances  were  inherent  in  the  task 
entrusted  to  him.  During  the  year  1680,  Randolph  made 
a  number  of  seizures  of  ships  and  goods.  Some  were  of 
vessels  that  had  imported  goods  directly  from  Ireland  and 
Spain ;  others  arose  from  the  illegal  exportation  of  tobacco 
to  foreign  markets.^  On  trial  of  virtually  all  these  cases, 
Randolph  was  defeated,  as  under  no  circumstances  would 
the  juries  bring  in  verdicts  in  his  favor.  During  the  trial 
of  the  Expectation,  a  Boston  vessel  that  had  imported 
directly  from  Ireland  a  small  quantity  of  various  European 
goods,  it  was  urged  that  "some  of  y*  lawes  of  trade  did  not 
relate  to  their  Country,  that  they  have  not  been  sufficiently 
published,  and  that  it  is  very  hard  a  vessel  should  be  lost 
upon  such  niceties  besides  that  the  Comm"  of  the  Customs 
have  noe  power  to  depute  an  Officer  to  act  in  their  Country." 
In  some  instances,  Randolph  had  to  deposit  £10  to  defray 
the  court's  expenses  so  as  to  secure  the  trial  of  the  case  and, 

'In  1680,  Governor  Bradstreet  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade:  "It  is 
true  that  the  people  here  shew  him  [Randolph]  lyttle  respect,  or  good 
afTeccon :  because  they  generally  looke  att  him  as  one  that  beares  noe  good 
will  to  the  Country:  but  Sought  the  ruin  of  it,  by  being  a  meanes  and 
inslrum'  highly  to  incense  his  Ma"*  and  y'"  Hon"  against  this  poore  place, 
and  people,  for  which  they  are  deepely  senseable  and  sorrowfull."  C.  O. 
1/44,  6i. 

"  C.  O.  1/45,  10;  C.  O.  1/46,  nos.  I,  72;  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp. 
7CH76,  84-86;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  544,  545,  547,  548,  591,  592,  640;  C.  C. 

16S1-1685,  PP-   19,  20- 


i  I  ■.  - 1 


At 


^,^ 


i 


iii 


284 


THE  OLD   COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


after  losing  it,  costs  were  charged  against  him.  In  the  case 
of  the  ship  Expectation,  he  was  even  sued  by  the  master 
for  £800  damages.  Moreover,  Randolph  was  not  allowed 
by  the  Massachusetts  court  to  appeal  from  its  decisions  to 
England.  0th  r  obstacles  were  also  put  in  his  way.  The 
authority  derived  by  him  from  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Customs  was  not  recognized,  seizures  were  prevented  by 
violence,  and  goods  seized  were  forcibly  taken  from  him  ; 
his  deputies  were  not  recognized,  and  the  one  appointed  at 
Charlestown  was  warned  out  of  doors  by  some  of  the  towns- 
men. 

The  general  effect  of  these  actions  was  to  nullify  the  laws 
of  trade  in  Massachusetts.  Although  the  Deputy-Governor, 
Thomas  Danforth,  who  belonged  to  the  extreme  part}', 
was  most  conspicuous  in  denying  Randolph's  authorit}-, 
Governor  Bradstreet,  who  probably  foresaw  the  inevitable 
result  of  such  obstruction,  cooperated  with  Randolph  and 
ordered  the  marshals  and  constables  to  assist  him.^  But  his 
aid  was  of  no  avail  in  the  face  of  the  popular  hostility  to 
this  extension  of  the  imperial  power.  The  open  flouting  of 
Randolph's  authority  and  the  contempt  and  disrespect 
manifested  towards  him  demonstrated  anew  that  the  Mas- 
sachusetts system  of  government  required  remodelling,  un- 
less England  were  willing  to  abandon  the  policy  embodied 
in  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation.  But  such  a  step  the 
statesmen  of  the  day  never  for  a  single  moment  contem- 
plated. 

•  C.  O.  1/45,  10  i.    See  also  C.  O.  1/44,  61 ;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  5-^- 


\' 


MASSACHUSETTS 


285 


Randolph's  statements  about  illegal  trade  in  New  England 
were  confirmed  by  Robert  Holdcn,  who  had  stopped  at 
Boston  when  on  his  way  to  assume  his  duties  as  Collector 
of  the  Customs  at  Albemarle  in  Carolina.  In  1679,  he 
wrote  from  Boston  to  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs 
that  about  six  traders  of  that  city  received  the  bulk  of  the 
Albemarle  crop  of  tobacco  and  shipped  it  to  Ireland,  Hol- 
land, France,  and  Spain,  "under  the  notion  of  Fish  and 
such  goods."  Canary  wines,  he  said,  were  imported  under 
the  name  of  Madeira,  and  "  the  Scotch  Trade  by  the  like 
Leger  de  main  jugles  is  driven."  According  to  him,  ships 
cleared  from  an  English  port  with  a  small  quantity  of  goods, 
and  then  proceeaed  to  Scotland,  whence  they  carried  to 
Boston  linens  and  other  articles,  which  they  entered  on  the 
strength  of  their  English  clearances.  In  addition,  on  the 
pretence  that  they  were  salt,  linens,  wines,  and  silks  were 
imported  directly  from  France,  and  also  wines,  fruits,  and 
oils  from  Spain  and  Portugal.^ 

The  statements  of  Randolph  as  to  the  extent  of  this  ille- 
gal trade  were  traversed  by  Governor  Bradstreet.  In  answer 
to  Randolph's  exaggerated  assertion,  made  in  1677,  that 
this  irregular  trading  cost  the  English  customs  revenue 
£100,000  yearly,^  he  wrote  on  May  18,  1680,'  to  the  Lords 
of  Trade  that  upon  the  strictest  inquiry  he  finds  "there  hath 
neuer  bene  £5000  irregularly  tradc^d  by  the  merchants  of 


iSM 


1 


1 


'  C.  0. 1/43,  71 ;  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rcc.  I,  pp.  244-246 ;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp. 
3:2,373. 

■  Toppan,  Randolph  II,  pp.  265-268;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  p.  79. 
'  C.  O.  1/44,  61 ;  C.  C,  1677-1680.  pp.  528-530. 


■>  * «   i  ■  i 

t  %  %\ 


286 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


I 


this  place  in  one  year."    He  admitted  that  now  and  then  a 
vessel  might  steal  away  from  the  colony  \\'ith  tobacco  to 
Holland  or  France,  which  could  not  be  prevented  ».  t  >  with 
the  greatest  care  and  diligence,  but  he  asserted  that  the 
damage  to  the  English  customs  revenue  was  unimportant. 
It  really  amounted,  he  said,  only  to  the  slight  duties  that 
should  have  been  paid  in  England  on  such  goods  as  were 
imported  by  these  ships  in  violation  of  the  law  directly  from 
these  foreign  countries  into  Massachusetts.    For  the  tobacco 
illegally  exported  from  the  colony,  he  pointed  out,  had 
already  paid  the  1673  export  duties  in  the  place  of  produc- 
tion.   Besides,  he  said,  if  they  carried  these  enumerated 
goods  to  England,  "which  generally  is  done,"  then  they  had 
\x   pay  the  customs  again  there.    Bradstreet  finally  stated 
tnat   their   merchants   complained  of  thus  having  to  pay 
double  duties,  and  that  this  tempted  them  to  ship  these 
goods  from  Massachusetts  elsewhere  than  to  England.    In 
this  defence  of  the  colony  the  Governor,  however,  fai'ed  to 
take  account  of  the  actions  of  the  New  England  traders  in 
supplying  the  other  colonies  with  illegally  imported  Euro- 
pean goods  and  in  taking  the  enumerated  products  directly 
from   them  to  Fr      -'an  markets.     The  inclusion  of  this 
indirect  loss  in  K^.  ^olph's  statement  and  its  omission  in 
Bradstreet's  to  some  extent  accounted  for  the  discrepanc}- 
between  them,  but  still  left  a  very  wide  margin  of  difference. 
From  these  statements  of  Randolph,  Holden,  and  Brad- 
street,   as   well  as   from   other  available   evidence,   it   is 
plainly   apparent   that   there  was  considerable  evasion  of 
the  laws  in  Massachusetts,  especially  in  the  direct  shipment 


MASSACHUSETTS 


287 


of  tobacco  to  foreign  markets.  The  amount  thus  Ulegally 
exported  from  the  colony  cannot,  however,  be  determined 
with  any  precision.  But  it  was  unquestionably  only  a  most 
insignificant  fraction  of  the  total  tobacco  exports  from  all 
the  colonies.  Furthermore,  the  New  England  ships,  that 
took  fish  and  lumber  to  southern  Europe,  brought  back  from 
these  countries  some  commodities,  mainly  wines,  oils,  and 
fruits.*  Wine  was  also  imported  from  the  Canary  Islands, 
but  there  was  some  legitimate  doubt  abouc  the  alleged  ille- 
gality of  this  practice.*  These  were  the  two  chief  branches 
of  illegal  trade  in  Massachusetts,  but  in  addition  European 
goods  and  manufactures  were  occasionally  imported  directly 
from  Ireland,  Scotland,  France,  and  Holland.  In  one  of 
his  despatches  of  1680,  Randolph  mentioned  that  several 
ships  had  arrived  from  France,  Holland,  and  Spain,  and 

'  In  1678,  the  Massachusetts  agents  said  that  the  imports  were  English 
commodities  and  those  of  Europe,  such  as  salt,  oil,  wines,  fruits,  spices,  and 
iron.    C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  269,  270. 

^  On  this  legal  point,  see  ante,  Vol.  I,  pp.  78,  79.  Some  attention  was, 
however,  paid  to  the  forms  of  the  law,  for  Canary  and  Spanish  wines  were 
usually  imported  as  the  product  of  the  Madeiras.  Regarding  one  of  his 
seizures,  Randolph  wrote:  "He  went  to  the  Gou''n"  house  and  he  saw 
the  entry  of  John  Place  in  the  Gouemo"  Booke  of  Entry*  in  these  ■.  -ords 
viz!  The  ship  Hope  of  Boston  John  Place  master  arrived  from  maderar' 
(the  Madeiras)  i6th  laden  wyth  thirty  pipes  of  Marmasee  which  the  Gouemo' 
was  pleased  to  tell  me  was  made  by  said  Place  {i.e.  the  Madeiras)  some  time 
after  dinner."  Goodrick,  Randolph  VI,  pp.  112,  113.  We  are  indebted 
to  the  efScient  editor  of  the  final  volumes  of  these  Randolph  papers  for  a 
curiously  humorous  misinterpretation  of  this  document.  In  his  introduc- 
tion, Goodrick  writes:  "But  the  effronter>-  of  the  violators  of  the  Acts  of 
Trade  clearly  app)ears  from  the  case  of  the  ship  Hope  the  master  of  which 
claimed  to  have  manufactured  thirty  pipes  Malmsey  himself,  a  statement 
which  was  corroborated  by  the  Governor  'after  dinner,'  "     Ibid.  p.  3. 


1 

i-. 


,i  I  ^■ 


I 


'•\. 


388 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


that  three  or  four  more  were  expected.'    Apparently,  how- 
ever, this  trade  was  not  large.    Massachusetts  had  de\il- 
oped  a  number  of  household  industries,  making  linens, 
woollens,  shoes,  hats,  and  other  goods,  which  curtailed  the 
demand  for  European  maiiufactures.''    Hence,  in  proportion 
to  its  population,  it  did  not  furnish  by  any  means  so  large  a 
market  for  European  goods  as  did  the  plantation  colonies. 
Its  imports  from  England  were  estimated  by  Governdr 
Bradstreet  at  from  £40,000  to  £50,000  yearly,'  and  appar- 
ently this  comprised  the  larger  portion  of  the  manufactures 
imported.     In  1678,  Governor  Andros  of  New  York  stated 
that  Massachusetts  imported  "all  manner  of  European  goods 
of  all  Sorts,  Chiefly  woollen  &  other  English  manufactures, 
&  linings."  * 

The  violations  of  the  laws  as  a  whole  were,  however,  so 
extensive  in  Massachusetts,  that  any  attempt  to  stop  them 
would  naturally  arouse  considerable  opposition.  But  it  was 
not  solely,  or  even  primarily,  such  objections  to  England's 

'  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  70-73 ;  c.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  544,  545. 

»C.  O.  1/44,  61  i;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  528-530. 

» Ibid. 

*  C.  O.  1/42,  52;  foroan,  Ran-iolph  II,  pp.  301-315;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc. 
Ill,  pp.  262-264.  .Acrording  to  Governor  Cranfield  of  New  Hampshir.-, 
the  importations  of  foreign  goods  were  more  extensive  than  is  indicjteJ 
b>  ihe  other  evidence.  In  1683,  he  wTote  to  Blathwayt  that  the  tra.ic  0: 
Boston  "is  chiefly  of  fTrench  and  Holland  goods,  which  are  importi  i  :r. 
such  quantitys  and  sold  so  much  cheap^  then  those  brought  from  Eng:.:.! 
that  of  y"  Cargo  I  brought  with  me,  I  haue  scarsely  sold  sufficient  to  d.:r.r. 
my  expenses."  It  would  be  impossible,  he  added,  to  prevent  this  irr.^..:,.: 
trade  without  a  frigate  or  two  upon  the  coast,  as  the  prohibited  goods  v.- 
transferred  at  sea  into  sloops  and  so  landed.  Goodrick,  Randolph  M.  pp. 
'43-145. 


MASSACHUSETTS 


289 


economic  policy  that  created  the  difficulties  which  beset 
Randolph's  path.  It  was  no  so  much  the  customs  official 
that  was  hated  and  feared,  as  the  representative  of  the  home 
government.  For  the  first  time  in  the  colony's  brief  life 
of  fifty  years  were  its  people  brought  into  direct  contact 
with  an  official  not  created  by  and  directly  responsible  to 
them.  It  was  a  distinct  diminution  of  the  complete  self- 
government  hitherto  enjoyed,  and  no  one  in  the  colony  could 
foresee  how  far  this  entering  wedge  might  penetrate.  Un- 
questionably, many  in  the  colony  regarded  it  as  the  pre- 
liminary step  to  the  revocation  of  their  charter.  Such  was 
the  aim  of  some  in  England,  but  the  government  acted  with 
characteristic  patience  and  deliberation.  The  reports  re- 
ceived from  Randolph,  and  the  neglect  of  the  Massachusetts 
government  to  comply  with  its  instructions  of  1679,  however, 
demanded  some  immediate  action.  On  September  15,  1680, 
the  Lords  of  Trade  reported  on  Massachusetts's  failure  to 
send  agents,  to  remove  the  disabilities  from  Anglicans  and 
other  non-congregational  Protestants,  to  repeal  such  of  their 
laws  as  were  repugnant  to  those  of  England,  to  obey  the 
laws  of  trade,  and  offered  the  draft  of  a  letter  to  be  sent  in 
the  King's  name  to  the  colony.  This  draft  was  approved, 
and  the  letter  was  sent.  Therein  the  colony  was  firmly, 
though  gently,  taken  to  task  for  its  neglect  and  was  ordered 
to  observe  the  royal  commands  and  to  send  over  agents 
within  three  months  of  its  receipt,  "in  default  whereof 
wee  shall  take  the  most  effectual  means"  to  procure 
satisfaction.* 


'  C.  C.  1577-1680,  pp.  598,  5yg;  P.  C.  Cal.  II,  pp.  8-ii. 

c 


;i 


It 


'  5 


(2) 


If^ 


I      I 


M  i 


\   i 


290 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


This  should  have  been  ample  warning  and  should  have 
brought  Massachusetts  to  a  full  realization  of  the  gravity 
of  the  situation  and  of  the  necessity  of  meeting  the  English 
government  at  least  halfway.    But  the  colony  remained 
obdurate  and  delayed  compliance  with   the    royal   com- 
mands.    It  was  only  in  June  of  1681  that  the  Secretary  of 
Massachusetts  wrote  to  Sir  Leoline  Jenkins,  acknowledging 
receipt  of  the  King's  letter  of  the  preceding  September,  and 
seeking  to  excuse  the  colony's  neglect  to  send  agents  to  Eng- 
land, on  the  ground  that  no  one  in  any  degree  qualified  could 
be  prevailed  upon  to  accept  this  task.*    The  position  was 
indeed  far  from  an  enviable  one,  as  it  was  impossible  so  to 
act  as  to  give  satisfaction  both  to  the  English  government 
and  to  the  colony.^    Yet  the  conclusion  is  irresistible  that 
Massachusetts' s  excuses  were  not  wholly  sincere,  and  that, 
had  the  colony  been  willing  to  discuss  the  questions  at  issue, 
suitable  agents  would  have  been  found.    The  failure  to  do 
so  naturally  prejudiced  its  case  in  England. 

In  the  spring  of  168 1,  Randolph  had  returned  to  England, 
full  of  his  grievances  against  the  colony.  On  some  of  the 
moot  points  raised  by  his  experiences  in  Massachusetts, 
he  consulted  the  English  legal  authorities.  In  reply  to  his 
chief  questions,  the  Attorney-General  stated  that  the  laws 
of  trade  and  navigation  were  in  effect  in  Massachusetts 
without  any  notification  whatsoever,  and  that  an  appeal 
could  be  taken  from  the  decisions  of  the  colonial  courts  to 


»  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  6s,  66. 

'  See  Cotton  Mather's  sUtement,  quoted  in  Kimball's  Joseph  Dudley, 

P-  13- 


V 


MASSACHUSETTS 


391 


the  King  in  Council.*  Accordingly,  by  Order  in  Council  an 
appeal  was  allowed  in  a  number  of  cases  arising  out  of  the 
seizure  of  ships  or  goods,  in  which  Randolph  claimed  that  he 
had  been  unjustly  treated  by  the  colonial  courts.''  Randolph 
also  explained  the  difficulties  that  he  had  encountered  to 
the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs,  who  fully  supported  him 
in  a  lengthy  report.'  In  especial,  they  commented  adversely 
upon  the  fact  that  no  law  was  considered  to  be  binding  by 
Massachusetts  unless  it  had  been  proclaimed  by  beat  of 
drum  and  other  formalities,  and  that,  as  these  proceedings 
had  been  omitted  in  connection  with  the  order  of  the  General 
Court  of  1677  enjoining  the  execution  of  the  laws  of  trade, 
their  validity  was  questioned  in  the  colony. 

In  addition  to  this  activity,  which  directly  concerned  his 
office,  Randolph  overstepi^ed  its  immediate  limits  and 
strongly  advised  the  government  to  institute  proceedings 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  36,  37  ;  Brit.  Mus.,  Egerton  MSS.  2305,  ff  595,  596- 
The  AtLorney-General  also  answered  the  other  questions  asked  by  Randolph. 
To  the  question,  how  should  juries  be  treated  who  brought  in  verdicts  against 
the  law  and  the  facts,  he  replied  that  a  new  trial  should  be  ordered  by  the 
local  courts.  He  pronounced  illegal  the  order  of  the  Massachusetts  court 
requiring  Randolph  to  pay  £10  for  calling  a  special  court  for  trying  his 
seizures.  Furthermore,  he  held  that  one-half  of  the  fines  and  forfeitures  for 
breaches  of  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation  belonged  to  the  Crown  and  that 
Massachusetts  was  not  entitled  to  the  entire  amount.  C.  C.  1681-1685, 
pp.  59,  60. 

»  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  22,  23.  C/.  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  77;  Goodrick,  Ran- 
dolph VI,  pp.  84-86. 

'C.C.  1681-1685,  pp.  103-105;  Goodrick,  Randolph  \T,  pp.  99-112. 
The  Commissioners  also  reported  on  Randolph's  statement  that  the  illegal 
trade  to  Massachusetts  had  been  facilitated  by  the  corruption  of  ofiScials  at 
Carlisle  and  Minehead,  who  had  given  false  certificates ;  and  stated  that  the 
guilty  official  at  the  latter  port  had  been  dismissed. 


I  ■ 


!{ 


i/r  > 


,    I 


292  THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 

for  the  abrogation  of  the  Massachusetts  charter.  There 
was  no  danger  of  rel  elHon,  he  said,  nor  of  their  joining  the 
French,  for  '  they  have  such  a  pique  against  them  that  thoy 
only  want  an  opportunity  to  dispossess  them  in  Nova  Scotia. 
Canada  and  Newfoundland.'  Furthermore,  he  somewhat 
hesitatingly  suggested  the  uniting  of  the  five  separate  Xcw 
England  colonies  under  one  general  governor.  Such  a 
united  government,  he  claimed,  would  gain  greatly  in  mili- 
tary strength,  and  besides  it  would  facilitate  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  laws  of  trade  in  the  other  colonies,  'when  they 
see  New  England  subjected  to  them  as  well  as  themsehes.' 
No  one,  according  to  him,  was  better  qualified  for  this 
position  than  Lord  Culpeper,  the  Governor  of  Virginia.' 
In  his  turn,  Lord  Culpeper  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade 
confirming  in  general  Randolph's  charges  against  Massa- 
chusetts.* 

In  the  fall  of  1681,  Randolph  was  ready  to  return  to  his 
post.  His  authority  had  in  the  meanwhile  been  strengthened 
by  the  issue  of  a  new  commission  directly  from  the  Crovoi 
in  the  form  of  letters  patent,'  and  in  addition  William  Blath- 
wayt,  the  Auditor-General  of  the  colonial  revenues,  h.i 
appointed  him  his  deputy  in  New  England.''    Although  the 

1  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  31,  32.  34-36 ;  Goodrick,  Randolph  VI,  pp.  J-- -- 

=  C.  C.  16S1-1685,  pp.  99,  100. 

'  October  15,  a  Charles  II. 

*  His  duties  as  deputy-auditor  did  not,  however,  extend  to  N'e^'  H.-r- 
shire.  Bladiwayt,  Journal  I,  f.  88.  In  this  connection,  Joseph  ri--.y 
wrote  on  Feb.  9.  1682.  to  the  Secretary  of  Connecticut  that  R-r.:  :  "- 
"hath  besides  a  power  to  govern  your  trade,  an  order  to  cxar.-.r.e  y  -' 
fj.c.j^.jrv  &  make  you  vomit  up  ;ill  dcodands,  escheats,  felon  =  g-.  -■  ■j- 
fines  upon  penall  lawes."    Conn.  Col.  Rcc.  II,  n.  312. 


MASSACHUSETTS 


293 


latter  position  ga\e  him  no  additional  powers  in  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  laws  of  trade,  it  conferred  upon  him  jurisdiction 
over  the  royalties  reserved  to  the  Crown  and  also  over  the 
Crown's  share  of  the  fines  and  forfeitures  for  violations  of 
these  laws.  Politically,  it  marked  one  further  step  in  the 
extension  of  the  imperial  government's  control  over  these 
colonies. 

At  the  same  time  also,  on  October  21,  168 1,  the  King 
wrote  to  the  Massachusetts  authorities,  sternly  rebuking 
them  for  their  conduct  towards  Randolph,  and  commanding 
them  to  'give  all  countenance  and  encouragement  to  him,' 
to  restore  the  money  paid  fur  the  holding  of  special  courts, 
to  give  an  account  of  one-half  of  the  fines  for  breaches  of 
the  laws  of  trade  which  belonged  to  the  Crown,  and  to  ad- 
mit appeals  to  England  in  all  cases  affecting  the  revenue. 
The  purely  political  questions  in  dispute  were  purposely  not 
mentioned  in  view  of  Massachusetts's  expressed  intention 
to  send  agents  for  their  discussion,  but  the  colony's  hollow 
excuses  for  not  sending  them  earlier  were  exposed  by  the 
remark,  that  'we  cannot  doubt  but  there  are  many  of  our 
subjects,  fitly  qualified  for  the  same,  who  would  bt  willing 
to  attend  us  here  were  they  fully  instructed  and  authorised 
by  you.'  ^ 

On  receipt  of  this  letter,  it  was  finally  recognized  in  the 
colony  that  further  attempts  to  protract  matters  were  out 
of  the  question,  and  early  in  1682  Joseph  Dudley  and  John 
Richards  were  appointed  to  act  as  its  agents.  Carefully 
prepared  instructions  were  drawn  up  to  govern  their  actions 
>  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  128, 129 ;  Toppan,  Randolph  ill,  pp.  110-113. 


»' 


i! 


^!' 


I. 


I..   ^      '  .      ! 
1 


I      I 


.  I 


I- 


294 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


in  England."  They  were  to  bi-g  jiardon  for  having  coiiud 
money,  but  were  to  point  out  that  this  had  been  done  only  as 
a  result  of  the  need  of  currency.'  Then  they  were  to  rei)ri- 
sent  that  members  of  the  Church  of  England  had  the  same 
liberty  as  all  others,  and  that  provision  had  been  made  I  r 
the  enforcement  of  the  laws  of  trade.  While  they  wen  io 
promise  full  support  to  Randolph  in  the  execution  of  thin' 
laws  '  and  to  deny  any  claim  to  the  Crown's  moiety  of  for- 
feitures for  their  violation,  they  were  ordered  to  represent 
that  the  allowance  of  appeals  to  England  in  all  revenue  ca,H> 
would  be  extremely  troublesome  and  intolerable;  and  that. 
while  fees  for  trials  of  revenue  cases  during  the  regular  court 
term  had  not  been  demanded,  it  would  be  very  burdensome 
to  allow  the  summoning  of  special  courts  and  juries  "\i>  n 
the  meere  pleasure  of  such  officers  as  may  desire  to  gi\e 
trouble  &  disquiet  to  persons,  w"'out  any  service  to  hi" 

'  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  V,  pp.  347,  348;  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  108.  iqo.  :4: 
2  The  Massachusetts  mint  was  active  during  this  entire  period  and  rcir.;  i 
silver  money  of  which  one  shilling  was  equal  to  ninepence  sterling,  'u:"  r. 
designe  to  keep  it  from  being  carried  out  again."  C.  O.  i  /34,  5P ;  C.  0. :  5 
50 ;  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  V,  pp.  20,  30.  Spanish  money,  the  well-known  pit^-^^'^  '■ 
eight,  were  also  made  current  in  the  colony  at  a  similarly  over-valued  :i:i 
with  the  same  object.  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  IV,  Part  II,  p.  533 ;  V,  p.  .v^'  ^■• 
1681,  Lord  CuJpeper  told  the  Lords  of  Trade  that  this  debasement  i:  :r.c 
coin  by  the  Boston  mint  was  extremely  prejudicial  to  all  dc.iHr.i:  -s  .h 
the  colony,  as  unless  a  special  contract  were  r.ade  it  was  current  r.  „ 
pa>Tncnts  as  equivalent  to  one  shilling  sterling.  C.  C.  1681-16S5.  pp  : 
ic». 

'  " The  acts  of  trade,  so  farr  as  they  concemc  vs,  shall  be  strictly  cbier  . 
in  this  colonje;  and  that  all  due  encouragement  and  assistance  .-r.u.:.r 
given  to  his  maj""  officers  and  informers  that  may  prosecute  the  b:ei::..- 
of  sajd  acts  of  trade  and  navigation." 


N. 


MASSACJrUSKTTS 


295 


maj"*,"  unless  some  compensation  were  demanrltd.'  They 
were  alsf)  instructed  to  contend  that  the  customs  officers 
should  be  liable  for  damages  arising  out  of  the  unwarranted 
detention  of  g(MKls.  Furthermore,  they  were  to  represent 
that  the  small  imf>ort  duties  levied  by  them,  which  some 
considered  illegal,  mainly  in  so  far  as  they  were  collected 
on  goods  from  England,^  were  necessary  for  the  support  of 
their  government.  In  addition,  they  were  instructed  to 
petition  the  King  that,  on  payment  of  the  167,^  plantation 
duties,  the  enumerated  goods  might  be  shipped  anywhere, 
and,  if  sent  to  England,  th?"  no  further  duties  on  them 
should  be  exacted  there.  /  regards  the  fundamental 
political  question  at  issue,  the  agents  were  instructed  not  to 
consent  to  anything  that  might  violate  or  infringe  the  liber- 


iH 


'  In  i68j,  Randolph  pointed  out  in  connection  with  this  demand  of  Massa- 
chusetts, that  in  1680  he  bad  held  over  onecase  until  the  regular  session  of  t he- 
court,  but  had  lost  the  action  and  was  then  arrested  in  a  suit  for  £800 
damages  for  demurrage,  so  that  he  had  been  forced  to  have  cases  tried 
quickly.    C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  310. 

'  These  duties  were  very  low,  being  one-penny  in  the  [xjund,  and  raised 
an  inconsiderable  revenue.  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  IV,  Part  11,  pp.  400,  410;  C.  O. 
I  41.  31;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  124-126.  In  1681,  Randolph  inquired 
whether  Massachusetts  had  the  legal  right  to  impose  such  customs.  The 
.Attorney-General  replied  that  in  his  opinion  the  charter  did  not  warrant 
the  levying  of  such  duties  upon  any  but  such  as  were  '  free  of  the  Company.' 
C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  so,  60.  At  this  time,  considerable  stress  was  laid  u|x)n 
the  fact  that  Massachusetts  collected  these  duties  on  go.ids  from  England. 
C/.  J.  \V.,  A  Letter  from  New-England  (London,  1682),  p.  3.  Somewhat 
later.  Charles  Davcnant  proposed  that  the  colonies  be  prohibited  from  lay- 
ing such  duties  as  the  practice  was  "unwarrantable  by  the  Laws  ot  Eng- 
la.id. "  Davenant,  Discourses  on  the  Public  Revenue  and  on  the  Trade  of 
England  (London,  1698),  II,  p.  243.  On  this,  see  also  anle,  \o\.  il,  pp.  163, 
16.  n. 


-I       ' 

■'% 


li  -j. ', 

in  '1 

I'-.  I 

i'     ■  ; 


I 

t      1 


296 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


ties  conferred  by  their  charter;  but,  if  anything  of  that  nature 
were  proposed,  they  were  to  plead  lack  of  instructions  and 
to  consult  the  Massachusetts  authorities  before  answering. 
As  has  been  well  said,  "this  brought  the  negotiation  —  for 
such  it  essentially  was  —  back  to  the  point  where  all  the 
earlier  efforts  which  had  been  made  to  reach  an  understand- 
ing had  broken  down."  ^  The  EngUsh  government  was  by 
this  time  fully  convinced  that  some  modification  of  the  char- 
ter was  necessar>%  but  the  agents  had  been  specifically  de- 
barred from  taking  any  action  whatsoever  on  this  subject. 

When,  in  the  late  summer  of  1682,  the  agents  of  Massachu- 
setts handed  to  the  English  government  the  colony's  be- 
lated answer  to  the  various  complaints  of  the  preceding 
years,  it  was  found  unsatisfactory;  and  they  were  ordered 
forthwith  to  procure  sufficient  powers  to  consent  to  an  ade- 
quate regulation  of  their  government,  failing  which,  they 
were  told,  proceedings  against  the  charter  would  be  insti- 
tuted.'' At  the  same  time,  during  this  year  1682,  Randolph 
was  sending  from  Boston  reports  which  showed  conclusi\ely 
that  under  the  existing  political  conditions  there  was  but 
scant  prospect  of  securing  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  of 
trade.  It  is  true  that,  in  February  of  1682,  Massachusetts 
passed  a  law  which  went  much  further  than  anything  of  this 
nature  hitherto  done  by  the  colony,  and  which  apparently 
showed  a  desire  to  secure  the  enforcement  of  the  laws.  But 
this  Act  was  obviously  designed  to  keep  the  administration 

'  Osgood,  op.  cit.  Ill,  p.  329. 

«  C.  C.  1681-168S,  pp.  288-290,  296;  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp  191  '' 

seq. 


MASSACHUSETTS 


297 


of  the  laws  of  trade  virtually  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the 
officials  of  the  colony  and  to  lessen  the  legitimate  scope  of 
Randolph's  authority.  This  feature,  as  well  as  other  defects, 
were  explained  in  great  detail  in  the  Collector's  despatches 
to  England.  But  at  the  same  time  Randolph  advanced 
claims  to  powers  in  excess  of  those  warranted  by  the  statute 
conferring  upon  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  juris- 
diction in  the  colonies.  If  the  colony  sought  to  diminish 
Randolph's  sphere  of  activity,  he  at  the  same  time  tried  to 
exclude  the  local  officials  from  all  direct  participation  in 
the  enforcement  of  these  Acts  of  Parliament.  But  these 
statutes  had  made  all  the  colonial  governors,  not  only 
those  in  the  royal  provinces,  directly  responsible  for  their 
execution. 

The  Massachusetts  law  in  question,^  the  Naval  Office 
Act,  provided  for  the  founal  proclamation  and  strict  observ- 
ance of  the  Navigation  Act  of  1660  and  the  Staple  Act  of 
1663,  and  established  a  Naval  Ofl5cer  at  Boston  ^  and  also 
one  at  Salem  and  the  adjacent  ports  for  entering  and  clear- 
ing ships,  taking  the  enumeration  bonds,  and  receiving  the 
certificates  issued  by  the  English  customs  authorities, 
"according  as  in  sajd  acts  is  directed."  Randolph  pointed 
out  ^  that  this  law  ignored  the  King's  proclamation  of  1675  * 


'  C.  0.  1/48,  34;  Mass  Col.  Rec.  V,  p.  337. 

'James  Russell,  the  Bcston  Naval  OfTicer,  was  the  colony's  Treasurer. 
Mass.  Col.  Rec.  V,  pp.  265,  308.     For  his  commission,  sec  ibid.  p.  338. 

'C.  0.  1/48,  III.  See  also  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  213,  214,  238,  239; 
Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  123-126,  130-132. 

*  British  Roya'.  Proclamations,  1603-1783  (American  Antiqu.  Society, 
I9ii),pp.  126-128. 


I       ! 


29S 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


and  a  number  of  the  fundamental  statutes  constituting  the 
colonial  commercial  code,  especially  the  Statute  of  Frauds 
in  the  Customs  of  1662  and  the  Act  of  1673  imposing  the  so- 
called  plantation  duties.    Hence  these  two  laws  were  not 
deemed  to  be  of  force  in  the  colony  and  it  was  upon  the 
latter  that  Randolph's  authority  rested.    The  Act  of  1073. 
which  gave  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  jurisdiction 
in  the  colonies,  was  of  unquestionable  force  there,  but  the 
validity  of  the  statute  ui  1662  in  the  colonies  was  open  to 
legitimate  doubts.    This  Act  referred  to  the  customs  ofBcials 
in  England  and  gave  them  exceptional  powers  in  enforcing 
the  laws.^    At  the  time  of  its  passage  it  was  naturall\-  not 
meant  to  apply  to  the  colonies,  since  as  yet  no  imperial  cus- 
toms officials  had  been  established  in  them.    But  in  lO-. 
when  Randolph  had  been  originally  appointed  Collector,  he 
was  ordered  to  enforce  this  law.*     The  Customs  Board  ^^a^ 
evidently,  however,  in  serious  doubt  about  the  Icgalit}-  .1 
this  instruction,  for  three  years  later  it  recommended  that 
the  Act  in  question  be  extended  to  the  colonies.^    In  point 
of  fact,  this  disputed  question  was  definitely  settled  only  m 
1696,  when  Parliament  specifically  extended  this  statute  t.^ 
the  colonies.*    Thus,  while  the  colony  was  open  to  seriouf 
criticism  for  not  proclaiming  the  Act  of  1673,  it  hul  g'-u 
legal  grounds  for  questioning  the  force  of  the  Statute    : 
Frauds  in  the  Customs,  and  for  refusing  to  recognize  the 


»  13  &  14  Ch.  n,  c.  II,  §§  XV,  xvi,  xviii. 
*  Toppan.  Randolph  III,  pp.  19-30. 
»  C.  C.  1681-1683,  p.  104. 
«7&.SW.  III,c.  22,§vi. 


N 


MASSACHUSETTS 


299 


exceptionally  broad  powers  that  it  would  have  conferred 
upon  Randolph.* 

In  addition,  the  Massachusetts  Naval  Office  Act  con- 
tained some  objectionable  clauses.  It  provided  that,  if  an 
official  secured  the  holding  of  a  special  court  and  jury  for 
the  trial  of  a  seizure,  he  should  be  liable  for  all  costs,  and 
that,  if  any  person  were  injured  by  wrongful  seizure  or  search, 
he  could  recover  damages  in  any  of  the  colony's  courts.  This 
liability  >  suits  for  damages,  Randolph  claimed,  nullified 
his  powers,  and  the  obligation  to  pay  the  costs  of  special 
courts,  he  pointed  out,  was  diametrically  opposed  to  the 
royal  instructions.-  Another  clause  of  the  colonial  law  in 
question  stipulated  that  vessels  engaged  in  the  New  Engla  ' 
coastwise  trade  need  not  enter  or  clear,  unless  they  haa 
loaded  more  than  one  ton  of  any  one  of  the  enumerated 
commodities.  Under  this  provision,  as  Randolph  showed, 
a  vessel  could  with  impunity  ship  in  the  aggregate  a  ( onsid- 
erablc  quantity  of  these  commodities  to  foreign  ports.^ 

'  As  this  law  was  held  not  to  apply  in  Massachusetts,  Randolph  was  denied 
warrants  for  the  seizure  of  contraband  goods  in  warehouses.  Toppan,  Ran- 
dolph III,  pp.  164-167  ;  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  254,  23s.  See  also  C.  O.  i  48, 
III. 

'^  In  1684.  Randolph  stated  that  the  total  amount  which  he  had  been 
compelled  to  pay  for  damages  and  costs  of  prosecution  was  £157  145.  cur- 
rency or  £iQ3  6s.  sterling.  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  341,  34;.  For  the 
details,  sec  ibid.  pp.  342-331. 

'CO.  1  '48,  III;  C.  O.  I  /4q,  Part  II,  145.  Randolph  also  criticized  as 
without  legal  warrant  the  appointment  of  the  naval  ofilcers  by  the  (ieneral 
Court  instead  of  by  the  Governor,  and  besides  he  claimed  that,  under  the 
.\ct  of  Parliament,  only  the  Governor  of  a  crown  colony,  and  coiiserjjci'il  .■ 
not  the  Massachusetts  Governor,  was  authorized  to  ap[)oint  such  <jfii(  iak. 
Neither  of  these  points  was  well  taken.     Similarly.  Randohih  ohin  i,-,l  to 


I 


If! 


I 


w 


mi^H  \'  H 


'  I 


300 


THE  OLD   COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


In  the  actual  performance  of  his  duties,  Randolph  was 
thwarted  by  these  and  additional  obstacles.'  His  authority 
under  the  letters  patent  of  his  ofiice  to  search  vessels  \\a5 
denied,  and  he  was  obliged  to  secure  special  warrants  for 
this  purpose  from  the  colony's  officials.*  Ships  refused  to 
enter  with  him,  taking  their  papers  to  the  Naval  OtTiccr. 
When  seizures  made  by  him  were  brought  to  trial,  no  matter 
how  clear  the  case,  he  was  unable  to  secure  favorable 
verdicts  from  the  juries,  and  then  was  denied  appeals  to 
England.'  One  of  his  deputies,  who  had  made  seizure  of  a 
vessel,  was  sued  for' heavy  damages,  and  on  losing  the  case 
was  imprisoned  for  their  non-payment.* 

the  fact  that  these  naval  officers  were  empowered  to  take  enumeration 
bonds,  although  this  was  legitimately  a  part  of  their  duties.  C.  O.  i  i>, 
III ;  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  123-126;  C.  C.  1681-16^5,  pp.  213.  ;u. 

'  Massachusetts  paid  to  Randolph  the  King's  moieiy  of  the  fine  re- 
tained by  it,  about  which  he  had  complained  in  168 1  to  the  English  gov- 
ernment, but  refused  to  reimburse  the  money  paid  by  him  for  sp-.::-! 
courts  held  in  1680.  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  130-13^.  213-216;  C.  C 
1681-1685.  pp.  238,  23Q,  325,  326. 

•Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  128,  129.  The  Massachusetts  Xavil 
Office  law  provided  that,  in  enforcing  the  Acts  of  Trade,  the  royal  o::  :: 
should  be  assisted  and  be  given  warrants  by  the  Governor,  Dcputy-Crv- 
ernor,  and  the  magistrates.  On  the  margin  of  the  copy  of  this  .\c:  k:.: 
by  Randolph  to  England,  he  wrote  "but  not  without"  (such  warrar/.f 

CO.  1/48.  34. 

'  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  213-216. 

<  C.  O.  I  '4g,  20,  C.  C.  16S1-1685,  pp.  272-274,  296,  303;  Toppan.  R:-r- 
dolph  III.  pp.  184,  2c6.  This  seizure  arose  from  the  importatiur.  0;  s  .-e 
Canar\-  wine  that  was  unloaded  of!  Boston  into  small  sailing  boa:?.  -'_.: 
then  brought  it  to  port.  The  testimony  was  sufficiently  clear.  CO.:  ... 
Part  I,  nos.  16,17.  As  a  result  of  theie  proceedings,  Randolph  chin-.-. :  : '  ■ '. 
no  OIK-  was  willing  to  give  him  information  about  cases  of  illicit  trac:  g  .:  ■ 
give  evidence  before  a  magistrate. 


N 


MASSACHUSETTS 


301 


As  a  result,  the  laws  were  most  ineffectually  enforced. 
Vessels  unloaded  their  prohibited  goods  before  entering  the 
harbor  of  Boston,  and  then  secured  an  unquestioned  entry 
at  the  Naval  Office  as  if  in  ballast  or  with  salt  from  some 
European  country'.  •  In  other  cases,  this  devious  method 
was  not  resorted  to.  The  illegally  imported  goods  were  in 
the  main  fruits  and  wines  from  Spain,  Scotch  specialties, 
and  also  Canary  wines.  The  illegality  of  the  direct  impor- 
tation of  Canar>'  vanes  was,  however,  open  to  serious  ques- 
tion. In  all,  about  ten  specific  cases  of  such  contraband 
trading  were  reported  by  Randolph,^  but  it  is  a  legitimate 
presumption  that  there  were  other  instances  that  escajx-d 
his  vigilance.  In  the  aggregate,  the  amount  of  smuggled 
goods  was  apparently  not  large,'  but  this  illegal  trade,  in 
combination  -with  the  obstructions  placed  in  Randolph's 
path  and  the  questions  raised  as  to  the  validity  in  the  col- 
ony of  parliamentary-  statutes,*  made  the  existing  situation 
a  serious  one.  In  \'iew  of  his  experiences,  it  is  not  surpris- 
ing that  Randolph  again  advocated  the  institution  of  pro- 
ceedings to  annul  the  charter.' 

"CO.  1/48,  III. 

» Ibid.;  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  164-168;  C.  C.  1681-1683,  pp.  254- 
256,  :q5. 

'  The  value  of  five  seizures  made  by  Randolph  in  16S2  and  subsequently 
freed  by  the  verdict  of  the  court  was  £1170  currency  or  £877  icj.  sterling. 
The  value  of  the  seizures  made  by  him  in  1680  was  £1650  currency.  C.  O. 
1/49.  Part  II.  I  OS. 

*  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  149-134;  C.  C.  1681- 1685,  p.  544- 

'C.  C,  1681-1685.  pp.  248.  2V),  272-274;  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp. 
1841-/ wij.;  C.O.I  40,20.  Copies  of  Randolph'  memorials  of  the  prc'd- 
ing  y  if,  urgiug  sucli  a  couiac,  had  been  forwarded  U;  Bobluii  ii:;'l,  u;;  Lis 


«a 


* 


(I    S-fi. 


I     I 


302 


THE  OLD   COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Randolph  stated  that  these  obstructive  tactics  emanated 
from  the  extreme  party  in  the  colony  under  the  lead  of  the 
Deputy-Governor,    Thomas    Danforth.     These    men  were 
closely  watching  the  course  of  political  events  in  England  - 
especially  the  fortunes  of  the  Whig  leader,  Shaftesbury  - 
evidently  hoping   that  a  crisis  there  would  divert  atten- 
tion from  imperial  questions  and  again  allow  Massachusetts 
to  go  its  way  unmolested.    Randolph  claimed  that  tlti? 
party  was  in  a  large  minority,  but  the  number  of  those  wh.> 
sympathized  with  these  irreconcilables  — abo/c  all  in  tr.e 
country  districts  which  had  remained   comparatively  un- 
touched by  the  growing  commercial  spirit  —  was  far  greater 
than  he  realized.     Governor  Bradstreet,  who  was  of  the 
moderate  party,  which  was  rapidly  gaining  in  numbers  and 
influence,  had  in  general  supported  Randolph  in  the  \xr- 
formance  of  his  duties.     But  the  aged  Governor  could  n  : 
successfully  contend  against  a  group  animated  with  the  one- 
eyed  zeal  of  something  closely  akin  to  fanaticism.'    As 
Randolph  proposed  to  return  to   England  early  in   lO.^:. 
Bradstreet  requested  him  not  to  do  anything  to  the  preju- 
dice of  Massachusetts;  but  Randolph  replied  ^  that  nnth:r.: 
had  been  insisted  on  at  Whitehall  but  what  had  arisen  ::  " 


return  there,  he  was  threatened  with  prosecution  as  a  subverteroi  ;hc::; 
ernmcnt.     C.  C.  1681-16S3,  pp.  216,  217.    Randolph  also  c.xlkd  ;h.  -•:. 
tion  of  the  English  government  to  the  fact  that  Massachu-,.:;*  lev;.:  :- 
on  English  shipping,  from  which  vessels  built  and  owned  in  th.  .  - 
were  exempt.     C.  O.  1,49-  Part  II.  US' 

•  C.  O.  I  49,  20;  Toppan.  Randolph  III.  pp.  i^.>-i32.  i4-"-i-i-   '■' -' 
1S4.  21^-216;  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  216,  217,  238-240,  254-'5^-  -"'-■-- 


.5-0    "   ■■ 


'  -r  ^pan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  221  et  sea.;  C.  C.  1681-1685.  pp. 


X 


M.\SSACHUSETTS 


303 


some  unwarranted  act  of  the  Massachusetts  legislature  or 
some  continued  neglect  of  the  King's  orders,  so  that  it  was 
apparent  that  all  their  'loyal  addresses  have  been  made 
simply  to  protract  time  and  avoid  compliance  with  the  regu- 
lations prescribed.'    He  significantly  added   that  the  law 
officers  of  the  Crown  had  already  given  their  opinion  that 
there  were  sufficient  grounds  to  vacate  the  charter.     Such 
an  outcome  was  inevitable,  for  at  this  very  time  the  General 
Court  again  absolutely  refused  to  consider  any  fundamental 
change  in  their  political  system,'  though  so  modifying  the 
Naval  Office  Act  of  the  preceding  year   as   to   insure   a 
better  enforcement  of  the  laws  of  trade.-    Accordingly,  in 
the  summer  of  1683,  the  Attorney-General  was  instructed 
to  institute  quo  warranto  proceedings  against  the  Massachu- 
setts charter,  and  Randolph,  who  was  again  in  England,  was 
ordered  to  furnish  him  with  the  evidence  on  which  to  base 
the  government's  case.^    The  fundamental  charge  was  that 
the  colony  had  in  a  nuraber  of  specific  instances  exceeded 
the  powers  conferred  by  the  charter'  and  had  usurped  "lo 


>  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  V,  pp.  3S6  -302. 

=  In  reference  to  this  law.  the  General  Court  wrote  to  the  iipcnis  in  Lng- 
land:  'We  haue  also  agreed  vpon  such  emendations  of  our  aci^  of  irafic  yj 
that  they  doe  compleately  or  fully  agree  in  all  things  vv"'  the  k:v,c.  of 
England."     Ibid.  pp.  3S3,  3S4. 

'  C.  C.  16S1-16S5,  pp.  434.  449.  430- 

'  The  charges  made  by  Randolph  included  the  coining  of  money,  the 
refusal  of  appeals,  the  imposition  of  duties  on  goods  from  Kngland,  the 
erection  of  a  Naval  OiBce  in  opiwsition  to  the  King's,  the  (Astruction  of  the 
execution  of  the  laws  of  trade,  the  demand  for  security  fr<;m  royal  ofl.<u;lb 
in  trials,  the  refusal  to  admit  the  force  of  several  Acts  of  Parliament,  the 
passage  of  laws  repugnant  to  those  of  England  and  their  refusal  t<j  refx-al 


i':i 


n  i 


l^ 


H- 


i    -J'     if 
f   ii         > 


/; 


.  1 


!• 


304 


THE  OLD   COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


bee  a  body  politick."  *  At  the  suggestion  of  Randolph,  who 
feared  that  news  of  these  proceedings  might  lead  to  '  false 
insinuations'  about  the  future  of  the  colony,  a  declaration 
was  drawn  up  promising  to  respect  all  private  interests  and 
properties  and  to  regulate  the  charter  liberally,  provided 
the  Governor  and  Company  would  submit  and  not  defend 
the  suit.  Randolph  was  selected  to  carry  this  declaration 
to  the  colony  and  to  serve  legal  notice  of  the  proceeding>.- 
The  Assistants,  constituting  the  upper  house  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts legislature,  were  in  favor  of  submission;  but  the 
Deputies  refused  their  consent,  and  accordingly  an  attornc}- 
was  appointed  to  contest  the  suit  in  England.'  As  the  writ 
was  served  after  ihe  date  of  its  expiration,  the  Engli^il 
government  was  obliged  to  drop  the  quo  warranto  proceedinj,? 
and  to  seek  a  remedy  by  other  legal  means.*  These  wtr. 
successful,  and  finally,  in  the  fall  of  1684,  the  charter  if 
Massachusetts  was  annulled.* 

Thus,  after  fifty-five  years  of  virtually  complete  self- 
government,  one  closely  approaching  a  status  of  political 
independence,  Massachusetts  lost  its  charter  liberties  and 
became  subject  to  the  direct  government  of  the  Crowr.. 
From  the  provincial  viewpoint  this  event  may  seem  a  mi?- 

them.  the  continued  exaction  of  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  themselves.  Toppa-.. 
Randolph  III,  pp.  229,  230,  232-235;  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  440,  441.  --:• 
446. 

'  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  297,  2qC  ,  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  631. 

'  C.  C.  16S1-1683,  pp.  453,  434,  456,  473. 

» Ibid.  pp.  563,  587,  588,  599,  600,  610. 

*  Ibid  p.  631. 

'  For  a  full  account  of  these  legal  proceedinf  i,  see  Osgood,  cp.  ci:.  III. 
pp.  332-333- 


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MASSACHUSETTS 


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fortune,  and  in  a  broader  way  it  will  probably  always  con- 
tinue to  arouse  among  some  that  sympathy  which  is 
accorded  to  small  and  fairly  homogenous  communities  with 
a  type  of  culture  f)eculiar  to  themselves,  when  the  onward 
march  of  events  forces  them  out  of  their  isolation  and  makes 
them  parts  of  larger  political  bodies.  But  from  the  imperial 
standpoint  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  of  any  other  possible 
outcome  at  that  time.  In  the  twenty  years  of  negotiation 
preceding  the  cancellation  of  the  charter,  the  English  gov- 
ernment had  shown  such  unparalleled  patience  as  to  suggest 
that  there  must  have  been  some  special  reason  for  its  mod- 
eration. It  was  not  thus  that  the  Stuart  monarchy  was 
wont  to  deal  with  refractor}'  subjects.  The  English  states- 
men of  the  day  did  not  refrain  from  energetic  measures  be- 
cause of  any  sj-mpathy  with  the  religious  and  political  ideals 
of  Massachusetts.  Nor  did  they  feel  any  respect  for  local 
liberties  as  such.  But,  to  put  it  bluntly,  they  did  not  want 
to  be  bothered  ^\•ith  this  problem,  whose  solution,  while  en- 
tailing infinite  worr\'  and  work,  promised  practically  no 
direct  national  advantage.  It  was  an  unwelcome  question, 
forced  upon  them  by  the  existing  situation,  which  neither 
they  nor  their  predecessors  had  any  hand  in  creating,  but 
which  arose  from  the  fact  that  a  body  of  Enr'ishmen  had 
seceded  from  the  English  body  politic  and  had  formed  on 
American  soil  an  organic  political  community  modelled  on 
the  religious  and  political  creed  of  Puritanism.  Accordin;^ 
to  the  accepted  legal  doctrines,  these  men,  even  if  they  had 
so  wished,  could  not  expatriate  themselves,  and  thus  this 
communily  was  in  the  eyes  of  all  unqucsti(;nably  Engli;  li 


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306 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


and  a  part  of  the  incipient  Empire.  But  Massachusetts 
corresponded  to  no  one  of  the  ideals  of  English  imperialism, 
and,  according  to  the  economic  canons  then  applied  in  test- 
ing the  value  of  colonies,  it  was  found  decidedly  lacking. 

Thus  the  Restoration  statesmen  saw  England  saddled 
with  a  colony  whose  possession  was  deemed  rather  disad- 
vantageous than  otherwise.  They  would  have  oi)i)ose(l  its 
transfer  to  France,  because  this  would  not  only  have  dimin- 
ished England's  prestige,  but  would  also  have  endangered  tlie 
safety  of  the  tobacco  colonies;  but  apparently  they  viewed 
with  careless  equanimity  the  possibility  of  its  virtual  jio- 
litical  independence.  This  general  attitude  explains  w]i>, 
for  nearly  two  decades  after  the  Restoration,  Massachusetts 
was  permitted  to  go  its  own  way  practically  unmolested. 
Far  different  would  England  have  acted  if  the  coU)ny  had 
produced  tobacco,  sugar,  or  some  other  product  for  which 
there  was  an  extensive  demand  in  Europe.  Despite  the 
decentralized  and  cumbersome  administrative  machinery  <>i" 
the  day,'  England  could  act  quickly  and  energetically  when 
the  occasion  warranted  it.  Within  a  few  months  of  the  re- 
ceipt of  the  news  of  Bacon's  actual  rebellion,  English  trot^ps 
were  in  Virginia  to  suppress  it.  Wlien,  however,  it  became 
apparent  that  the  independent  course  of  the  New  England 
traders  threatened  ultimately  to  divert  a  more  or  less 
considerable  part  of  the  trade  of  the  other  colonies  horn 
England  and  that  these  illegal  practices  were  facilitated  b}- 

'  On  this  subject,  Professor  C.  M.  Andrews  has  contributed  some  inttriJt- 
ing  remarks  in  his  paper  on  "  The  \'alue  of  London  Topography  for  Amtrio.^n 
Colonial  History."    The  History  Teacher's  Magazine  III,  5,  pp.  loi.  10.. 


N 


MASSACHUSErrS 


307 


the  failure  of  Massachusetts  to  recognize  and  enforce  the 
laws  of  trade,  England  was  obliged  to  interfere.  Even  then 
great  moderation  was  shown,  and  extreme  measures  were 
adopted  reluctantly  only  when  the  uncompromising  attitude 
of  Massachusetts  permitted  no  other  alternative.  Had  the 
colony  admitted  without  question  the  validity  of  the  laws 
of  trade  and  assistec,  instead  of  obstructing,  Randolph  in 
their  enforcement,  the  abrogation  of  the  charter  would  in 
all  probability  have  been  averted.' 

This  Massachusetts  could  have  done,  without  to  any 
marked  degree  injuring  its  commercial  prosperity.  The  laws 
of  trade  in  no  wise  interfered  with  the  colony's  fundamental 
economic  activities.  They  protected  its  ship-building  and 
carr>'ing  trades  and  allowed  the  direct  exportation  of  fish, 
provisions,  lumber,  and  all  its  other  products  to  whatso- 
c  r  market  seemed  most  advantageous.  The  colony's  main 
economic  objections  to  them  were  that  the  enumerated  com- 
modities, which  they  secured  in  the  other  colonics,  could 
not  be  shipped  directly  to  foreign  markets,  and  that  the 
fruit,  oil,  and  wines  of  those  countries  of  southern  Europe, 
where  they  sold  their  fish,  could  not  be  imported  directly 
into  the  colony.  Apart  from  other  available  evidence,  it  is 
obnous  from  the  very  fact  that  export  duties  were  payable 

«One  of  the  Massachusetts  agents,  Stoughton,  wrote  in  1677:  "The 
country's  not  taking  notice  of  these  acts  of  navigation  to  observe  them, 
hath  been  the  most  unhappy  neglect  that  we  could  have  fallen  into,  for, 
more  and  more  ever>'  day,  we  find  it  most  certain,  that  without  a  fair  com- 
pliance in  that  matter,  there  can  be  nothing  expected  but  a  total  breach,  and 
the  storms  of  displeasure  that  may  be."  Hutchinson,  History  of  Massa- 
chusetts (London,  1/65)  I,  pp.  319,  320. 


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THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


on  the  enumerated  commodities  when  shipped  to  another 
colony,  that  such  of  the  New  England  traders  as  violated 
the  laws  in  carrying  these  articles  to  foreign  countries  in  the 
main  shipped  directly  from  the  producing  colonies.  Had 
they  confined  themselves  to  such  exports  of  tobacc  nd  not 
used  Massachusetts  as  an  entrepot  for  this  trade,  the  author- 
ities of  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  North  Carolina,  not  those 
of  their  colony,  would  have  been  held  accountable  for  the 
laxity  of  administration  which  permitted  these  transgres- 
sions. Moreover,  the  New  Englander  had  no  legitimate 
grievance  against  the  policy  of  enumeration.  When  he 
bought  these  commodities  in  Virginia  or  in  Barbados,  he 
knew  that  the  law  required  th*-*  •  shipment  either  to  England 
or  to  some  other  colony.  Whatever  burden  this  restriction 
imposed  was  borne  by  the  producer,  and  by  so  much  reduced 
the  price  paid  by  the  purchaser.  Thus,  in  geiicra.,  'hen  the 
Massachusetts  traders  shipped  tobacco  directly  from  \'ir- 
ginia  to  foreign  markets,  they  were  merely  seeking  an  addi- 
tional and  illegitimate  profit  beyond  that  which  they  could 
have  made,  had  the  trade  been  entirely  unrestricted.  It 
can,  however,  be  readily  understood  that  they  objected  to 
the  plantation  duties  of  1673  because,  even  after  their 
payment,  the  enumerated  commodities  could  not  be  sent  to 
foreign  countries,  and  on  arrival  in  England  had  again  to 
pay  customs  there.*     But  this  law  was  passed  specifically 

'  This  was  the  main  complaint  registered  by  Massachusetts  against  the 
laws.  In  1686,  the  Council  instructed  Robert  Mason,  who  was  leaving  for 
England,  to  urge  that  the  1673  duties  be  repaid  on  sugar  and  tobacco  im- 
ported there  from  New  England.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  Series  II,  XIII, 
pp.  244,  245. 


N 


«1 


MASSACHLSKTTS 


309 


for  the  purpose  of  making  the  illeRai  shipment  of  these  g(K)ds 
from  Massachusetts  to  foreign  marke's  unprofitable,  and  the 
double  taxation  could  have  been  nearly  entirely  avoided  by 
imiwrting    into  the  colony  only  approximately  what  was 
needed  for  consumption  there.    Unquestionably  strict  con- 
formity with  the  English  regulations  would,  in  so  far  as 
this  was  concerned,  have  entailed  no  appreciable  hard  .hip. 
The  same,  though  to  a  much  less  extent,  is  true  of  the 
Staple  Act  of  1663.    The  bulk  of  the  manufactures  that  the 
colony  required  could  be  bought  in  England  about  as  ad- 
vantageously as  elsewhere.     It  was  not  alone  a  question  of 
price,   but   of   credit   also.      Occasionally   some    Scottish, 
French,  and  Dutch  goods  were  imported  directly,  but  in 
the  aggregate  this  amount  was  apparently  small  when  com- 
pared with  the  shipments  from  England.    Included  in  these 
shipments  were  foreign  manufactures,  such  as  Hamburg 
cloth  and  Port  iguese  linen.'    The  main  violation  of  the  law 
consisted  in  the  direct  importation  of  wines,  fruits,  and  oil 
from  the  Mediterranean  countries  and  the  Canary  Islands. 
Of  these  commodities,  wine,  which  was  then  far  more  exten- 
sively consumed  than  at  the  present  time,  was  the  most  im- 
portant and  was  shipped  from  Massachusetts  to  the  more 
luxurious  plantation  colonies.     It  is,  however,  a  well-estab- 
lished fact  that  the  favorite  beverage  of  these  planters  was 
Madeira  wine,  which  under  the  law  could  be,  and  was  in 

'  Randolph  gave  full  details  of  eight  cargoes  imiK)rled  from  England  in 
16S2.  The  goods  included  coals,  woollens,  linens,  slioos,  dry  goods,  grin.l- 
siones.  h;-.ts,  hose,  Hamburg  cloth;  coarae  rorlugucse  linens,  dc.  C.  O. 
i/si,  2. 


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310 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


large  quantities,  imported  directly  from  these  islands.  Under 
these  circumstances,  a  strict  enforcement  of  the  law  would 
not  have  meant  any  great  ha  dship,  but,  from  the  very  fact 
that  this  branch  of  illegal  trade  was  persisted  in  until  the 
time  of  the  American  Revolution,*  it  is  apparent  that  its 
complete  suppression  would  have  somewhat  adversely  af- 
fected the  interests  of  those  engaged  in  selling  salted  fish 
to  southern  Europe, 

On  the  whole,  however,  the  stringent  enforcement  of  the 
laws  of  trade  would  have  had  no  serious  effect  on  the  general 
economic  development  of  Massachusetts,^  and  hence  it  is  ap- 
parent that  the  colony's  persistent  opposition  to  this  system 
proceeded  in  part  from  other  than  purely  economic  motives. 
England  was  mainly  intent  on  securing  the  colony's  submis- 
sion to  these  laws  in  order  to  safeguard  the  nascent  com- 
mercial system,  while  Massachusetts's  opposition  was  based 
predominantl)'  upon  the  political  consequences  implied  in 
their  full  recognition.  The  fundamental  charge  of  the 
English  government,  that  Massachusetts  without  warrant 
claimed  to  be  a  body  politic,  was  not  unjustified.  From 
many  of  its  official  and  unofficial  utterances  and  actions,  it  is 
plain  that  Massachusetts  regarded  itself  as  a  commonwealth 
bound  only  by  the  slenderest  of  ties  to  the  parent  state.' 


'  Boer,  British  Colonial  Policy,  17  54-1765,  pp.  239,  245. 

-  In  16S4,  Governor  Bradstrcet  wrote:  'I  have  heard  many  say  thai  in 
their  irregular  trading  they  have  seldom  or  never  seen  their  own  nioiuy 
again,  and  arc  resolved  wholly  to  give  it  over,  and  I  should  be  heartily  glad 
if  they  would.'     C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  746. 

'  In  1683,  in  connection  with  a  complicated  land  claim  New  England, 
an  appeal  was  made  to  the  King  in  Council,  and  an  order    as:  is       '  that  ;i 


\ 


MASSACHUSETTS 


3" 


Its  view  of  the  colonial  status  approached  that  of  the 
Greeks  and  diverged     adi.-illv    from  the  prevailing  con- 
cept, which   combine!    elements  bf.h  from  Roman  pro- 
vincial and  mediaeval  ;-iaal  institi  .ions.    As  the  Lords  of 
Trade  pointed  out,  the  Mahsa.l.uietts  agents  in  England 
did  not  act  as  if  they  were  subjects  of  the  Crown,  but  like 
the  formally  accredited  representatives  of  a  foreign  power. 
Hence  the  colony  refused  to  recognize  the  supremacy  of 
Parliament,  and  held  tnat  the  Acts  of  Trade  were  not  in 
force  within  its  jurisdiction  unless  special  provision  to  this 
effect  had  been  made  by  its  own  legislature.    But  to  make 
such  provision  at  the  behest  of  th-  English  government 
seemed  derogatory  to  the  dignity  and  independence  of  a 
legislature  claiming  virtual  sovereignty,  and  thus  such  action 
was  reluctantly  taken.     Moreover,  all  the  Acts  of  Trade 
were  not  included  in  this  colonial  law,  and  consequently 
the  validity  of  the  statute  of  1673  imposing  the  plantation 
duties  was  not  admitted.    Similarly,  the  colony  persistently 
opposed  and  obstructed  Randolph,  not  primarily  because 

certain  document  necessary'  for  the  decision  of  the  case  should  be  supplied 
by  the  town  of  Braintree  and  sent  to  England.  The  individual  interested 
in  the  case  complained  that,  when  he  showed  this  Order  in  Council,  the  town 
authorities  defied  him  to  prove  the  seal  to  be  that  of  the  Priv>  Council, 
saying  that  for  all  they  knew  it  misht  have  been  signed  under  a  hedge  and 
that  "  Yo'  Ma';"  had  nothing  to  doe  with  them,  They  were  a  ffree  People." 
C.  0.  1/53,  65  ;  C.  C.  16S1-168S,  pp.  347,  402,  613.  In  1680,  in  support  of 
a  pioiwsal  to  allow  the  French  West  Indies  to  sell  their  rum  and  molasses 
to  the  English  colonies,  the  Intendant,  Patoulet,  wrote  to  Colbert:  "The 
English  who  dwell  near  Boston  will  no*  worry  themselves  about  the  prohi- 
bitions which  the  king  of  England  may  issue,  because  they  hardly  recognize 
his  authority."    S.  L.  Mims,  Colbert's  West  India  Policy,  p.  222. 


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312 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


he  was  interfering  with  their  trade,  but  chiefly  because  he 
was  the  representative  of  what  was  regarded  almost  as  an 
alien  power  and  whatever  recognition  was  given  to  the 
authority  vested  in  him  by  the  Crown  by  so  much  dimir- 
ished  the  extent  of  the  colony's  self-government. 

This  position  of  Massachusetts  was  wholly  untenable. 
The  policy  of  its  leaders  was  fatuous,  as  its  logical  conclu- 
sion was  either  the  abrogation  of  the  charter  or  the  severance 
of  all  political  ties  with  England;  and  the  colony  was  pre- 
pared to  accept  neither  of  these  alternatives.  Massachu- 
setts was  neither  ready  nor  willing  to  assume  the  burdens 
and  responsibilities  of  complete  independence.  Those  who 
may  have  contemplated  such  an  outcome  must  have  realized 
its  impossibility,  even  if  England  had  been  acquiescent.  In- 
dependence would  have  enLdiled  economic  ruin,  as  the  Xa\i- 
gation  Acts  would  have  prevented  the  sale  of  their  ships 
in  England '  and  would  have  debarred  them  from  all  trade 
with  the  other  English  colonies.  As  was  shrewdly  pointed 
out  during  these  controversies,  "  the  New  Englanders  can  re- 
volt to  no  other  nation  because  they  can  have  no  plantations 
to  trade  withall."  ^  Their  vessels  could  not  have  entered 
any  English  port  in  the  West  Indies,  and  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean they  would  have  been  preyed  upon  by  the  Barban- 
pirates.     Moreover,  Massachusetts  needed  the  strong  arm 


'  Foreign  vessels  bought  after  1662  were  not  free  under  the  Navigation 
Acts.  In  a  pamphlet  of  1689  it  was  stated  that  "great  Numbers"  of  .-i.ipi 
were  built  in  New  England  and  sold  in  the  mother  country.  -^  Brief  Kii^- 
tion  of  the  State  of  New  England  (London,  1689),  in  Force  IV.  no.  ::. 
pp.  7,8. 

-  liriL.  Mus.,  Add.  MSS.  28,089,  f.  3. 


\ 


MASSACHUSETTS 


313 


of  England  against  her  aggressive  French  neighbors.  Thus 
Massachusetts  was  satisfied  to  remain  within  the  Empire, 
but  while  claiming  all  the  privileges  of  a  colony,  difdvowed 
and  disregarded  most  of  the  complementar>'  duties  and  ob- 
ligations. It  was  this  anomalous  situation  that  inevitably 
brought  about  the  revocation  of  the  charter. 


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CHAPTER  XII 

THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLANT 

Attitude  of  Massachusetts  on  the  loss  of  the  charter  —  English  plans  for 
the  political  reconstruction  of  New  England — The  failure  of  royal  govern- 
ment in  New  Hampshire  and  the  situation  there  — New  Plymouth, 
Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut  —  Joseph  Dudley's  administration  and 
that  of  Andros  —  The  EngUsh  government's  plan  to  reorganize  all  the 
charter  colonies  —  Inclusion  of  the  Jerseys  and  New  York  in  the  Domin- 
ion —  New  York's  development  as  an  English  colony. 

Fifty  years  before  this,  in  1635,  when  had  been  instituted 
similar  proceedings  against  the  charter,  Massachusetts  had 
actively  prepared  for  violent  resistance.  Now  there  was  no 
thought  of  forcible  opposition  to  the  decree  of  the  court.' 

•  Some  inflammatory  protests  had  been  made  against  a  surrender  of 
the  charter  without  defending  the  government's  suit,  and  Joseph  Dudley 
and  some  other  moderates,  who  in  1683  had  advised  this  policy,  were 
punished  by  being  dropped  from  the  list  of  Assistants.  In  his  letter  to  the 
English  Secretary  of  State  narrating  these  facts,  Dudley  wrote :  'I  beseech 
you  on  my  knees  for  the  King's  favour  towards  the  Colony  that  no  severity 
may  be  used  to  spoil  the  growth  of  the  plantations.'  C.  C.  1681-16S5,  pp. 
606,  607,  628,  62q,  633,  634,  669;  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  2S,i-:S5. 
From  this  time  on,  Dudley  was  regarded  with  undeserved  suspicion  by 
many  in  Massachusetts.  Stoughton  thought  the  failure  to  reelect  Dudley 
unjust,  and  accordingly  he,  and  Bulkcley  as  well,  resigned  from  the  upper 
house.  It  is  significant  that  three  of  the  four  agents,  who  had  represented 
the  colony  in  England  since  1677  and  were  better  qualified  than  any  others 
jn  Mnf.s.ichusetts  to  judge  of  the  temper  of  the  English  government,  be- 
longed to  the  moderate  party  and  opposed  the  unconciliatory  attitude  of  the 

314 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


31S 


In  these  intervening  decades  there  was  no  marked  increase 
in  the  spirit  of  loyalty  to  England,'  but  conditions  had  al- 
tered radically.  At  the  former  date,  Massachusetts  was  an 
isolated  community  in  the  centre  of  a  wilderness,  and  had 
little  to  dread  from  its  weak  foreign  neighbors.  But  now 
the  government  of  Louis  XIV  was  pursuing  an  energetic 
colonial  policy  and,  in  seeking  to  extend  the  power  of 
France,  came  into  conflict  with  English  interests  in  New 
York,  in  Hudson  Bay,  and  in  Nova  Scotia.  French  activity 
in  Nova  Scotia  was  especially  ominous  for  Massachusetts, 
since  its  fishermen  were  plying  their  trade  on  the  coasts  of 
that  region.  The  base  of  the  New  England  fishery  was  con- 
stantly shifting  farther  north.  In  1667,  under  the  pressure 
of  defeat,  England  had  restored  to  France  Nova  Scotia, 
which  with  Dunkirk  and  Jamaica  represented  the  concrete 
results  of  Cromwell's  imperialistic  policy,  securing  at  the 
same  time  the  return  of  the  English  part  of  St.  Kitts,  which 
the  French  had  taken  during  the  hostilities  that  had  just 

stiff-necked  extremists.  At  this  time,  Stoughton  wrote  to  a  correspondent 
in  London:  "O'  matters  here  are  not  in  so  good  a  frame  as  I  coulc'  wish 
by  reason  of  many  distempered  Spirits  &  Actings.  Good  people  can  be 
out  of  order  as  well  as  others,  &  jealousies  &  hard  thoughts  of  one  another 
are  sure  to  be,  not  only  an  affliction  in  themselves,  but  a  wide  door  to  let 
in  many  sorrows  &  troubles."     Brit.  Mus.,  Stowc  MSS.  746,  f.  89. 

'  In  1683,  Governor  Cranfield  of  New  Hampshire  wrote  to  Sir  Leoline 
Jenkins  that  the  'prevailing  faction'  at  Boston  was  opposed  to  the  King, 
and  that  he  believed  they  would  'at  once  fall  off  from  their  allegiance 
to  the  Crown'  in  case  James,  Duke  of  York,  succeeded  to  the  throne. 
C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  388.  Cranfield  of  course  was  a  partisan,  but  there 
is  no  evidence  whatsoever  of  any  disinterested  loyalty  to  England,  except 
.)s^;ihly  among  the  malcontents,  who.  however,  did  not  truly  represent 
the  spirit  of  Massachusetts. 


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316 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


been  brought  to  a  close.^  Despite  its  independent  attitude 
towards  England,  Massachusetts  did  not  hesitate  to  register 
its  objections  to  this  clause  in  the  treaty,  pointing  out  lo 
Lord  Arlington  that  'the  parting  \vith  Nova  Scotia  or  Aca- 
dia for  St.  Christopher's  holds  slender  proportion,'  since  the 
French  possession  of  that  region  wovdd  obstruct  their  peltrj- 
trade  and  interfere  with  their  fishery.^ 

During  the  following  fifteen  years  there  were  some  minor 
complaints  of  French  interference,^  but  it  was  only  at  the 
time  of  the  revocation  of  the  Massachusetts  charter  that 
these  fears  were  definitely  realized.  In  1684,  the  French 
Company,  which  had  secured  a  patent  for  the  Nova  Scotia 
fisher>',  issued  a  prohibition  against  foreign  vessels  entering 
within  its  territorial  limits,  and  in  August  of  tue  same  }  ear 
eight  fishing  ships  belonging  to  Massachusetts  and  Xcw 
Hampshire  were  seized.*  The  need  of  English  protection 
against  such  actions  was  a  potent  factor  in  preventing  any 
violent  opposition  to  the  decree  of  the  court  cancelling  the 
chart"-;  and,  moreover,  it  could  not  but  be  realized  that  a 
breach  with  England  would  inevitably  throw  Massachusetts 
into  the  arms  of  the  arch-enemy,  France.     Anglican  Eng- 

»  Treaty  of  Breda,  §§  vii,  x.  Dumont,  Corps  Universel  Diplomatique 
(Amsterdam,  1731)  VII,  i,  p.  41-  Du"ng  the  preUminary  discussions  o^' 
the  proposed  treaty  of  peace,  the  Earl  of  St.  Albans  threatened  to  break  oil 
the  negotiations  unless  St.  Kitts  were  restored.  Arlin.-ion's  Letters  i  Lon- 
don, 1701)  I,  pp.  X17-120,  132-134- 

"  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  25,  26. 

'  See.  e.g.,  Governor  Bradstreet's  complaint  made  in  1680.  C.  O.  i  44. 
61  i.  For  some  deUils,  see  also  Lucas,  Canada  I,  pp.  180-182 ;  R-  MeFa'- 
land.  A  History  of  the  New  England  Fisheries,  pp.  72.  73- 

*  c.  c.  1681-168S,  pp.  688, 689, 743 ;  c.  c.  1685-1688,  pp.  141,  u-'.  ;6'- 


\ 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


317 


land  might  possibly  be  intolerable,  but,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Puritan,  "papist"  France  was  unquestionably  anathema 
mar  anal  ha. 

In  addition,  bu<  few  of  the  founders  of  Massachusetts 
still  remained  alive.  The  second  generation  was  not  ani- 
mated by  the  stern  religious  idealism  that  caused  Massa- 
chusetts to  take  so  bold  a  stand  in  1635.  I"  P^^t,  this  de- 
cline in  spiritual  fervor '  represented  the  inevitable  reaction 
against  the  extreme  views  of  the  founders  of  the  common- 
wealth. Human  nature  cannot  forever  dwell  upon  the 
heights.  Besides,  Massachusetts  had  developed  important 
economic  and  commercial  interests  which  would  be  imper- 
illed, if  not  ruined,  by  a  breach  with  the  mother  country-. 
The  com..iercial  spirit's  regard  for  these  material  interests 
checked  the  uncompromising  Puritan's  innate  tendency  to 
resist.  Since  the  EngHsh  navy  could  at  will  drive  the 
colony's  trading  and  fishing  vessels  from  the  ocean,  there 
can  be  but  little  wonder  that  there  was  no  rebellion.  Mas- 
sachusetts was  essentially  a  sea-faring  and  commercial  com- 
munity, whose  prosperity  depended  upon  its  exports  of  fish, 
provisions,  and  lumber  to  southern  Europe,  the  Madeiras, 
and  the  other  English  colonies,  especially  the  sugar  islands 
in  the  West  Indies.'^    According  to  Governor  Bradstreet's 

*  In  their  account  of  Boston  in  1680.  Dankers  and  Sluyter  refer  to  the 
prevailing  lack  of  religious  fervor.  They  apparently,  however,  judged 
subjectively  from  too  high  a  standard  and  tended  somewhat  to  exaggerate 
this  phase.  A  translation  of  their  journal  was  published  by  the  Long  Island 
Hist.  Soc.  in  1867. 

■  See  Andros's  report  on  New  England  of  1678  (C.  O.  1/42,  52  ;  Toppan, 
Randolph  11,  pp.  301-305;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  262-264;  C.  C.  1677- 


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318 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


report  of  1680,  there  traded  annually  in  Massachusetts  from 
one  hundred  to  a  hundred  and  twenty  ships,  of  which  most 
belonged  to  the  colony.  These  trading  vessels  were  com- 
pletely at  the  mercy  of  a  hostile  English  fleet. 

On  the  revocation  of  the  charter,  it  became  necessary  for 
the  English  government  to  make  some  provision  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  Massachusetts,  and  in  this  connection  it  was 
immediately  decided  to  include  in  the  new  province  both 
Maine  and  New  Hampshire.*  In  the  latter  colony,  matters 
have  been  going  far  from  well.  It  was  only  in  1679,  two  years 
after  had  been  delivered  the  opinion  of  the  law  officers  to  the 
effect  that  neither  the  proprietor  nor  Massachusetts  had  am- 
warrant  for  exercising  jurisdiction  there  and  that  the  gov- 
ernment "remained  stiU  in  the  Crowne,"  that  royal  control 
was  established.  John  Cutt,  a  prominent  local  merchant, 
was  made  President  of  the  Council,  which  was  composed 
of  leading  men  in  the  colony,  and  they  were  empowered 
to  call  an  assembly  within  three  months.^  Furthermore, 
[Mason's  ownership  of  the  unimproved  lands  was  recognized, 
and  he  was  authorized  to  collect  quit-rents  of  a  not  un- 
reasonable size  from  the  possessors  of  the  developed  tracts.^ 

These  territorial  rights  of  the  Mason  family  were  legall\' 

1680,  p.  233) ;  the  answers  of  Stoughton  and  Bulkeley  to  the  queries  in  16-'! 
(C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  269-270) ;  Bradstreet's  answers  to  the  queries  in  I'^^o 
(C.  O.  1/44,  61  i;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  528-530). 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  718,  7:9.  The  possibility  of  having  to  use  loae 
was  contemplated  by  some  in  England.  Ormonde  MSS.  (H.M.C.  iqi;'. 
New  Series  VII,  pp.  289,  291. 

'  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  851-856;   C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  362,  390,  391. 

^C.  C.  1677 -1680,  p.  384. 


THE   DOMINION  OF   NEW  ENGLAND 


319 


of  unquestionable  validity,  but  from  the  independent  tem- 
per of  the  Nev  Hampshire  people  it  could  readily  have  been 
predicted  that  thi  settlers  would  not  be  willing  to  pay  rents 
on  the  strength  of  an  ancient  grant,  which  had  never  been 
enforced.    Mason  was  naturally  not  able  to  collect  his  legal 
dues,  and  returned  to  England  with  bitter  complaints  against 
those  entrusted  with  the  colony's  government.     In  addition, 
Randolph,  whose  commission  included  New  Hampshire,  was 
on  a  smaller  scale  having  the  same  experiences  there  that 
he  had   in   Massachusetts.     The  basic   industry  of  New 
Hampshire  was  lumbering,'  and,  as  the  laws  of  trade  did  not 
in  any  way  restrict  the  free  exportation  of  timber,  it  is  ap- 
parent that  the  opposition  to  Randolph  and  his  deputies  was 
more  political  than  economic  in  its  nature.    Much  the  same 
social  conditions  and   the  same  political  ideals  prevailed 
in  New  Hampshire   as  in  Massachusetts.     Although  the 
government  was  in  the  hands  of  royal  appointees,  these  men 
were  colonials  imbued  with  the  same  independent  religio- 
political  views  that  ol  'ained  in  the  neighboring  colony. 

In  1680,  the  President  and  Council  appointed  a  special 
official  to  take  entries  from  all  ships  and  to  see  to  the  exe- 
cution of  the  Acts  of  Trade  and  Navigation.-  Captain 
Walter  Barefoote,  one  of  Randolph's  deputies,  was  fined  for 
obliging  vessels  to  enter  and  clear  with  him,  without  first 
having  secured  authorization  from  the  President  and  Coun- 
cil.^   On  another  occasion,  Barefoote  and  two  other  depu- 

>  C.  C.  i61i-i68s,  pp.  38,  39. 

^  Ibid.  pp.  38,  39 ;   New  Hampshire  State  Papers  XIX,  p.  668. 

'  New  nampshirc  State  Papers  XIX,  pp.  665,  666. 


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320 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


p ; 


ties  were  haled  before  the  Council  because  of  a  seizure 
made  by  them.  Their  authority  was  questioned,  and  tiny 
were  fined  because  the  Council  maintained  that  they  IkkI 
shown  no  cause  justifying  the  seizi  .e  of  this  vessel.'  From 
Randoljih  himself  was  demanded  surety  covering  the  costs 
of  the  trial  of  a  seizure  made  by  him,  but  he  refused  to 
comph-.  The  owner  of  the  ship  in  question  then  siicl 
Randolph  for  trespass,  and  succeeded  in  recovering  a  small 
sum  as  damages  as  well  as  the  costs  of  the  trial.-  In  a  ii-v 
of  these  facts,''  it  was  determined  to  take  the  government 
out  of  the  hands  of  those  responsible  for  this  ohstriu- 
tion,  which  tended  to  nullify  the  parliamentary  commercial 
system. 

Accordingly  in  1682,  Edward  Cranfield,  who  had  been 
employed  as  one  of  the  Commissioners  to  superintend  t'le 
removal  of  the  English  settlers  from  Surinam  after  its  t"in;.l 
cession  to  the  Dutch  in  1674,^  was  appointed  Governor  1 : 
New  Hampshire."'*  He  was  instructed  to  suspend  from  the 
Council  Richard  Waldern,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  presi- 
dency on  Cutt's  death  in  1681,"  and  Richard  Martyn  — the 
leaders  in  the  opposition  to  Mason  and  Randolph.^  Shortly 
after  his  arrival  in  the  colony,  in  the  fall  of  1682,  CrantklJ 
reported  that  Mason  had  grievously  misrepresented  condi- 
tions, that  the  people  were  not  disloyal,  and,  though  he  had 

'  Xew  Hampshire  State  Papers  XIX,  pp.  6S3,  684. 
^iuid.  pp.  662-665;  C.  O.  1/54,  Part  II,  102;  C.  C.  16S1-16S5,  p.  44 
■■'  See  a!s«  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  187,  203,  234,  311,  312;   Goodrick.  Ran- 
dolph VI,  pp.  93-98,  1 18-120.  ■•  C.  O.  278/3,  £f.  i-io  ct  pdisim. 
'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  199,  200,  213. 
«  Ibid.  p.  45.  ^  Ibid.  p.  213. 


\ 


.    I  s 


THE  DOMINION  OF   NEW   ENGLAND 


3-' I 


at  first  suspended  Waldern  and  Martyn  from  the  Council, 
after  investigation  of  the  charges,  he  had  readmitted  them.' 
But  within  a  month  Cranfield  had  completely  veered  aroun! 
from  this  Ititudc  of  friendly  sympathy  to  one  of  strong 
hostility  to  the  leaders  of  the  colony.  On  December  ,^o, 
1682,-  he  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  that  'his  mind  had 
totally  changed,'  that  the  '  Council  and  chief  inhabitants  arc 
part  of  the  grand  combination  of  Church  members  and  Con- 
gregational Assemblies  throughout  Xew  Englanrl,'  and  that 
the  people  were  not  loyal.''  During  the  two  following  years 
this  quarrel  between  Cranfield  and  the  leading  men  in  tlu* 
colony  continued  with  increasing  intensity  and  bitterness. 
Both  sides  lacked  a  reasonable  spirit  that  would  admit  of 
compromise.  The  Assembl\'  was  at  loggerheads  with  the 
Governor,  and  legislation  was  at  a  standstill. 

This  impossible  situation  was  largely  the  outcome  of 
Cranfield's  arbitrary  efforts  to  enforce  Mason's  territorial 
rights  and  of  the  steadfast  determination  of  the  settlers  not 
to  pay  any  rent.*     But  in  addition  the  colony,  in  much  the 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  312,  313,  342-344.  C/.  Goodrick,  Randolph  VI, 
pp.  115-118,  120-125. 

-  C.  C.  1681-1683,  pp.  361,  362.     Sec  also  Goodrick,  Randolph  VI,  pp. 

'  More  specifically,  he  complained  that  a  Scottish  vessel,  which  had  been 
allowed  to  trade,  was  freed  on  trial  by  the  jury.  The  jury  subsefiuently 
changed  its  verdict,  but  the  judgment  could  not  be  enforced  as  the  vessel 
had  been  allowed  to  escape.  On  this  case,  see  also  New  Hami)shire  Col. 
Rcc.  I,  pp.  491-496;  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  216-219;  C.  C.  1681- 
1685,  pp.  362,  363,  516,  517.    Cf.  Goodrick,  Randolph  VI,  pp.  i30-i,3V 

*  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  575-578,  666,  667.  670,  697-701.  7°^-7°-i-  (^r-n- 
field  stated  that  if  every  man  paid  the  c)uit-rents  of  6d.  in  the  pound,  the 
revenue  would  not  amount  to  over  £100.    C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  343,  349. 

Y  (2) 


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THE  OLD  COLONL\L  SYSTEM 


same  spirit  as  Massachusetts,  resented  the  presence  of 
English  officials  in  its  midst,  and  failed  to  pay  due  regard  to 
the  laws  of  trade.  According  to  Cranfield,  goods  were  im- 
ported directly  from  Scotland,'  and  he  claimed  to  believe  that 
there  was  a  design  to  make  the  colony  a  centre  of  irregular 
trading.''  Randolph's  deputy,  in  one  instance  at  least,  was 
maltreated  in  the  performance  of  his  duties.'  Occasionally 
a  ship  was  condemned,*  but  in  general  the  laws  could  not 
be  efTectively  enforced  in  face  of  the  popular  opposition  to 
the  royal  officials.'  Finally  Cranfield,  worn  out  by  this 
constant  bickering,  requested  leave  of  absence  and,  on  it 
being  accorded,  expressed  the  hope  that  he  might  never  again 
be  ordered  to  New  Hampshire.*     Five  months  or  so  later, 


I  f 


Randolph,  who  was  always  prone  to  critit  ze  his  fellow  officials,  held  that 
Cranfield's  conduct  was  oppressive  and  arbitrary.    Toppan,  Randolph  1\ , 

PP-  3.4.  17- 

'  C.  C.  16S1-1685,  pp.  368,  369;  Goodrick,  Randolph  VI,  pp.  ijo  li! 
In  this  connection,  Cranfield  requested  the  .-Xttorney-Cieneral's  ruliiijj, 
whether  or  no  Scotsmen  could  act  as  factors  or  merchants  in  the  coKmii.s, 
as  in  his  opinion  the  Navigation  Act  prohibited  it.  The  people  in  Nnv 
Hampshire  contended  correctly  that  all  bom  within  the  King's  alligiaiuc 
could  so  act.     S'c  ante,  Vol.  I,  pp.  8c)-qi. 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  380.  In  1683,  with  the  object  of  prevcntiiiK  for- 
bidden goods  from  being  imported  into  New  Hampshire  in  small  sloups, 
the  Governor  and  Council  prohibited  the  entry  of  any  vessel  of  less  ilun 
one  hundred  tons  from  Boston.    New  Hampshire  Col.  Rec.  I,  pp.  463  464- 

'  C.  O.  1/54,  Part  I,  so  v,  vi. 

*  In  the  case  of  the  ship  Diligence,  condemned  in  1684,  the  owner  William 
Vaughan  appealed  to  England,  but  the  Committee  of  the  Privy  Couiuil  ni 
1686  confirmed  the  judgment.     C.  O.  5/940,  f.  163;   C.  C.  1685-16S     : 
300.  '  Cf.  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  41-'-  41  - 

*  In  this  letter  of  Jan.  6,  1683,  Cranfield  further  wrote:  'I  cstct"  1  1:  •  ■' 
greatest  happiness  of  my  life  to  remove  from  among  these  people,  the  r.ither 


\ 


THE   DOMINION   OF  NEW   ENGLVND 


323 


in  the  summer  of  1685,  he  departed  for  Barbados.'     In  view 
of  this  I'  ^satisfactory  state  of  afTairs,  it  had  already  been 
determiuc'd  in  England  to  incorporate  New  Hampshire  in 
the  new  crown  colony  of  New  England  that  was  being  formed. 
The  person  originally   selected   for   the  governorship   of 
Massachusetts   and    New    Hampshire   was   Colonel    Percy 
Kirke,*  who  had  acquitted  himself  well  under  ditVicult  con- 
ditions at  Tangier.''     However  well  adapted  this  soldier's 
"fierce  and  reckless  personality"  was  for  dealing  with  the 
Emperor  at  Fe/.,  it  rendered  him  unfit  for  the  New  England 
post.     Fortunately,  before  his  appointment  was  definitely 
made,  Charles  H  died,  and  the  ensuing  rebellion  under  the 
lead  of  Monmouth  provided  other  acti\ities  for  Kirke  and 
his  regiment  of  "  Lambs."    This  uprising  aroused  some  futile 
hopes  in  Massachusetts  thai  James  would  not  succeed  to 
the  throne,  and  that  then  the  charter  might  be  restored,* 
but  u  only  postponed  the  appointment  of  a  royal  executive. 
Ip  the  tall  of  1685,  it  was  decided  to  entrust  the  government 
of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire  to  Joseph  Dudley 
as  i'r -sidcnt  <>i  a  Council,  which  was  to  be  composed  in  the 

since  ai.  tk-  womi  cau  set-  that  it  is  not  my  person  but  the  terms  of  my  com- 

miSMi.n  n^x:  -r-'  c:;    J  a!.'     C.  C    ;o8i-  i6S^,  pp.  75S-759- 

:.    ts,.^    r?iv-    pi>.4i,64.     He  was  subsequently,  in  16S7.  appointed 
oat .,    St  V  aeira««oners  of  the  4i  per  cent  Revenue  there.     Treas.  Books, 
nn  --.Kttcrs   J_iS4J!a^  '  i ,  t .  ft 

.    :     n»i--i'»^■    pp.  7i.-^.  719- 

"jTbe-:    l^aSKTOi  in  the  Mediterranean  II.  pp.  12&-126;    E.  M.  G. 

Rciarr.  T-^TBBrr.  pD   ioi-.'o;. 

C  .a,--i(i^  pp.  c-..  117.  DurinK  the  interval,  the  old  charter  sys- 
teir  Titt  araxaJTR-t  as  Governor  was  continued.  This  government  duly 
pru_iiUEEtt  Jaaes  ll's  .accession  to  the  throne.     Ibtd.  pp.  Ji,  32- 


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324 


THE  01  D  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


main  of  prominent  colonials.  This  was  only  a  temporary 
expedient,  as  in  the  meanwhile  it  had  been  determined  in 
England  to  extend  the  process  of  unification  and  to  include 
in  the  new  province  Plymouth,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connect- 
icut. In  this  readjustment  and  in  this  plan,  Randolph  was 
the  moving  spirit.  He  had  opposed  the  appointment  of 
Kirke  and  had  favored  that  of  Dudley,  and  already  in  16S1 
he  had  advocated  the  union  of  all  the  New  England  colonies 
in  one  government.*  The  legal  obstacles  to  this  scheme  were 
such  as  could  easily  be  surmounted.  Plymouth  did  not 
have  a  royal  charter  and  thus  could  readily  be  disposed  of, 
while  against  the  patents  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island 
a  sufficiently  good  case  could  be  made  to  con\nnce  the  sub- 
servient courts  of  James  II  that  there  was  ample  ground  for 
their  cancellation.  Randolph  prepared  charges  against  these 
last  two  colonies,  on  the  strength  of  which  writs  of  quo  n'or- 
ranto  were  issued.  Among  other  things,  Rhode  Island  was 
accused  of  making  laws  repugnant  to  those  of  England,  of 
den>ang  appeals  to  the  King,  and  of  violating  the  laws  of 
trade.  Connecticut  was  called  to  account  for  legislation 
contrary  to  that  of  England  and  for  denying  religious  lib- 
erty to  Anglicans.^ 

Although  Plymouth,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut  were 
not  guilty  of  the  excesses  that  had  brought  about  the  rev- 
ocation of  the  Massachusetts  charter,'  the  obvious  advan- 

>  C.  C.  1681-168S,  pp.  34-36. 

2  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  65;  Toppan,  Randolph  IV,  pp.  22,  23. 
'  In  1680.  Connecticut  had  made  due  provision  for  the  execution  of  the 
laws  of  trade.    In  this  connection,  the  Governor  wrote  to  the  Comniis- 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


325 


tages  of  a  united  New  England  were  such  as  to  outweigh  in 
the  minds  of  English  statesmen  whatever  element  of  in- 
justice there  might  be  in  these  proceedings.    For  purposes 
of  offence  and  defence,  one  colony  was  far  more  effective 
than  four  separate  discordant  jurisdictions.    Moreover,  such 
an  arrangement  would  unquestionably  greatly  facilitate  the 
enforcement  of  the  laws  of  trade.    These  considerations 
would  have  appealed  to  any  statesman  with  a  broad  out- 
look, but  the  plan  naturally  found  especial  favor  in  the  days 
of  James  II,  when  the  influence  of  French  methods  of  ad- 
ministration was  at  its  zenith.    Like  the  measures  of  France, 
it  was  logical  to  the  core,  but  it  was  un-English  to  the  ex- 
tent that  it  disregarded  historic  continuity  and  destroyed 
local  institutions  and  liberties,  which  were  deeply  cherished 
by  the  peoples  who  had  lived  under  them.    There  is  this 
to  be  said,  however,  in  mitigation  of  this  criticism.    The 
people  of  New  England  were  in  general  a  homogeneous 
body,  divided  only  by  differences  of  creed,  which  then 
loomed  large,  but  were  by  no  means  fimdamental.    More- 
over, economically  New  England  was  a  unit,  of  which  Boston 
was  the  commercial  centre,  and  in  a  material  sense  it  could 
not  but  benefit  by  a  political  union  which  would  abolish  the 

sioners  of  the  Customs  that  hitherto  they  had  not  "arrived  at  any  capacitie 
soe  to  defrawde ;  for  though  we  may  not  boast  of  our  own  goodness,  yet 
penury  hath  hitherto  obstructed."  Conn.  Col.  Rec.  Ill,  pp.  4Q,  307-309- 
The  Governor  of  Rhode  island  also  took  the  oath  to  obey  the  laws  of  trade, 
and  in  1682  a  naval  office  was  created  in  the  colony  to  secure  their  execu- 
tion. R.  I.  Col.  Rec.  Ill,  pp.  108-110,  119.  At  about  this  time  also,  Ran- 
dolph wrote  that,  though  treated  with  great  disrespect  in  Massachusetts, 
he  was  accorded  due  consideration  in  the  other  New  England  colonies. 
C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  544,  S4S ;  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  70-73. 


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326 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


artificial  boundary  lines  that  somewhat  interfered  with  the 
freedom  of  exchanges. 

New  Plymouth's  chief  products'  were  fish  and  provisions 
of  all  sorts  —  beef,  pork,  mutton,  and  some  grain.''  The  col- 
ony had  no  large  vessels  and  no  trade  beyond  the  seas.  A 
few  small  boats  were  employed  in  the  fishery  and  in  carrying 
the  colony's  surplus  produce  to  Boston,  whence  it  was  trans- 
ported to  market.  Boston  was  the  colony's  entrepot.  "  Com- 
odities  Imported  from  beyond  Sea  wee  haue  none  to  us 
directly,"  wrote  Governor  Winslow  in  1680,  "but  haue  all 
our  Supplies  from  our  Neighbours  of  the  Massachusets." 
Similarly,  the  exports  and  imports  of  Rhode  Island  were  in- 
considerable.' According  to  Governor  Sanford's  statement 
made  in  1680,  there  were  no  merchants  in  Rhode  Island, 
"but  the  most  of  our  CoUoney  live  comfortably  by  improv- 
inge  the  wildemesse."  With  the  exception  of  a  few  sloops, 
the  colony  had  no  shipping,  nor  was  there  any  trade  with 
foreigners  or  Indians.  Its  chief  exports  were  horses  and  pro- 
visions, and  its  main  imports  consisted  of  a  small  quantity  of 
West  Indian  goods  for  local  consumption.  Connecticut  was 
also  essentially  an  agricultural  community,  raising  wheat, 
com  and  other  grains,  peas,  pork,  beef,  horses,  and  lum- 
ber, which  were  for  the  most  part  transported  to  Boston 

'  See  Governor  Winslow's  answers  to  the  queries  of  1680.  C.  O.  1/44, 
55  i;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  522,  523. 

« In  addition,  the  colony  raised  horses  and  cows,  and  produced  some 
ship-timber,  tar,  hemp,  and  flax. 

'  See  Governor  Peleg  Sanford's  answers  to  the  queries  of  1680.  C.  0. 
1/44,  58  i;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  523,  524;  A.  B.  Hart,  Am.  Hist,  told  by 
Contemporaries  I,  pp.  407-409. 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


327 


and  there  exchanged  for  clothing.'  Some  also  were  shipped 
to  New  York.  This  constituted  the  bulk  of  the  colony's 
commerce,  but,  in  addition,  there  was  a  small  direct  export 
trade  to  the  West  Indies  and  occasionally  a  ship  took  a 
cargo  to  the  Madeiras.'' 

The  provisions  thus  obtained  from  the  neighboring  colo- 
nies constituted  an  important  factor  in  Boston's  trade.^ 
However  much  Massachusetts  might  object  to  the  provin- 
cial form  of  government,  the  unification  of  New  England  in 
itself  was  eagerly  welcomed  there.  In  1686,  the  President 
and  Council  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  supp  'ting  this 
policy  and  stating  that  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  'have 
always  been  nourished  by  us,  and  they  depend  on  us  not 
only  for  supplies,  but  for  manufactures  of  all  kinds,  so  that 
to  divide  them  from  us  to  lay  restraint  on  trade  would  be 
ruinous  to  all.'  * 

In  May  of  1686,'  Randolph  arrived  in  Boston  with  in- 
structions to  serve  the  legal  papers  in  the  suits  against 

'  See  Governor  William  Leete's  answers  of  1680.  Conn.  Col.  Rec.  HI. 
pp.  294-301 ;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  576-578. 

'  See  also  Governor  Leete's  letter  of  1681.    Conn.  Col.  Rec.  Ill,  pp.  308, 

309. 

•  In  1687,  Andros  reported  that  Massachusetts  could  not  carry  on  its 
trade  without  these  provisions  from  Connecticut.  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  350. 
See  also  Dongan's  statements.    Ibid.  pp.  329,  370,  371 ;  C.  C.  1699,  p.  604. 

*  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  261.  .At  the  same  time,  Dudley  wrote  to  Blath- 
wayt  praying  for  the  annexation  of  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut,  as 
these  "are  the  Principall  parts  of  the  Countrey  whose  Come  and  Cattle  are 
raised  for  the  supply  of  the  Great  Trade  of  fishing  and  Other  shipping 
belonging  to  this  his  Majestyes  Territorj-."  Goodrick,  Randolph  VI,  p. 
196. 

'C.  C.  1685-168.*?,  p.  188;  Toppan,  Randolph  IV,  pp.  49,  50. 


■■?  ! 


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328 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut  and  to  organize  the  pro\i- 
sional  government,  which  was  to  replace  that  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  Company.  Randolph  himself  had  been  ap- 
pointed Secretary  of  the  new  government  and  also  one  of 
the  Council.'  In  addition,  he  had  also  secured  for  himself 
some  other  posts,^  and  likewise  continued  to  be  the  Collector 
of  the  Customs.  Joseph  Dudley  and  the  Council  were  in- 
stalled in  office  without  any  opposition,  except  that  a  pro- 
test was  lodged  against  the  lack  of  an  assembly.'  Although 
Randolph  had  been  Dudley's  sponsor,*  he  quickly  became 
dissatisfied,  mainly  because  in  his  opinion  the  new  govern- 
ment neither  sufficiently  furthered  the  interests  of  Angli- 
canism, nor  adequately  supported  him  in  enforcing  the  laws 
of  trade. 

For  approximately  three  years  Randolph  had  been  able 
to  pay  only  slight  attention  to  his  duties  as  Collector,  since 
his  time  had  been  fully  taken  up  with  the  legal  proceedings 
against  the  New  England  charters.  On  his  departure  from 
Massachusetts  in  1683,  he  had  delegated  his  authority  to 
his  brother  Bernard.  But  the  deputy  fared  no  better  than 
the  chief.  According  to  Governor  Cranfield,  Bernard  Ran- 
dolph was  'daily  affronted  and  abused.'  In  despair  of 
being  able  to  accomplish  anything,  after  a  few  months  he 

>  C.  C.  1681-168S,  pp.  718,  719.  In  1687,  Randolph  leased  his  office  of 
Secretary  for  £150  yearly.    C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  364. 

'  Randolph  was  appointed  Surveyor  of  the  V.'oods  in  Maine  Aith  a 
salary  of  £50  payable  by  the  Treasurer  of  the  Navy,  and  also  Deputy- 
Postmaster  in  New  England.  Toppan,  Randolph  IV,  pp.  58,  59,  67,  68,  71 1 
C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  120. 

'  C.  C.  1685-168S,  p.  200.  *  Ibid.  pp.  77,  87,  83. 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


329 


decided  to  go  to  England  to  complain.*  Early  in  1684, 
when  he  was  about  to  depart,  he  was  arrested  in  suits  for 
damages  caused  by  his  acts  in  trying  to  enforce  the  laws,* 
and  shortly  thereafter  he  died.'  At  about  this  time  William 
Dyre,  who  had  been  appointed  in  1683  Surveyor  General  of 
the  Customs,  came  to  New  England.  His  activities  were, 
however,  chiefly  confined  to  suppressing  the  pirates  who 
were  disposing  of  their  spoils  there.*  Thus,  until  Randolph's 
reassumpt;  m  of  his  duties  in  1686,  the  administration  of 
the  laws  was  mainly  in  the  hands  of  local  authorities.  Gov- 
ernor Bradstreet  apparently  did  his  utmost  to  enforce  them,* 
but  the  task  was  one  of  great  difficulty.'  Accordingly, 
when  Randolph  returned  to  Massachusetts  in  1686,  new 
instnunents  were  provided  for  suppressing  the  illegal 
traders.  It  was  determined  to  erect  an  admiralty  court 
and  to  station  a  frigate  in  Massachusetts  to  assist  the  cus- 


'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  449,  450,  460;  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  pp.  249, 
250. 
« C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  607. 

•  Ibid.  p.  634.  When  reporting  Bernard  Randolph's  death,  Governor 
Cranfield  of  New  Hampshire  wrote  that  this  vacancy  should  be  filled,  as 
he  had  himself  observed  that  Canary  wines  and  French  commodities  were 
more  plentiful  than  ever  in  Boston.    Ibid. 

*  Ibid.  pp.  678,  680,  681,  684-686. 
'  Toppan,  Randolph  III,  p.  340. 

•C/.  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  669.  In  1684,  Randolph  wrote  to  Bradstreet 
about  a  trader  who  had  shipped  tobacco  directly  from  Virginia  to  Glasgow. 
After  selling  the  tobacco,  he  proceeded  to  Rotterdam,  where  he  was  secur- 
ing a  cargo  for  direct  shipment  to  Boston.  In  reply,  Bradst  "  '  wrote  that 
this  trader  had  arrived  with  a  clearing  from  Whitehaven  in  Eng.  d,  "which 
I  could  not  disproue,  but  doubt  whether  ever  hee  came  there  or  not." 
Tuppaii,  Randolph  III,  pp.  323,  336-341. 


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330 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


toms  officials.    Such  agencies  had  already  been  effectively 
employed  for  this  purpose  in  the  West  Indies. 

'  T  in  the  case  of  the  other  colonial  executives  appointed  by 
the  Crown,  Joseph  Dudley  vizs  commissionedVice-Admiral; ' 
and,  in  addition,  a  court  of  this  nature  was  established  and 
a  judge,  registrar,  and  marshal  were  appointed  to  serve  in  it.- 
It  was  expected  that  this  tribunal,  which  acted  without 
juries,  would  be  free  from  the  local  prejudices  of  the  colonial 
courts  and  would  condemn  all  legitimate  seizures  made  by 
the  customs  officials.'  In  1685,  Randolph  had  also  urged 
the  necessity  of  employing  a  ship  of  the  navy  against  the 
smugglers.*  Accordingly,  Captain  George  of  H.M.S.  Rose, 
which  brought  Randolph  to  Boston,  was  ordered  to  remain 
on  that  station. 

Under  these  new  arrangements,  the  laws  were  more 
effectively  enforced  than  ever  before.  During  the  year 
1686  a  number  of  seizures  were  condemned,  mainly  in  the 
Admiralty  Court.*  The  administrative  system  did  not, 
however,  work  smoothly.  Randolph  complained  that  Cap- 
tain George  was  exceeding  his  authority  in  seizing  vessels 

'  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  Series  II,  XIII,  p.  228. 

»  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  119- 

'  The  Vice-Admiralty  Court  sat  for  the  first  time  on  July  S,  1686.  Sew- 
all's  Letter-Book,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  Series  VT,  I,  p.  34- 

*  Toppan,  Randolph  IV,  p.  48. 

'  The  total  value  of  six  seizures  and  condemnations  reported  was  £865. 
C.  O.  1/61,  21  i.  In  the  case  of  one  of  these  seizures,  which  had  imported 
Scottish  goods,  Randolph  wrote  to  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  that 
the  master  had  secured  fraudulent  cerrificates  from  some  of  the  English 
customs  officials.  Toppan,  Rrindolph  IV.  p.  112.  For  further  details  of 
som'i  of  these  cases,  set  Goodrick,  Randolph  VI,  pp.  183-185. 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


33^ 


Sew- 


in  port,  thus  depriving  the  Collector  of  the  share  of  con- 
demnations to  which  he  was  entitled.*  Although  Dudley 
and  his  Council  were  naturally  pursuing  a  con  iliatory  policy 
towards  their  countrymen,  they  fully  realized  that  any  neg- 
lect on  their  part  to  enforce  the  laws  of  trade  would  react 
grievously  on  Massachusetts  and  evidently  in  full  sincerity 
endeavored  to  enforce  them.^  But  Randolph,  who  \\as 
described  at  the  time  as  "a  Person  generally  hated  by  the 
Bostonians, " '  encountered  personal  opposition  that  could 
not  be  overcome;  and,  moreover,  he  was  annoyed  because 
Dudley  would  not  support  him  in  his  quarrels  with  Captain 
George.*  He  accordingly  complained  to  England,  stating 
that  a  governor  general  was  much  needed  and  that  delay 
in  this  matter  was  prejudicial.*  Already  in  June  of  1686, 
Sir  Edmund  Andros  had  been  commissioned  Governor  of 
New  England,  but  it  was  only  in  December  that  he  arrived 
in  America.    In  the  meanwhile,  Randolph  had  served  the 

'Toppan,  Randolph  IV,  pp.  91-93,  97-ioo>  126-128;  Goodrick,  Ran- 
dolph VI,  pp.  183,  184,  186,  187. 

»  Dudley  and  the  Council  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade:  "Wee  are  also 
preparing  strict  methods,  for  the  pursuance  of  the  Acts  of  trade  and  navi- 
gation, in  every  Port  of  this  GovernmV  Toppan,  Randolph  IV,  pp. 
80-82.    See  also  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  260-262. 

•  John  Dunton's  Letters  from  New  England  in  1686  (W.  H.  Whitmore 
cd.  for  Prince  Soc),  p.  137.  Randolph  himself  wrote:  'I  am  accounted 
by  all  to  be  the  sole  enemy  of  the  country,  having  served  the  King  here 
eleven  years,  and  taken  the  writs  to  the  other  colonies.'    C.  C.  1685-1688, 

pp.  322,   223. 

*  Toppan,  Randolph  IV,  pp.  91-93 ;  Goodrick,  Randolph  VI,  pp.  187- 

iSq. 

'  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  222,  223,  230,  231,  658,  659;  Toppan,  Randolph 
IV,  pp.  II 6-1 1 8. 


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THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


quo  warranto  writs  on  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut. 
The  former  had  submitted  already  in  July ;  *  Connecticut 
was  not  so  pliable,  but  on  seeing  that  the  English  govern- 
ment was  determined  and  fearing  that  resistance  might 
lead  to  its  annexation  to  New  York,  likewise  surrendered 
somewhat  '  ss  than  a  year  later.*  Thus  in  the  autumn  i»f 
1687  /vndros  was  at  the  head  of  a  government  comprising 
all  the  New  England  colonies. 

Andros  was  a  soldier  of  excellent  reputation,  who  had 
made  a  satisfactory  record  as  Governor  of  New  York.  He 
was  empowered  to  impose  taxes  and  to  legislate  with  the 
advice  of  the  Council,  and  his  salary  of  £1200  was  to  be 
paid  by  the  English  Exchequer  until  a  revenue  should  be 
estabUshed  in  New  England.'  Although  the  CouncU  was 
composed  of  the  leading  men  of  each  colony,  the  contrast 
between  the  new  system  and  that  which  had  prevailed 
under  the  charters  was  a  striking  one.  The  absence  of  a 
legislature  could  not  but  be  deemed  a  serious  grievance  b\ 
men  accustomed  to  self-government.  An  appointed  Coun- 
cil, no  matter  how  representative,  could  not  take  the  place 
of  an  elected  assembly ;  and,  moreover,  Andros  dominated 
and,  occasionally,  even  overrode  this  body.  Although  no 
attempt  was  made  at  the  time  to  dispense  with  the  popu- 
larly elected  legislatures  in  Virginia,  Jamaica,  Barbados,  and 
the  other  crown  colonies,  James's  treatment  of  his  own  pro- 

'  C.  C.   1685-1688,  pp.  211,  217;  Goodrick,  Randolph  \1,  pp.  'vC 

196. 

=  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  198,  199,  20s,  206,  21S,  222,  350,  364,  365-  3^'- 
3»7  ;   Goodrick,  Randolph  \l,  pp.  2^3,  234. 

'  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  203,  242 ;  Blathwayt,  Journal  I,  f.  i99- 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


333 


prietar}'  province  of  New  York  naturally  led  to  the  infer- 
ence that  this  was  to  be  a  permanent  arrangement  in  New 
England.  At  the  present  day,  there  may  be  some  legiti- 
mate doubt  on  this  point,  but  contemporaries  in  the  colo- 
nies affected  inevitably  regarded  this  proconsular  system 
not  as  a  temporary  expedient,  but  as  an  expression  of 
James  II's  absolute  theories  of  government.  The  slightest 
uncertainty  about  so  vital  a  subject  was  sufficient  to  arouse 
misgivings  and  unrest  in  a  people  so  jealous  of  their  liber- 
ties as  were  the  New  Englandcrs.  Whether  Andros's  gov- 
ernment were  benevolent  or  tyrannical  mattered  little; 
under  no  circumstances  could  it  find  favor  in  the  eyes  of  a 
people  to  whom  its  autocratic  form  was  abhorrent. 

In  practice,  the  administration  and  legislation  of  Andros 
was  not  oppressive.  The  old  system  of  taxation  in  Massa- 
chusetts was  continued,  and,  although  a  larger  revenue  was 
anticipated,  it  was  but  trifling  in  comparison  with  the 
colony's  wealth  and  population.*  Naturally,  the  laws  of 
trade  and  navigation  were  more  effectively  enforced,  as 
the  means  of  obstruction  had  been  considerably  lessened.^ 


\h 


m 


» Cf.  p.  C.  Cal.  II,  pp.  104,  105 ;  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  422,  464- 
» In  1690,  it  was  said  that  under  Andros  these  laws  "were  carefully  in- 
forced,  and  their  constant  and  profitable  correspondence  with  Foreigners 
and  Pyrats  diligently  obstructed."  John  Palmer,  An  Impartial  Account 
of  the  State  of  New  England  (London,  1690),  in  Andros  Tracts  I,  p.  41. 
See  also  .\ndros  Records  in  Am.  Antiqu.  Soc,  New  Series  XIII,  pp.  242,  249, 
464,  467;  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  311,  350.  In  1687,  the  Commissioners  of 
the  Customs  wrote  to  Andros  that  they  had  been  frequently  informed  by 
their  agent  in  Scotland  that  several  vessels  with  enumerated  goods  came 
there  directly  from  the  colonies,  "being  generally  shipps  that  pretend  to 
belong  to  and  give  Bond  in  the  Plantacons,  which  are  piaine  instances  of 


s  •  u  ■. 


?i     ^^ 


I  J 


iii.--i 


I  'i 


Oi 


t 


H 


!      I 


I :  r. 


'i 


I  ; 


L  r 


334 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


The  carefully  prepared  and  detailed  accounts  of  the  entries 
of  ships  inwards  and  outwards  at  Boston,  which  date  from 
Randolph's  return  in  1686  and  were  continued  under  An- 
dros,  are  in  themselves  a  concrete  evidence  of  the  vastly 
greater  respect  paid  to  these  laws,'  More  disturbing  than 
anything  else  was  Andros's  land  policy,  which  threw  gra\e 
doubts  on  the  validity  of  a  large  number  of  titles.    Al- 

the  great  neglect  or  corrupUon  of  the  officers  employed  in  executing  the 
laws."  Amlros  was  instructed  to  be  very  careful  that  all  ships  not  pro- 
ducing certificates  of  having  given  bond  in  England  should  give  Imnd  in 
the  colonies  and  that  such  colonial  bonds  should  be  canceUed  only  by 
certificates  to  the  effect  that  the  goods  had  been  landed  in  England.  Top- 
pan,  Randolph  IV,  pp.  I4S-I47- 

»  C.  O.  S/84S.    Of  these  accounts,  numbers  i  to  s  cover  roughly  the  tirst 

five  of  the  seven  months  of  Dudley's  presidency.    Sixty-two  vessels  of 

from  4  to  120  tons  arrived  from  the  other  colonies  with  small  quantities  of 

sugar,  tobacco,  cotton,  etc.    Twenty-nine  ships,  of  which  14  were  Engli>h 

of  loio  tons  and  13  were  colonial  of  8qs  tons,  came  from  other  places,  in 

which  was  included  Newfoundland,  whence  came  3  vessels.     Seventeen 

ships  came  from  England.    During  the  same  period,  there  left  Boston  ;3 

ships  bound  for  England  and  Europe;  of  these,  15  of  780  tons  were  colonial. 

and  8  of  7-^0  tons  were  English.    Six  were  bound  for  London  with  sugar. 

molasses,  rum,  dyeing-wood,  skins,  oil.  fish,  and  lumber;  seven  saUed  t.r 

Newfoundland  with  sugar,  molasses,  rum,  lumber,  and  provisions;  and  t.n 

carried  fish  to  Spain.    The  total  exports  of  the  products  of  the  other  colonu; 

except  molasses,  were  not  large :  sugar. 339  hogsheads,  18  tierces,  7  barrel;: 

mol.-isscs,  1471  hogsheads,  6  tierces;  rum,  12  hogsheads;  dyeing-\v  >•  .i.  5.^ 

tons.    Of  skins  exported,  there  were  35  hogsheads  and  2  barrels  .  oi  uil,  ;: 

tierces  and  57  barrels.    The  account  of  goods  exported  to  the  other  color  cs 

gives  details  regarding  70  ships  of  2036  tons,  of  which  apparently  all  v.rc 

colonial,  except  one  English  vessel  of  140  tons.    Included  in  this  li>i  ^^^■^• 

2  ships  with  lumber  and  oil  for  the  Madeiras  and  one  with  lish  tor  ;..e 

Canaries.    Of  these  vessels,  9  were  bound  for  Virginia  with  pronsions.  sa/.. 

lumber,  oU,  fish,  a  small  quantity  of  English  manufactures,  and  aho  s.  n-.:- 

sugar,  molasses,  mm,  and  ginger.     The  majority  of  these  70  ships  to..k 

lumber,  fish,  horses,  and  provisions  to  the  West  Indies. 


11) 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


335 


though  actuaUy  but  few  individuals  were  disturbed  in  their 
possessions,  yet  the  uncertainty  caused  by  the  legal  proceed- 
ings kept  the  colony  in  a  ferment  of  unrest  and  excitement. 
The  plans  of  the  government  of  James   II  were  of   a 
far  wider  scope  than  the  mere  unification  of  New  England. 
In  the  first  place,  it  was  proposed  to  annul  all  the  colonial 
charters.    In  1685,  the  Lords  of  Trade  reported  that  it  was 
"of   very  Great  &  Growing  Prejudice  to  Yo'  Ma?     Af- 
faires in  y'  Plantacons  &  to  yo'  Customs  here  that  such 
independent   Govern?  be   kept   up  &   maintained   w%ut 
a  nearer   &   more  linediate  Dependance   on  yo'  Ma'"."  ' 
The  fundamental  cause  of  this  movement  was  the  difTi- 
culty  that  had  been  experienced  in  enforcing  the  laws  of 
trade  in  these  independent  jurisdictions.'    In  consequence 
of  complaints  of  this  nature  received  from  Maryland,  on 
July  10,  168s,  the  Privy  Council  instructed  the  Attorney- 
General  to  bring  suit  against  Lord   Baltimore's   patent.^* 
Complaints  had  also  been  received  from  New  York  that  its 
trade  had  suffered  severely  by  the  separation  from  it  of  the 
Jerseys  and  Delaware,  and  accordingly  a  week  later,  at 
the  same  time  that  the  proceedings  against  Connecticut 
and  Rhode  Island  were  instituted,  urits  of  quo  nmrauto 
were  also  ordered  to  be  issued  against  the  charters  of  these 
colonies.*    A  few  months  after  the  issue  of  this  order,  the 

^L^forMarlrland,"  ante,  Chapter  VIII,  and  for  the  Carulinas,  ante, 

Chapter  IX. 

'P.  C.  Cal.  II,  p.  88.  „  ^  r^  ,    TT   „   8S- 

.  C.  O.  3H/4,  f.  ^30;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  III.  p.  361 ;  P-  C.  Cal.    I   p.  88. 

C.  C.  1635  16SS,  PP-  43,  63,  67.  73;  Toppan.  Randolph  IV,  pp.  .6-28. 


f      '!   .     <.| 


336 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


'  .   ( 


government  received  a  letter  from  William  Dyre,  the  Sur- 
veyor General  of  the  Customs  in  America,  complaining  that 
he  had  been  arrested  in  East  New  Jersey  as  a  consequence 
of  refusing  to  pay  the  costs  of  the  trial  of  a  vessel  seized 
by  him  and  then  unjustly  freed  on  trial  by  a  jury.'  As  a 
result,  the  Privy  Council  renewed  its  instructions  to  the 
Attorney-General  to  begin  suit  against  the  charter  of  that 
colony.*  The  following  year,  1686,  the  prosecution  of  all 
these  outstanding  writs  of  quo  warranto  was  again  ordereil,' 
and  also  the  institution  of  suits  against  the  patents  idr 
Pennsylvania,  the  Carolinas,  and  the  Bahamas.*  Thus,  at 
this  time  preparations  were  made  to  abrogate  every  one  nf 
the  existing  colonial  charters.  The  English  legal  processes 
were,  however,  exceedingly  dilatory,  and  but  little  came  of 
this  comprehensive  movement.  The  charters  of  Carolina, 
Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  and  the  Bahamas  were 
still  intact  at  the  time  of  the  Revolution  of  1688/9.  On 
the  other  hand,  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut  had  sub- 
mitted, and  the  writs  had  also  been  served  on  the  proprie- 
tors of  the  Jerseys,*  who  had  surrendered  their  questionable 
rights  of  government.'  Had  all  the  suits  been  carried  to  a 
successful  conclusion,  the  English  government  would  have 
been  enabled  to  consolidate  the  continental  colonies  in  two 
distinct  political  entities  with  Virginia  and  Massachusetts 

>  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  61,  106;  P.  C.  Cal.  II,  p.  89. 

'  P.  C.  Cal  II,  p.  89. 

'  Ibid.  p.  88;   C.  O.  5/723.  f-  109;   C.  O.  324/4,  ff-  ^Si,  240. 

*  P.  C.  Cal.  II,  p.  92;  C.  0.  s/723,  ff.  109,  no;  No.  Ca.  Col.  Rcc.  I, 

PP-  352-354- 

»  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  77.  •  Ibid.  pp.  326,  542. 


i  i 


THE  DOMINION    OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


337 


as  their  respective  centres.  That  some  idea  of  this  nature 
vas  entertained,  if  only  vaguely,  may  be  surmised  from 
what  was  done  with  the  northern  colonies. 

In  1688,'  a  new  commission  was  issued  to  Andros  includ- 
ing within  "the  Dominion  of  New  England"  both  New  York 
and  the  Jerseys.'  At  the  same  time,  Captain  Francis  Nich- 
olson was  appointed  Lieutenant-Governor.'  The  main 
purpose  of  this  short-lived  consolidation  was  to  increase 
the  military  efficiency  of  the  colonies,*  as  the  French  and 
Indian  situation  was  becoming  daily  more  threatening.* 
But  before  its  efficacy  in  this  respect  could  be  tested,  the 
Dominion  of  New  England,  after  an  existence  of  only  a  few 
months,  fell  to  pieces  in  the  turmoil  and  confusion  caused 
by  the  English  Revolution  of  1688/9.  Such  an  artificial 
union  was  bound  to  be  short-lived.  The  middle  colonies 
differed  so  fundamentally  from  those  in  New  England  that 
no  other  outcome  was  possible. 

Of  the  colonies  situated  between  Virginia  and  Maryland 
to  the  South  and  New  England  to  the  North,  only  New  York 
had  at  this  time  any  commercial  importance.  But  even 
this  possession  was  from  the  imperial  standpoint  insignifi- 
cant, when  compared  with  the  tobacco  and  sugar  colonies. 

>  Ibid.  pp.  525.  526;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  536,  S37- 

'  Andres's  salary  was  raised  to  £1400.  Blathwayt,  Journal  I,  f.  296 ; 
C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  560.  '  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  533. 

'  Blathwayt  wrote  to  Randolph  that  such  a  consolidation  of  the  colonies, 
"besides  other  advantages,  will  be  terrible  to  the  French  and  make  them 
proceed  with  more  caution  than  they  have  lately  done."  Toppan,  Ran- 
dolph IV,  pp.  216-218. 

T.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  352,  353,  588-502. 

z  U) 


f!ii 


'  ■  f ' 

I'' 


VI 


Ms 

if  i 


1  ^1, ! 


!l 


.  i 


I 

H 


f  I 


'.[■ 


338 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Although  the  process  of  settlement  in  Pennsylvania  was 
proceeding  at  an  exceptionally  rapid  pace,*  Penn's  "holy 
experiment"  had  naturally  so  far  not  been  able  to  do  more 
than  demonstrate  its  prospective  future  worth,  since  the 
charter  had  been  issued  only  in  1681.''  The  Jerseys,  it  is 
true,  were  of  older  date,  and  their  great  agricultural  re- 
sources had  already  been  more  than  tapped.'  But  the 
trade  of  these  sparse  and  scattered  settlements  and  their 
demand  for  foreign  supplies  was  insignificant.  In  1687, 
Governor  Dongan  of  New  York  wrote  to  the  Lords  of 
Trade  that  last  year  two  or  three  ships  had  come  to  East 
Jersey  with  merchandise,  which  unquestionably  was  then 
smuggled  mto  New  York,  as  he  was  'sure  that  East  Jersey 

•  The  immigration  into  Pennsylvania  was  abnormally  large,  and  there 
had  already  been  established  trade  relations  with  Barbados.  A.  C.  Myers, 
Narratives  of  Early  Pennsylvania,  elc,  pp.  229,  253,  260,  287,  290,  291,  203. 
Already  in  1684,  a  ship  was  condemned  in  Philadelphia  on  the  ground  that 
it  was  a  French  bottom  and  as  such  not  allowed  to  trade.  Pa.  Col.  Rec, 
Council  1683-1700,  I,  pp.  122,  123.  According  to  the  English  Treasury 
Records,  a  Scottish  vessel  had  been  condemned  by  the  Governor  and 
Council  of  Pennsylvania  in  1683.    Treas.  Books,  Out-Letters,  Customs  10, 

ff.  177,  178. 

*  Careful  provision  was  made  in  the  charter  to  obviate  the  difTiculties 
that  had  been  encountered  in  enforcing  the  laws  of  trade  in  the  other  colonies 
of  this  general  type.  The  patentee  was  obliged  to  admit  all  officials  ap- 
pointed by  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  and  to  appoint  an  attorney 
or  agent  in  London  to  answer  for  "any  wilfull  default  or  neglect  permitted 
by  the  said  William  Penn,  his  heirs  or  assignes  against  our  Lawes  of  Trade 
or  Navigacon."  Pa.  Col.  Records,  Council  1683-1700,  I,  pp.  22,  23.  See 
also  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  3. 

'  A  Further  Account  of  New  Jersey  (London,  1676),  pp.  2,  6-8;  C.  C. 
1669-1674,  pp.  44,  45 ;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  p.  i?2;  A.  C.  Myers,  Narra- 
tives of  Early  Pennsylvania,  etc.,  pp.  191,  192. 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


339 


and  West  Jersey  together  cannot  consume  over  £1000  worth 
of  goods  m  two  years.' '  In  comparison  with  its  southern 
neighbors,  New  York  was  already  a  considerable  commer- 
cial centre. 

The  settlement  of  the  Dutch  in  this  region  had  from  the 
very  outset  been  resented  by  the  English,  who  claimed  as 
their  own  the  entire  Atlantic  coast  from  Canada  to  Florida. 
Prior  to  the  Restoration  no  consistent  attempts  had  been 
made  to  render  these  claims  effective,  but  after  1660  they 
were  renewed  and  enforced,  because  the  presence  of  these 
Dutch  settlements  in  the  very  mickt  of  the  English  domin- 
ions was  found      creasingly  inconvenient.    New  Nether- 
land  separated  the  territorial  continuity  of  the  English 
colonies,  interfered  vith  thuir  future  expansion,  and  com- 
plicated the  question  of  defence.    Its  conquest  would  mean 
a  return  to  the  conditions  of  1606,  when  James  I  granted 
the  entire  Atlantic  seaboard  to  Virginia  and  New  England.^ 
Moreover,  and  this  was  the  fundamental  motive,  the  prox- 
imity of  the  Dutch  to  the  English  colonies  facilitated  illegal 
trade  and  rendered  it  far  more  difficult  to  put  into  effect 
the  colonial  system. 
In  1662,  the  Council  for  Foreign  Plantations  took  under 

>  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  327.  This  statement  is  presumably  an  under- 
estimate. 

'  In  the  fall  of  1664,  shortly  after  the  conquest  of  New  Netherland, 
Samuel  Maverick  wrote  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. :  "So  that  now,  thourough 
Gwls  mercey,  the  two  CoUoncyes,  \irginia  and  New  England,  are  once  more 
intirely  ioyned  together  vnder  the  Gouemment  of  our  soueraigne  lord  the 
Kmge,  and  vnder  him  his  royaU  highness  the  Duke  of  York."  Winthrop 
Papers  II,  p.  310. 


If 


10 


H, 


h\    !     ! 


340 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


:M 


its  consideration  some  information  that  had  been  received  of 
a  secret  trade  in  tobacco  between  the  Dutch  and  English 
colonies,  "as  namely  by  delivering  the  same  at  sea,  by  carr>- 
ing  the  same  to  New  England  and  other  Plantacons  and 
thence  shipping  the  same  in  Dutch  bottoms,"  and  also  by 
t.4  ing  it  to  the  Dutch  settlements  in  Delaware  Bay.  Lord 
Baltimore  was  summoned  before  the  Council,  and  prom- 
ised to  instruct  his  deputy  in  Maryland  to  put  a  stop  to 
such  practices.*  In  1663,  the  Privy  Council  wrote  to  the 
colonial  Governors  about  this  direct  trade  to  the  Dutch 
settlements  and  ordered  them  strictly  to  enforce  the  Act 
of  Navigation.^  At  the  same  time,  in  connection  with  a 
complaint  against  the  Dutch  intrusion  at  New  Netherland 
and  Long  Island,  which  it  was  claimed  belonged  to  England, 
attention  was  again  directed  to  this  intercourse  as  in  great 
part  frustrating  the  'good  intention'  of  the  laws  regulating 
English  colonial  trade.'  During  the  ensuing  investigation, 
the  Farmers  of  the  Customs  stated  that  the  ships  trading 
to  the  English  colonies  "doe  both  by  land  &  water  carry  & 
convey  greate  quantities  of  Tobacco  to  the  Dutch  whose 
Plantations  are  contiguous,  the  Custom  whereof  would 
amount  to  tenne  thousand  pounds  p.  ann.  or  upwards."  * 
As  a  remedy,  it  was  proposed  that  the  Farmers  of  the  Cus- 
toms should  establish  officials  in  the  colonies  to  prevent  such 
illegal  trading;'  but,  while  this  proposal  was  being  debated, 

•  C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  345,  357 ;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  p.  44. 

'  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  III.  pp.  44-46.  '  C.  O.  1/14.  59.  f-  53- 

*  Ibid.  S.  53,  54 ;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  p.  47 ;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  597- 

»  C.  O.  1,14,  5Q  ff.  54-56;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  UI,  pp.  48-50;  C.  C.  1661- 
166S,  nos.  605,  644,  649. 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


.^41 


the  international  situation  had  become  critical,  and  war 
between  England  and  Holland  was  imminent. 

According  to  the   prevaiUng  international  practice,  the 
Dutch  had  acquired  an  unquestionably  valid  title  to  New 
Netherland  from  their  long  occupation  of  this  region.     Eng- 
land's insistence  on  her  strictly  formal  legal  rights  was  as 
untenable  as  was  the  Dutch  claim  to  a  monopoly  of  the 
trade  of  West  Africa.    But  while  the  Restoration  govern- 
ment did  not  disturb  New  Netherland,  the  Dutch  were 
forcibly  driving  the  English  slave-traders  from  the  Guinea 
coast.    In  retaliation  for  these  unwarranted  aggressions  in 
Africa,  England  determined  to  attack  the  Dutch  settlements 
in  America.^     War  was  not  formaUy  declared,  nor  was  such 
notification  required  by  international  usage;  for,  untU  the 
ninececnth  century,  nations  were  frequently  engaged  in  pro- 
tracted hostilities,  while  theoreticaUy  stiU  at  peace.    Early  m 
1664,  Charles  II  granted  to  his  brother,  the  Duke  of  York, 
the  Dutch  territories  in  North  America,''  and  at  the  same 
time  the  Commissioners,  who  were  being  sent  to  New  Eng- 
land, were  instructed  to  reduce  these  settlements.'    In  the 
summer  of  1664,  Colonel  Richard  Nicolls  appeared  with  a 
small  force  before  New  Amsterdam,  which,  being  totally  un- 
prepared for  resistance,  surrendered.*     Shortly  thereafter, 
the  Dutch  settlements  on  the  Delaware  were  also  reduced.' 

.  See  especiaUy  H.  L.  Schoolcraft,  The  Capture  of  Ne'v  Amsterdam,  in 
English  Historical  Review  XXII,  pp.  687  el  seq. 
»  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  685. 

^Ibid.  nos.  711.  713;   Mass.  Col.  Rec.  IV,  Part  H,  p.  117. 
«C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  788. 
-  Ibid.  no.  Soy;  N.  Y.  Col  Doc.  III.  p.  60. 


.jfc».a 


I 


.;  "'i  •;! . 


W  ?'   I'  i 


Ifrj};  i'i 


^i  ■  ■ 


!• 


I'I 


•; 


342 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


The  Treaty  of  Breda  of  1667,  which  brought  to  an  end  the 
formal  war  that  followed  upon  these  proceedings,  conceded 
to  England  these  r^ons,  and  thus  came  into  being  the 
English  colony  of  New  York. 

As  New  York  was  now  an  English  colony,  the  Dutch  mer- 
chants could  no  longer  trade  there.*  The  ensuing  dislocation 
for  the  time  being  naturally  led  to  considerable  inconven- 
ience. The  late  Dutch  Governor,  Peter  Stuyvesant,  insisted 
that  the  colony  would  be  rimed  unless  trade  were  allowed 
with  Holland,  since  not  only  could  its  supplies  be  secured 
more  cheaply  there,  but  as  yet  no  other  commercial  arrange- 
ments had  been  made.  He  further  pointed  out  that  the 
agricultural  methods  of  New  York  differed  from  those  of 
England  and  required  Dutch  utensils.  In  addition,  he 
called  attention  to  the  fact  that  beaver  and  other  furs  had 
been  obtained  in  barter  for  Dutch  commodities,  such  as 
"camper  duffles,  hatchets,  and  other  ironworks  made  at 
Utrecht,  &c.,  much  esteemed  of  by  the  natives,"  and  stated 
that,  if  these  could  not  be  obtained,  the  Indian  trade  would 
be  totally  diverted  to  the  French.  After  citing  an  article 
in  the  terms  of  capitulation  of  1664,  which  permitted  trade 

'  About  two  months  after  the  surrender  in  1664,  Colonel  Nicolls  wrote 
to  Lord  Arlington  emphasizing  the  importance  of  thj  English  merchaiiu 
sending  large  quantities  of  merchandise,  as  oth?.ivise  many  in  Virpimi. 
Mar>'lan(l,  and  New  England,  who  had  been  accustomed  to  secure  their 
supplies  from  New  Netherland,  would  be  in  want.  He  also  wrote  that  he 
feared  that  the  Dutch  might  try  to  regain  what  they  had  lost,  'which  is 
the  whole  trade  of  tobacco,'  and  stated  that  the  Marylanders  were  so 
'much  bribed  by  their  trade  with  the  Dutch'  that  they  were  not  eager  for 
the  ronqiiest  of  the  DL-laware  settlements.  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  Soo; 
N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  in,  p.  69. 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


343 


with  Holland,  he  accordingly  petitioned  the  Duke  of  York 
to  aUow  two  small  Dutch  vessels  to  make  a  voyage  to  New 
York  with  these  indispensable  supplies.' 

In  this  petition  Stuyvesant,  presumably  wilfully,  ignored 
the  succeeding  clause  in  the   terms   of  surrender,   which 
limited  this  freedom  of  trade  to  a  duration  of  six  months.^ 
This  matter  was  referred  to  the  Plantation  Committee,  and, 
on  their  report,  an  Order  in  CouncU  was  issued  in  1667, 
allowing  the  Dutch  for  seven  years  to  trade  with   three 
ships  to  New  York.'    This  order  was  far  more  extensive  in 
scope  than  anything  that  Stuyvesant  had  requested,  and 
was  seemingly  a  piece  of  gross  carelessness  arising  from  the 
government's  ignorance  of  the  terms  of  the  capitulation. 
Under  the  broad  scope  of  this  order.  New  York  could  have 
been  made   an  entrepot,  whence  the  other  colonies  could 
obtain  European  supplies  and  through  which  enumerated 
goods  could  be  shipped  directly  to  Europe.    The  English 
merchants  trading  to  the  colonies  complained  that  foreign 
linens,  shoes,  stockings,  clothes,  and  other  commodities 
would  be  sent  in  this  manner  not  only  to  New  York,  but 
also  to  Virginia,  Barbados,  and  New  England.    Accordingly 
in  1668,  on  the  recommendation  of  the  CouncU  of  Trade, 
which  had  investigated  the  matter,  the  Privy  Council  re- 
voked its  order  of  the  preceding  year."    Thereafter  the  Dutch 

>  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  163,  164;  C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  1602. 

'  See  articles  6  and  7  of  the  Capitulation  at  the  Governor's  Bowry, 
Aug.  27, 1664.    C.  C.  1661-1668,  no.  794 ;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  II,  pp.  250-25  ^ 

'  P.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  444,  445;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  164-167 ;  C.  C. 
1661-1668,  no.  1603. 

•C.  C.  1661-1668,  nos.  1874,  i^^75.  18S5;   V.  C.  Cal.  I,  pp.  49i.  49^, 


ii;  t 


i;    ,'     !' 


344 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


were  rigorously  excluded  from  all  commercial   intercourse 
with  their  former  colony  on  the  Hudson. 

Agriculture  was  the  chief  of  the  natural  resources  of  New 
York,  and  already  at  this  time  food-stuffs  were  exported  to 
the  West  Indies  and  Carolina.  In  addition,  some  beaver  and 
other  furs  were  secured  from  the  Indians,  cod  and  other 
fish  were  plentiful,  and  whales  were  caught  off  Long  Island.' 
In  167 1,  the  Governor,  Francis  Lovelace,  wrote  that  the 
colony  was  '  in  a  hopeful  and  thriving  condition,  their  har- 
bour being  fuller  with  shipping  than  ever  was  known  since 
the  discovery  was  made.'  *  Governor  Lovelace  and  the  Col- 
lector of  the  provincial  revenue  appoii.ted  by  him'  were 
careful  that  no  foreign  vessels  were  among  this  shipping,* 
but  apparently  some  of  the  other  provisions  of  the  laws 


49S,  496,  S",  S13;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  10,  11;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill, 
pp.  175-178;  Winthrop  Papers  II,  pp.  31S.  3i6.  This  order  was  dated 
Nov.  18,  1668.  Six  weeks  prior  to  its  issue,  the  Treasury  decided  that 
these  Dutch  ships  should  not  be  allowed  to  load  any  goods  of  Virginia, 
Barbados,  or  the  other  colonies,  but  only  the  produce  of  New  York.  Cal. 
Treas.  Books,  1667-1668,  pp.  449-450.  For  another  dispensation  of  the 
Navigation  Act  in  favor  of  New  York,  secured  in  1669,  see  ante,  Vol.  I, 
pp.  88,  89. 

>  Winthrop  Papers  II,  pp.  315,  316,  318;  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  21,  44. 
45.  49,  138,  139,  167 ;  Daniel  Denton,  A  Brief  Description  of  New  York 
(London,  1670),  p.  3.  In  1671,  however,  as  there  was  "a  generall  Scarcity 
of  wheate  throughout  this  Province,"  its  exportation  was  forbidden  for  one 
year.  Minutes  of  the  New  York  Executive  Council,  1668-1673,  ed.  Paltsits, 
pp.  519,  520.    See  also  pp.  520-522. 

'  C.  C.  1669-1674.  p.  ?6q. 

'  The  Collector  was  ComeUs  van  Ruijven.  Minutes  of  the  New  York 
Executive  Council,  1668-1673,  pp.  39,  40- 

*  Sec  the  cases  of  the  ships  Expectation  and  Batcltelours  Dcli^lU.  Ibid. 
pp.  61^-615,  643-646. 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


345 


of  trade  were  not  so  strictly  observed.*  In  1673,  New 
York's  development  was  again  interrupted  by  a  change  in 
rulers,  but,  on  the  conclusion  of  hostilities  in  the  following 
year,  the  colony  was  restored  to  England  by  the  Dutch, 
much  to  the  relief  of  those  interested  in  the  future  of  the 
English  Empire.* 

From  this  time  dates  the  real  development  of  New  York 
as  an  English  possession.  The  Duke  of  York  devoted  con- 
siderable attention  to  his  province,'  and  was  ably  seconded 
by  his  representatives  in  the  colony.  Governors  Andros 
and  Dongan.  Under  their  guidance  considerable  progress 
was  made  during  the  following  fourteen  years.  In  1678,* 
Andros  reported  that  New  York's  exports  consisted  of 
wheat,'  peas,  beef,  pork,  some  "refuse"  fish,  tobacco,  beaver 
and  other  furs  obtained  from  the  Indians,  timber  and  staves, 
horses,  and  also  some  pitch  and  tar.  Their  imports  com- 
prised manufactures  of  all  sorts  for  the  use  of  the  settlers 
and  for  the  Indian  trade.  There  were  few  merchants  in 
the  colony,  and  one  worth  £500  or  £1000,  he  said,  was  ac- 

» The  tarifif  put  into  effect  in  1668  provided  that  tobacco  exported  into 
any  of  the  King's  dominions  should  be  free  of  duty,  "but  such  quantitycs 
thereof  as  shall  be  exported  into  forreigne  partes  shall  pay  halfe  penny 
per  pound  as  in  England."  Ibid.  p.  194.  This  shows  a  strange  ignorance 
or  disregard  of  the  enumeration  of  tobacco. 

'  C.  C.  1669-1674,  pp.  524-526,  530. 

'  At  the  outset,  he  was  especially  desirous  to  develop  its  fisheries  and  to 
import  ship-timber  thence  into  England.  Neither  scheme  was  successful 
and  the  latter  was  even  disastrous,  costing  the  Duke  a  considerable  sum  of 
money.   N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  232-234, 237  ;  C.  C.  1675-1676,  pp.  277, 278. 

«  C.  O.  IS5/I,  ff.  18-33 ;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  260-262 ;  C.  C.  1677- 
1680,  pp.  237,  238. 

'  He  said  that  60,000  busheb  of  wheat  were  yearly  exported. 


m 


■i*i  ' 


>1 


^ 
s 


m 


t 


if:      'H- 


I'l 


11 


346 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


counted  "a  good  substantial  Merchant,"  while  a  planter 

worth  only  half  as  much  in  movable  property  was  deemed 

rich.    The  aggregate  value  of  all  the  estates  in  New  York 

he  estimated  at  £150,000.    Ten  to  fifteen  ships  of  about 

one  hundred  tons  each  traded  there  yearly,  and  in  addition 

the  colony  owned  six  small  vessels,  of  which  four  had  been 

built  in  its  primitive  yards.*    In  1687,  Governor  Dongan 

reported  that  New  York  owned  about  a  dozen  vessels  of 

fair  size,  as  well  as  twenty  sloops,  all  of  which  were  engaged 

in  trading  up  the  Hudson  River  or  in  carrying  the  colony's 

products  to  market.    The  exports  to  England  were  mainly 

peltry,  whale-oil,  and  tobacco,  while  provisions  were  shipped 

to  the  West  Indies.' 

Although  considerable  progress  had  been  made,  much 
more  could  have  been  attained  had  the  colony  not  been 
severely  handicapped.  In  the  first  place,  New  York  was  the 
bulwark  of  the  English  colonies  against  the  French,  who  at 
this  time  were  energeticaUy  seeking  to  bring  the  Iroquois 
Indians  under  their  influence.'  In  the  second  place,  the 
separation  of  the  Jerseys  with  their  rich  agricultural  lands 

»  Three  yeap  latei,  in  1681.  Andros  stated  that  when  he  first  came  to 
New  York  it  was  poor,  unsettled,  and  had  only  a  smaU  coasting  trade,  but 
that  since  then  its  commerce  had  increased  greatly  and  its  navigation  ten- 
fold.   C.  O.  1/47,  121 ;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  3o8-3i,V 

»  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  330.  On  the  importations  into  England  of  tobacco, 
hides,  and  fv     from  New  York,  see  Cal.  Dom.  1676-1677,  P-  4og;   1677- 

1678,  p.  507. 

'  In  1688,  Governor  Dongan  wrote  to  Sunderland:  "This  Government 
must  be  y'  BuUwark  to  Boston,  which  is  not  at  the  fourth  part  y'  charge 
New  Yorke  is.  and  has  ten  times  the  Revenue."    N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  PP- 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  EXGLANI 


347 


from  New  York  was  ill-advised,  as  it  lessened  the  colony's 
economic  and  fiscal  resources  and  consequently  its  ability 
to  cope  with  the  Indian  and  French  situation. 

Apart  from  the  excise  for  retailing  liquor  and  the  quit- 
rents,  which  were  inconsiderable,  the  New  York  revenue 
was  derived  from  export  duties  on  tobacco  and  furs  and  from 
small  import  duties.     An  additional  tax  was   levied  on 
goods  shipped  up  the  Hudson  for  the  Indian  trade.'    On 
the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  in  New  Jersey,  such  import 
duties  were  not  collected,  and  accordingly  commerce  was 
diverted  from  New  York.     Goods  were  smuggled  into  the 
colony  from  its  free-trade  neighbor,  and  there  was  danger 
that  the  fur-trade  and  the  revenue  arising  from  it  would  be 
lost  to  New  York.    In  1684,  the  Duke  instructed  Governor 
Dongan  not  to  suffer  any  goods  to  pass  up  the  Hudson 
River  but  such  as  had  paid  duties  in  New  York,  so  as  to 
keep  the  benefits  of  the  Indian  trade  for  the  inhabitants  of 
that  colony  and  the  revenue  arising  from  it  for  the  support 
of  the  government.'^    This  instruction,  as  enforced  by  Don- 
gan, led  to  considerable  difficulty.'    In  1687,  the  proprie- 
tors of  East  New  Jersey  complained  to  the  King  that  Don- 
gan had  seized  at  Perth  Amboy  a  vessel  from  Ireland  and 
obliged  it  to  enter  at  New  York,  and  had  further  threat- 
ened to  seize  all  other  vessels  arriving  at  that  port.    They 
>  C.  O.  iss/i.  ff-  18-33 ;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  237. 238 ;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc. 


III.  PP 


260-262,  30S-308;  C.  O.  1/48,  118;  C.  O.  s/1112 


ff.  6-13 ;  C.  C. 


1685-1688,  pp.  330,  331- 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  p.  679 ;  N.  y.  Col.  Doc.  lU,  pp.  348, 349-    Q.  C.  C. 

1681-1685,  P-  605. 

'  C.  C.  1681-1685,  pp.  4,  287. 


I 


■  W 

I  it] 


I 


1  ■;  t 
'  1 

■    ?n  * 


M 


11 


%i 


^'i  p 


•    i> 


i! 


i    ! 


.  Il 


I 


ii 


1 


348 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


asserted  that  this  was  in  violation  of  their  privileges,  and 
that  the  duties  payable  in  New  York  were  levied  by  a  body 
in  which  their  colony  was  not  represented.    WhUe  express- 
ing a  wiUingness,  if  the  King  so  desired,  to  impose  similxr 
duties  in  New  Jersey,  they  pointed  out  that  in  that  event 
such  customs  should  be  collected  as  weU  in  aU  the  other 
colonies,  'or  trade  will  desert  the  unfree  ports  for  the  free." 
As  a  result  of  this  complaint,  Governor  Dongan  was  in- 
structed to  allow  aU  vessels  bound  for  Perth  Amboy  to  enter 
there,  but  only  provided  the  government  of  East  New  Jer- 
sey i^rmitted  the  New  York  customs  on  their  cargoes  to 

be  collected.* 

No  great  increase  in  revenue  could,  however,  be  expected 
from  this  source.  New  York  was  unquestionably  in  need 
of  a  larger  income  in  order  to  be  able  to  withstand  the  ag- 
gressive poUcy  of  DenonviUe,  the  recently  appointed  Gov- 
ernor of  Canada.  Owing  to  the  incapacity  of  the  Collector, 
Lucas  Santen,  the  colony's  finances  were  in  a  deplorable 
state.  The  revenue  was  greatly  in  arrear,  and  the  amounts 
outstanding  could  not  be  collected."    The  need  of  greater 

1  N  T.  Col.  Doc.  I,  pp.  S33-S39:  C.  C.  ,683-1688,  pp.  378,  382,  3o6. 

=  C  C  ,685-1688,  p.  419;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  p.  428.  The  instruc- 
tions issued  in  ,687  to  the  New  York  CoUector,  Matthew  Plowman  con- 
tain a  clause  to  the  same  effect.  C.  O.  s/nU.  A-  i40-,46;  Blathwa>^, 
Journal  I,  pp.  ^64-266;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp  501-503.    Sec  also  C.  C. 

1685-1688,  pp.  526,  S7i-  .,        ,    .  1 

'  Santen  was  also  a  member  of  the  New  York  Council  and  the  roya 
CoUector  of  the  Customs,  and,  in  addition  to  coUecting  the  provincial 
revenue  and  enforcing  the  laws  of  trade,  he  attended  to  such  questions  as 
to  whether  ships  arriving  at  New  York  had  violated  the  charter  of  t  c 
Royal  African  Company  and  were  consequenUy  liable  to  seizure.    C.  t- 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


349 


resources  in  order  to  cope  with  the  French  led  directly  to 
the  demand   that   the  Jerseys  and  Delaware  be  annexed 
to  New  York.     In  1685,  the  Mayor  of   New  York  com- 
plained   that    since    these   c  >lonies   had    been   separated 
from  the  province,  the  city  had  lost  a  third  of  its  trade.' 
It  was  in  consequence  of  this  and  similar  complamts  that 
proceedings  were  instituted  in  1685  against  the  charters 
of  these  colonies.    But  the  annexation  of  the  Jerseys  would 
not  have  materially  increased  New  York's  resources.    As 
Governor  Dongan  wrote  in  1688,  'were  the  Jerseys  annexed 
to  us,  they  would  not  bring  us  in  £100  a  year  nor  fifty  men 
in  case  of  need,  though  East  Jersey,  it  is  true,  is  Lonven- 
ient  for  us  to  preserve  what  re\enue  we  have.'*    Hence 
arose  a  demand  that  Connecticut,  against  whose  charter 
a  writ  of  quo  warranto  had  also  been  issued,  be  likewise 
added  to  New  York.    In  their  despatches,  Dongan  and  the 
New  York  oflBcials  insistently  urged  the  necessity  of  annex- 
ing this  colony  as  well  as  their  southern  neighbors.'    If 
this  were  done,  Dongan  wrote  m  1687  to  James  II  and 
his  chief  minister,  the  Earl  of  Sunderland,   New  York 
could  easily  defray  its  expenses  and  would  no  longer  be  a 
charge  on  the  Crown.*    A  few  weeks  later,  he  even  sug- 

1685-1688,  pp.  42,  "o,  231.  232,  242,  249,  305-  H's  accounts  of  the  local 
revenue  were  in  such  disorder  that  Donpan  suspended  him  from  office  in 
1687.  Ibid.  pp.  270,  270,  280,  287,  288,  294,  298,  301,  303,  300.  521,  32-. 
325.  330-332,  370,  371 ;  C.  C.  1609,  P-  604;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  uo- 
424,  492 ;  Doc.  Hist,  of  New  York  I,  no.  6. 

>  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  42. 

« Ibid.  p.  499;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  S'O-S". 

•  C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  289,  367. 

*  Ibid.  pp.  321,  322, 32s,  326;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  420-423- 


I  I 


'lin 


350 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


t  ? 


I)         I 


I 


gested  the  annexation  of  Rhode  Island.*  So  inadequate 
was  the  New  York  revenue  at  this  time  that  the  patri- 
otic Governor  spent  his  own  perquisites,  pledged  his 
credit,  and  even  pa\vned  his  plate  to  provide  for  the  cur- 
rent expenses.' 

Throughout  the  balance  of  the  year,  Dongan  continued 
to  press  this  policy  of  annexation.'    On  October  25,  1687, 
he  wrote  to  Sunderland  that,  unless  some  steps  were  taken, 
the  beaver  trade  and  England's  title  to  northern  New  York 
would  be  lost,  and  the  French  would  then  encroach  on  the 
other  colonies  as  they  had  done  on  this.    'By  hard  words, 
fair  words,  and  a  little  bribery  I  have  hitherto  kept  the  Ind- 
ians to  us  indifferent  well,'  he  wrote,  'but  that  wiU  not  do 
always,  for  the  French  are  very  industrious,  both  by  fair 
means  and  foul,  to  induce  them  to  join  them,  and  where 
I  spend  a  shilling  they  are  p  md  to  spend   ten  pound.' 
The  New  York  revenue,  he  continued,  had  fallen  off  neariy 
one-half,  owing  to  the  diminution  of  the  beaver  trade,  so 
that  the  King  will  be  at  great  expense  to  maintam  the  colony 
unless  Connecticut  be  annexed.     In  conclusion,  he  wrote 
that  if  the  King  should  add  Connecticut  to  the  province  of 
New  England,  as  was  reported,  then  it  would  be  advisable  to 
include  New  York  also,  'for  we  cannot  maintain  ourselves 
as  we  are.'  ♦    This  was  the  solution  adopted.    In  the  spring 
of  1688,  Dongan  was  ordered  to  return  to  England,  where 
he  was  assured  of  royal  favors  for  his  good  services.    A  few 

C.  C.  1685-1688,  pp.  326,  327. 
'  Ibid.  p.  333.  '  ^Wrf.  pp.  370,  371.  375.  376- 

*  Ikid.  pp.  457.  4:8     See  also  Dongan's  despatch  of   Feb.  19,  1688. 
Ibid.  pp.  498,  499;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  510-512. 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


35« 


months  later,  on  the  arrival  in  New  York  of  Sir  Edmund 
.\ndros,  the  colony  was  incorporated  in  the  Dominion  of 
New  England.'  But  before  the  military  efficiency  of  this 
step  could  be  adequately  tested,'  the  news  of  the  Revolu- 
tion in  England  dissolved  this  artificia'  ion  into  its  com- 
ponent elements. 
As  a  natural  consequence  of  tl 


i.ii 


'i.'.i 


I'V 


(.'  .'l. 


.(•  r 


.ivl-; 


•t  lilt- 


■I.-    A 


',1     IM. 


■e  of 
■ade 
'.  of 
>  ctcu- 
,^  cus- 
also  as 
lanage- 


York  was  proprietor  of  the  Vf 
were  more  strictly  enforced  ir. 
the  other  proprietary  and  cb.. 
tion  was  in  the  hands  of  the  '■ 
toms  officials.    These  collectors 
a  rule  entrusted  by  the  Duke  of  \ 
ment  of  the  provincial  revenue.* 

'  C.  C.  j68s-i688,  pp.  S33.  597- 

'  On  Aug.  10,  i688,  Randolph  wrote  to  Blathwayt  that  the  New  York 
revenue  was  nearly  £5000  a  year,  and  that  they  had  raised  a  tax  of  £j5SS 
to  pay  their  soldiers,  whose  pay  was  eleven  months  in  arrear.  Goodrick, 
Randolph  VI,  pp.  2$^  et  seij. 

» In  fact,  the  New  York  revenue  law  of  1674  was  designed  to  reinforce 
the  laws  of  trade  in  securing  the  colonial  market  to  England.  It  imposed 
a  two  per  cent  duty  on  all  imports,  "but  if  it  shall  appearc  that  any  ship 
came  from  any  other  Country  to  England  w'"  a  Cargo  of  Goods  and  pay- 
ing the  Customs  thore,  proceed  thence  for  New  York  w">  y'  said  Ca-'w 
upon  the  Goods  of  such  Cargo  to  pay  Ten  p  Cent  ad  valorem."  C.  . 
5/1112,  f.  6.  See  also  Lewin's  remarks  on  this  law,  and  Dongan's  sta 
ment  of  1687  regarding  a  similar  provision  later.     C.  O.  i,  48,  u8;  '-.  C. 

168^-1688,  p.  330. 

« On  July  2,  1674,  William  Dyre  was  commissioned  by  the  Duke  of 
^ork  to  be  CoUector  of  the  New  York  provincial  revenue.  In  this  com- 
mission and  the  accompanying  instructions  there  is  no  reference  whatso- 
ever to  the  laws  of  trade  and  navig^iion.  C.  O.  5  11 12,  tT.  4.  5  ^-^  '3; 
X.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  222,  223.  By  warrant  of  May  15,  1674.  the  Treas- 
ury authorized  the  Commissiouers  of  the  Cujiloms  to  appoint  Peter  Smith 


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352 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


In  1678,  Governor  Andres  stated  that  these  laws  were 
obeyed.*    Some  three  years  later,  however,  John  Lewin, 
who  had  been  commissioned  by  the  Duke  to  investigate 
charges  of  maladministration  in  New  York  reported  that 
not  only  had  frauds  been  committed  in  the  provincial 
revenue,  but  that  WilUam  Dyre,  the  CoUector  of  these 
taxes,  had  several  times  allowed  Frederick   Phillipse   to 
import  directly  from  Holland  contraband  goods,  especially 
such  as  were  used  in  the  Indian  trade.    Similar  favoritism, 
he  claimed,  had  been  shown  towards  a  few  other  Dutch 
merchants,  while  in  general  the  usage  was  so  rigid  that 
as  Collector  and  Surveyor  in  New  York,  and  a  simUar  warrant  subsequently 
ordered  the  appointment  of  John  Sharp  as  Comptroller  and  Surveyor  Gen- 
et d.     In  1683,  John  Clarke  was  appointed  to  succeed  John  Sharp  deceased. 
Cal.  Trcas.  Books,  1672-1675,  pp.  498,  501.  5".  641 ;  Treas.  Books,  Out- 
Letters,  Customs  8,  f.  196.    On  Feb.  17, 1683,  the  Duke  of  York  appointed 
Lucas  Santen  to  be  CoUector  and  Receiver  General  of  the  New  York  reve- 
nues with  a  salary  of  £ioo.    On  Nov.  4,  1687,  James  II  issued  a  commis- 
sion to  Matthew  Plowman  to  succeed  Santen.    These  commissions,  as  well 
as  the  instructions  issued  to  Santen  and  Plowman,  refer  solely  to  the  New 
York  revenue.    C.  O.  s/m^,  f.  45 ;  C.  O.  s/iii3,  S-  138-146;  N.  Y.  Col. 
Doc.  Ill,  pp.  335.  336,  500-503;  Blathwayt,  Journal  I,  ff.  191,  260,  261, 
264-266.    In  addition,  Santen  and  Plowman  were  appointed  CoUectors  of 
the  Customs  by  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  and  were  thus  author- 
dized  to  enforce  the  trade  laws.    On  Aug.  17,  1684,  a  warrant  was  issued 
for  the  appointment  of  Lucas  Santen  in  place  of  Peter  Smith,  lately  de- 
ceased, and  on  Oct.  12,  1687,  a  similar  warrant  was  issued  in  favor  of 
Matthew  Plowman  in  place  of  Santen,  dismissed.    Treas.  Books,  Out-Let- 
ters, Customs  9,  f.  28 ;  11,  f.  68.    See  also  Toppan,  Randolph  IV,  pp.  25'. 
252;  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  305.    According  to  Randolph,  Andros  in  1688 
proposed  that  Cortlandt  should  succeed  Plowman,  "if  the  Lords  of  the 
Treasury  do  not  thinke  fitt  to  continue  him  in  that  station."    Goodrick, 
Randolph  VI,  p.  273. 

>  C.  O.  155/1,  ff.  18-33;  C.  C.  1677-1680,  pp.  237,  238;  N.  Y.  Col. 
Doc.  Ill,  pp.  260-262. 


THE  DOMINION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 


353 


trade  had  been  obstructed  and  immigration  from  Barbados 
and   elsewhere  had  been  prevented.*    In   reply,   Andros 
stated  that  he  had  appointed  a  full  staff  of  customs  officials, 
each  one  of  whom  was  a  check  on  the  other,  and  that  if 
they  had  allowed  any  illegal  importations  or  exportations, 
they  were  responsible  for  them,  but  that  he  "never  knew 
of  any  such  practices."    As  to  the  specific  charge  of  con- 
nivance with  the  Dutch  merchants,  Andros  said  that  this 
was  based  upon  hearsay  and  that  the  two  principal  men 
implicated  by  Lewin  were  prominent  citizens,  members  of 
the  Council,  and  had  not  been  favored.'^    On  investigation 
of  the  matter,  the  English  government  completely  exoner- 
ated Andros  and  Dyre.»    A  few  years  later,  a  similar  inci- 
dent occurred.    In  1687,  Governor  Dongan  asserted  that 
the  colony  was  'very  honest  in  obeying  the  Navigation 
Acts,'  *  but  he  accused  Lucas  Santen,  the  inefficient  Collec- 
tor of  the  Customs  and  of  the  New  York  Revenues,  of  neg- 
ligence in  taking  bonds  from  masters  of  ships.*      In  his 
turn,  Santen  made  counter-accusations,  stating  that  Dongan 
was  interested  in  various  transactions  that  were  contrar>' 
to  the  laws  of  trade,  but  the  Governor  was  able  to  satisfy 
the   government    of   his   innocence.'    Such    charges   and 
counter-charges  were  freely  made  during  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries,  and  were  the  most  conspicuous  of 
offensive  weapons  used  by  the  officials  of  the  day  in  their 

>  C.  O.  1/48,  118;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  30S-.?o8. 

»  C.  O.  1/47,  121 ;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  .^08-313. 

«  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  SSS;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  314-316- 

*  C.  C.  1685-1688,  p.  371-  '  '*»<'•  P-  ii^- 

•  Ibid.  pp.  332,  333;  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Ill,  pp.  493  ^  seq. 


11 


II 


m 
m 

II 


w  r^ 


»:   ■ 


354 


THE  OLD  COLONTAL  SYSTEM 


not  infrequent  mutual  recriminations.  Like  all  statements 
made  in  the  heat  of  argument  they  were  grossly  intemperate 
and  exaggerated,  and  hence  throw  little  light  on  the  actual 
conditions  that  prevaUed.  But  the  frequency  with  which 
such  accusations  were  made  during  these  controversies  be- 
tween officials  indicates  that  a  charge  of  laxity  in  the  admin- 
istration of  the  laws  of  trade  was  one  of  the  most  effective 
means  of  blasting  a  public  servant's  reputation  with  the 
English  authorities.  Other  faults  might  possibly  be  over- 
looked, but  neglect  of  duty  in  these  matters  would  not  be 
condoned;  for  above  aU  else  the  English  government  sought 
effectively  to  estabUsh  the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation  and 
to  create  a  self-sufficient  commercial  Empire.  This  was  the 
paramount  aim  in  view. 


i\ 

I; 
1, 


li 


LIST  OF  THE   CHIEF   ABBREVIATIONS  USED 
IN  THE   REFERENCES 

African  Co.  Papers.  -  These  documents  are  in  the  Ix,ndon  Record  Office, 
and  are  listed  as  Treasury  Board  -  Miscellanea,  Expia-d  Commis- 

BbthwrytTjournal. -These  three  volumes,  containing  a  record  of  Blath- 
wayti  activities  as  Auditor  and  Surveyor  General  of  the  colomal 
revenues,  are  in  the  Treasury  documents  in  the  London  Record  Office. 

B  T  -These  are  the  Board  of  Trade  Papers  in  the  London  Record  Office, 

■   which  have  been  completely  rearranged  since  the  beginning  of  these 

investigations.    In  a  few  instances,  it  was  impossible  to  secure  in 

Ume  for  nv' "    ition  the  new  references,  but  these  Gin  be  readily 

secured  f'."^    he  '  key  "  at  the  disposal  of  studenU  in  the  Record 

Bodlcial  -The  vanous  coUections  cf  documents  in  the  Bodleian  Library 

at  Oxford.  ^      , 

Brit  Mus.  -  The  manuscripts  deposited  in  the  British  Museum  at  I^ndon 
C.C- Calendar  of  State  Papers,   Colonial  Series,  America  and  West 

Indies. 
Cal  Dom.  —  Calendar  of  Domestic  State  Papers. 
Cal  Treas.  Books.  -  Calendar  of  the  Treasury  Books. 
Cal  Treas.  Papers.  -  Calendar  of  the  Treasury  Papers. 
Calvert  Papers.  -  Publishwl  by  the  Maryland  Historical  Society. 
Col  Entry  Book. -As  in  the  case  of  the  Board  of  Trade  Papers,  a  few 
IZLc.  have  been  m.le  to  these-  volumes  in  th    Public  Record 
Office  under  their  original    designation.     The  corresponding  new 
reference  is  readily  ascertainable. 
C.  O.  -  Colonial  Office  Records  in  the  Publir  Record  Office  at  London. 
Com.  Journal.  -  Journal  of  the  House  of  Commons. 
Goodrick.  -  The  supplementary  volumes  of  the  Randolph  papers  edited  by 

Gooilrick  for  the  Prince  Society. 
Hening.  —  The  Statutes  at  LiUge  of  Virginia. 
n.M.C  — Th.   British  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission. 


i 


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'I 


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t  1 


I  'I 


i 


■  i 


ilrf' 


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356 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  SYSTEM 


Hutchinson  Papers.  —  Published  by  the  Prince  Society. 

Lefroy.  —  J.  H.  Lefroy,  Memorials  of  the  Discovery  and  Eariy  Settlement 
of  the  Bermudas  or  Somers  Islands,  a  vols.,  London,  1877-1879. 

Lords  Journal.  —  Journal  of  the  House  of  Lords. 

Mass.  Col.  Rec.  —  Records  of  the  Governor  and  Company  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  in  New  England. 

P.  C.  Cal.  —  Calendar  of  the  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  Colonial  Series. 

P.  C.  Register.  —  The  original  volumes  of  the  Privy  Council  Register  in 
Downing  Sfeet,  London. 

Shaftesbury  Papers. —  The  collection  deposited  in  the  London  Record 
Office. 

S.  P.  Dom.  —  The  Domestic  Stati-  Papers  at  the  London  Record  Office. 

S.  P.  Foreign.  —  The  Foreign  State  Papers  at  the  London  Record  Office. 

Toppan,  Randolph.  —  The  Randolph   papers  edited   by  Toppan  for  the 
Prince  Society. 

Trcas.  Books.  —  The  original  Treasury  Books  in  the  London  Record  Office. 

Va.  Mag.  —  The  Virginia  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography. 

Winthrop  Papers.  —  Published  in  the   Collections  of   the   Massachusetts 
Historical  Society. 


ii, 


'I: 


INDEX 


"Account  of  the  English  Sugar  Planta- 
tions" (1OO7),  II.  11-12. 
Administrative  system  of  the  Crown,  for 
managing  colonial  affairs,  I.  224  B. ; 
the  Privy  Council  and  its  committees, 
227-231  ;    Council  for  Foreign  Plan- 
tations (if^M,  231-239;    Council  of 
Trade    (1660),    234-239;     a    general 
colonial  committee,  formed  in  1668, 
240;  a  new  Council  of  Trade  (1668), 
243 ;  a  salaried  colonial  council  (1670), 
244-247 ;     Council    for    Trade    and 
Plantations   (1O72),    247-254;    Com- 
mittee for  Trade  and  Foreign  Planta- 
tions, or  Ix)rds  of  Trade  (i*>75).  ^S*"- 
258;    departmcnls  of   the  Admiralty 
and  the  Treasury,  259  if.;    Commis- 
sioners   of    the    Customs,    262-264; 
local      representatives     of      depart- 
ments, in   royal   provinces,  264-265; 
Naval     Officers,     2()7-272;     officials 
representing     the    Farmers    of     the 
Customs,     272-276;     Commissioners 
of     the    Customs,    276-277;     colli    - 
tors  of  the  Customs  in   the  colonies, 
277-280;    office   of     comptroller  and 
surveyor    general,    280-281  ;    a    Sur- 
eyor  (iencral  of   the  Customs,  281- 
284;    development  of  dual  system  in 
customs  administration,   29 1  ;   agents 
of  the  Admiralty  in  the  colonics,  292 
ft.;     dilVniillics    rcsullinj;    from    con- 
fficls  of  auUiorily.  314-315. 
Admiralty,  work  ol,  in  execution  of  laws 
of  trade  and  navi);aliiin,  I.   259-260; 
representatives  of  department,  in  the 
colonies,   2<i2  IT. ;    authority  of,  con- 
fined to  crown  colonies,  296-297. 
Admiralty     courts,     colonial,     I.     292; 
erecie<l   in   the  crown   colonics,   21)6- 
298;    iip|)oinlmcnt  of  olVuials   in,  by 
governors,  2<)()  300;  apfx-a!  fnini  dei  i- 
sions  of,   300-303;    use  of,  for  con 


demning     prizes,     304-307;      court 
erected  in  Massachusetts  (1686),  II. 

329-330- 
Admiralty's    tenths   of    prizes   of    war 

taken  at  sea,  I.  170. 
Adulteration  of  tobacco  resulting  from 

impost  of  1685,  I.  166. 
Africa,  trade  of  England  to  (1696-1702), 

1.44. 
African  Company,  the  first  English 
(1660),  I.  325-326;  the  second  (Com- 
pany of  Royal  .\dventurers  trading  to 
Africa,  1663),  326-327;  difficulty  of, 
in  obtaining  slaves,  331-333;  l»ad 
condition  of,  at  conclusion  of  Dutch 
war,  335 ;  formal  charges  against, 
3^5-338;  reorganization  of  second, 
into  a  third,  the  Royal  African  Com- 
ixiny,  341  (see  Royal  African  Com- 
pany). 
Agricultural  products,  ex|X)rl  duties  on 

English,  under  tariff  oi  1660,  I.  131. 
.Mbemarle,  first  Ouke  of,  member  of  com- 
mittee on  state  of  Jamaica,  I    229  n. 
Albemirlo.    second    Oukc    of,    actions 
as   tio\enior   of  Jamaica,  and  death 
of,  1.  3t)(>. 
AllK-marlc     Sound,    origins    of     North 
Carolina  in  stltlemenlon,  11.  iSo,  mi, 
•94-200.     Sir  North  Carolina. 
.M^'crian   pirates,  proleclion  of   English 

eommeri  L-  a^iainst,  I.  121-127. 
Alieii>'    dulics    in    Navigation    Act    of 

i<)()o,   1.  62  n.,  66  n. 
.Mien,    Captain,    stationed    in    VirKinia 
and  Maryland  waters,  1.  310-3U,  II. 
16.'  ff. ;    quoted  on  illegal  trading  in 
\irginia,  II    i'>,5-i65. 
.Mlingliin,  U)rd,  member  of  s|K>cial   co- 
lonial council.  I.  .'.14. 
.-Msop,  (ioorge,  quoted  on  trade  of  Mary- 
land. II.  1'"^  n. 
.\mUT;;ris  in  the  Bahamas,  II.  87. 


357 


■4 


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N.I 


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h 


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'i. 


3S8 


INDEX 


America,  English  trade  with  colonies  in, 

at  periiKl   of   Restoration,   I.   iS-'7. 

arguments   for   and   against  eniigra- 

tion  to,  iQ  fl. 

Andrews,  C.  M.,  cited,  1.  a34  n.,  23S. 

J41,  24Q  n.,  II.  306  n. 
Andros,  Sir   Edmund,  admiralty  juris- 
diction of,  as  Governor  of  New  York. 
I.  2q6  n.;    on  attitude  of  Massachu- 
setts   to    the    imperial    relation,    II. 
277  n.;  on  importations  to  Massachu- 
setts from  Eurojie,  288;    cited,  317; 
administration  of  government  of  Now 
England  by,  33i  <!•;   autocratic  char- 
acter of  (government  of,  distasteful  to 
New  Knglanders,  332-333;  disturbing 
land   \xn\cy   of.   334" 33S;    ««»   '"^'^ 
conditions  in  New  York  in  1678,  345 ; 
on  reported  violations  of  laws  of  trade 
in  New  York,  353. 
Annesley,  Arthur,     Earl     of    Anglesey, 
member  of  committee  on  state  of  Ja- 
maica, I.  22Q  n. ;  member  of  Council 
for  Foreign  Plantations,  237. 
Antigua,    statistics    of    trade    between 
England  and,  I.  42  "•;    placing  of 
toba.  CO  in,  in  1660,  II.  32 ;    the  only 
isl.oid   of    Leeward    Islands   to   con- 
tir  e  growing  tobacco,  36,  37.     See 
a       lx;eward  Islands. 
At  )n.  Earl  of,  interest  of,  in  colonial 

.[1     sion,  I.  8;   grant  of  Virginia  to, 
y   ,  harles  II,  I.   194,  H-   '3i-'32; 
promoter  of  idea  of  Council  of  Trade,  I. 
.42 ;  member  of  new  Council  of  Trade 
V1668),  243;  retirement  of ,  254;  a  pat- 
entee of  Royal  African  Company,  341. 
Ashe,  Thomas,  pamphleteer,  II.  187  n. 
Ashley,    Lord,    I.    232;     promoter    of 
idea  of   Council  of  Trade,   242-243; 
a  patentee  of  the  Carolinas,  II.  8t>, 
178;    the  guiding  spirit  among  Caro- 
lina proprietors,    181 ;    letter  of  ad- 
monilion  of,  to  Charles  Town  colony, 
184-185.     See  Shaftesbury. 
Ashlev,  \V.  J.,  cited.  1.  107  i>. 
Ashley   River.  So.i'h    Carolina,  settle- 
ment on  (Charlc!,  Town),  li.   i^' 
Ass.mblv.   the   Virginia,   II.    134.    'jf>. 

.,;  ff' 
Ai,sicntv>.  ihc,  I.  330  n.,  30.5  n.,  3(14, 11^5 


Atkins,  Sir  Jonathan,  rK)vcmor  of  Bar- 
bados, I.  i88  n.,  347-340.  371;  con- 
troversy between  Secretary  of  Slate 
and,  270-271;  reprimanded  in  con- 
nection with  illicit  African  trade  to 
Barbados,  372-373;  whc"  appointed 
Governor  of  Barbados  in  1673,  seeks 
to  secure  redress  for  complaints  ot 
colonists,  II.  15  ff.;  reprimand  ;id- 
ministered  to,  20-21  ;  quoted  and 
cited,  17-18,  31  n.,  6q  n.,   145- 

Auditing  of  colonial  accounts,  apixilnt- 
ment  of  officers  for  (if)8o),  I.  220-:.m. 

Avalon,  Lord  Baltimore's  province  of, 
in  Newfoundland,  I.  227  n.,  II. 
203,  204,   205,  221-222. 

Ayleway,  Rolx;rt,  claim  of,  to  auditor- 
ship  of  Virginia  accounts,  I.  222  n. 

.\zores,  provisions  concerning  wine  of 
the,  in  Staple  Act  of  1663,  I.  78-79. 

Bacon,  Nathaniel,  meteoric  career  of,  II. 

'37-'30-  .    ,. 

Bacon,  Nathaniel,  Sr.,  Auditor  of  Vir- 
ginia accounts,  I.  221  n. 
Bacon's    rebellion,  I.    115.   "7;    f"'''"' 
Bland's   faul   participation   in,    2Q0; 
causes   leading    up    to,    II.    129   IT.; 
account  of,  137-13Q  • 
Badcock,  Nicholas,  customs  official  in 
Mar>land.    I.    98-100,    280-281,    II. 
172;  quoted,  II.  172  n. 
Bahamas,  first  settlement  of,  by  English 
from  Bermudas,  II.  85-80;  commodi- 
ties produced  in.  87;    reservation  ..i 
certain  commodities  by  the  propru 
tors,   87;     ho()e   of   being   joined   ui 
Jamai<  a  overruled  by  proprietors,  .^s . 
development  of,  reurded  by  lawi.^s 
men   and    pirates,    80;     iloseness   >'i 
connection  between  Bermudas  and,  go. 
Baltimore,  Lord  (the  first),  1    -'"-"■ 
form  of  acknowledgment  of   Enulnii 
suzerainty  by,  I.  I'x). 
Baltimore.   Lord    (the    third),    ditli.  il- 
ties  Ml   over  customs  dulies,  I.  gS   1  w, 
II      170-175;     cited    on    amount    nl 
tobacco  des!r«\ed  in  Virginia  in  i(>S.', 
II.  15  (;    n^  run  by,  of  losini:  .\Lir>  • 
land  <hy.ruf,   175-     See  'ilio  Calve^', 
Charles 


M 


INDEX 


3S9 


Barbados,  deportation  of  undesirables 
to,  I.  ig ;  customs  paid  on  goods  (rom 
(1676- 1677),  37  n. ;  statistics  of  trade 
between  (England  and,  42  n. ;  argu- 
ments for  colonization  of,  47-4S ;  mili- 
tary force  stationed  in,  114;  refining 
of  sugar  in,  151;  grades  of  sugar  nruidc 
in,  151  n. ;  opposition  in,  to  impost  of 
1685  on  sugar,  ibi,  164-165 ;  agitation 
of,  results  in  dropping  of  duties  in 
i6q3,  167;  collection  of  "casual 
revenue"  in,  171 ;  the  Carlisle  patent 
and  questions  rising  from,  171  IT.; 
contest  for  a  revenue  from  taxation 
of,  176  fl. ;  passage  of  four  and  a  hall 
per  cent  exjwrt  duty  by  proprietary 
Assembly  of,  170;  wrangling  as  to 
purjiose  to  which  new  revenue  should 
be  applied,  i8i-i8<;  dissatisfactinn 
of,  with  farming  out  of  revenue, 
186;  actual  income  from  revenue 
(t()70-H)84),  IQ2  n.;  position  of  Naval 
Ofticer  of,  26Q-J71  ;  corps  of  customs 
officials  in  (1684),  286;  slaves  in,  ,}20 
B.;  controversy  of,  with  English 
African  Company,  335  fi".;  objection 
able  debtor  laws  of,  347-348 ;  disputes 
between  Royal  .'.frican  Company  and, 
348-351;  '"'tit  African  traders  en- 
couraged by,  371  ff. ;  bitterness  in, 
over  fall  in  price  of  sugar,  II.  2  ff. ; 
importance  of  sugar  and  cotton  as 
products  of,  3  n. ;  increase  in  wealth  of 
(1643-1666),  0;  numbers  of  slaves  in, 
10;  move  for  free  trade  between 
Scotland  and,  1&-12;  disastrous  con- 
fkgralion  in,  13;  refusal  of  govern- 
ment to  relax  trade  regulations  in 
favor  of.  18- -m;  chief  grievance  of, 
the  enumeration  of  sugar,  22-24;  *he 
secondary  grievance  lonccrning  free 
trade  with  Scotland.  24-2^;  extent 
of  illegal  trading  in,  -'5-27,  economic 
proKress  of,  in  realil>  steady  tlimiRh 
slow,  28-30;  production  of  other  ex- 
olu  commodities  than  sugar,  30-31; 
amount  of  shipping  from.  31  .  sever- 
ing of  political  I'lnnection  Ih'twccn 
Leewarii  UUnds  ami.  34  ,  jealousy  of. 
toward  U-Tward  Islands,  39;  small 
area  of,  lunapared  with  Jamaica,  4S; 


comparison   of   Jamaica   and,   as   to 

suitability  for  sugar  production,  80; 

trade    lx;tween    Bermudas    and,    g3 ; 

attempts  to  found  settlements  in  the 

Carolinas  from,  170-180. 
Barbados  Committee,  resistance  of,  to 

attempt  to  levy  additional  duties  on 

sugar  (1671).  I    '54  1- 
Barbary  corsairs,  I.  121,  122-124;   pro- 
tection of   English  shipping  against, 

124-127. 
Barbon,  Nicholas,  writer  on  economic 

questions,  I.  107  n. 
Bartx)ur,  Violet,  arliile  by,  II.  56  n. 
Barefootc,  Walter,  de|nily   Collector  of 

Customs  in  New  Hampshire,  II.  319- 

Beaver  pelts,  imports  of,  to  England,  I. 

40  n.    .Sec  Furs. 
Beckford,  I'eter,  SecreUry  of  Jamaica, 

I-  3.53 

Beer,  Ci.  L.,  works  by,  cited,  I.  2.  iq,  35, 
37,  59,  6'.  7'.  "J.  '3^  "■•  '3^  n.,137, 
138,  142,  t93,  204,  224,  231.  2(>o,  323, 
325,  334.  11-  '.  7.  48-  83.  <J'.  '08.  "". 
1.-8,  l8q,  202,  227.  231,  310. 

Behn,  .\phra,  description  of  method  of 
selling  slaves,  331  n. 

B^ue  (Beck),  agent  of  Coymans 
Brothers.  I.  364  n. 

Berkeley,  I^ord,  apix>intment  in  1649  lo 
office  of  Treasurer  of  Virginia,  I.  193 
n. ;  a  memfK-r  of  Council  for  Foreign 
Plantations,  232;  member  of  new 
Council  of  Trade  (i6')8).  243;  inter- 
ested in  African  trading  company, 
32();     a   patentee   of    the    Carolinas, 

ii.  J 78. 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,  Ckivemor  of  Vir- 
ginia, on  customs  revenue  from  colonial 
gixxls,  I.  36  n.;  ((uoled.  39  n.;  re- 
quests that  prohibition  of  tobacco 
industry  in  England  Ix;  enforced,  141  ; 
source  of  revenue  for  [)ayin';  salar\-  of, 
204-205;  a  mcmtx-r  of  Council  for 
Foreign  Plantations,  j\2:  (juarrel  of, 
with  Bland,  Collector  of  Customs,  288 
290;  on  la<k  of  necil  of  an  admiralty 
court  i-i  \'iri;inia.  .'<)7-2o.S;  criiic  ism 
by.  of  F.n:li-ih  [xilii  y  low.inl  Vir^'inia 
tobacco    imlualry,    !l.    !  12-1 14;     an 


i 


1  u 

H 


1 


I  1 


■  < 


it 

:  ft 


i  1 1 1  ^ 


360 


INDEX 


ill 


i\ 


Ii» 


advocate  of  plan  of  curtailing  tobacco 
crop  in  Virginia  and  Maryland,  iift- 
119;   dislike  of,  for  tobacco,  119  n. ; 
hopes  of,   for   diversifying  economic 
life    of     Virginia,     iiS-136;  quoted 
concerning  gift  of  silk  to  Charles  II 
from  colony,  1J7  n. ;    position  of,  as 
head  of  the  oligarchical  Virginia  gov- 
ernment, 134-135;  conservative  char- 
acter   of,    lis;    conduct   of,  during 
period  of  Bacon's  rebellion,  i37-«39; 
recall  and  death  of,  140-141 ;  quoted 
on  discontent  in  Virginia  over  uxation, 
I4i  n.;  on  comparative  conditions  in 
Virginia  and  New  Kngland  from  scarc- 
ity of  provisions,  146  n. ;  quoted,  161 
n. ;  among  the  patentees  of  the  Caro- 
linas,  17. 
Bermuda  Company,  the,  I.  ipg,  226,  II. 
go;    irksome  trade  regulations  of,  II. 
90  0. ;  fruitless  petition  of  merchants 
for  relief  from,  93-os ;  continued  agita- 
tion against,  resulting  in  the  Crown's 
taking  over  the  Company's  rights  and 
privileges,  95-97- 
Bermudas,  customs  paid  on  goods  from 
(i()7()-i677),   I.   37   n.;    statistics  of 
trade  between   Kngland  and,  42  n. ; 
succession  of  Crown  to  proprietorship 
of,    199-JO0;    difricutlies  over   trade 
regulations  and  collection  of  revenue 
in,  200- joi .  II.  03-to« ;  early  develop- 
ment of,   II.  90;    tobacco  the  staple 
crop  of,  qo-91 ;    amount  o(  tobacco 
proiduccd  in,  gi ;  pro<lucts  other  than 
tobacco  in,  93 ;   |K)pulalion  and  pros- 
perity of,  101-102;    on  the  whole,  of 
slralfgic  rather  than  economic  value 
to  KnKland,  102-ioj. 
Berr\ ,  Sir  John,  sent  as  commissioner  ti> 
Virginia,  II.   140-141;    cited,   J13  n. ; 
ro|)ort    on    Newfoundland    b> ,    214- 
216. 
I5i-\crley,  Robert,  historian  of  Virginia, 

II    143  n. 
Bevin      (Bevis,     Ucven),     Robert,     I. 

380. 
Big«s,  Timothy,  customs  official  in  North 

Carolina,  I.  281.  II.  I0« 
Bird,     V.Ucntine,    a    kadir      u     North 
Carolina  rebellion,  II.   njS. 


Biscay,  fishers  from,  in  Newfoundland 

waters,  II.  228  n. 
Blackiston,  Nehemiah,  customs  olTui.-il, 
I.  280  n.,  281 ;  quarrels  of,  with  colo- 
nial authorities  in  Maryland.  II.  174. 
Blake,  Nicholas,  quoted   and  tiled,   I. 

186,  320  n. ;  mentioned,  II.  15  n. 
Bland,  Giles,  collector  of  customs  in  \'ir- 
ginia,  I.  278,  II.  no;  quarrel  l)elwctn 
trt>vernor  Berkeley  and,  and  death  ot, 
I.  288-290,  II.  i6i-ih2;  on  the  Vir- 
ginia poll-tax,  II.  13'';  account  by, 
of  unrest  in  Virginia,  140  n. 
Bland,  John,  I.  288,  II.  51 ;  criticism  by, 
of  Knglish  policy  toward  Virginia 
tobacco  industry,  II.  109-112. 
Blathwayt,  William,  as  a  power  in 
colonial  affairs,  I.  11;  cited,  70". 
115  n.,  169,  170,  i7>.  103  "•■  '9-*,  ■'»'>■ 
198  n.,  208,  221,  222  n.,  376  n.,  II.  130, 
39J  n.,  337  n. ;  apiwinted  Surveyor 
and  .\udilor  (ieneral  of  llis  Majesty's 
revenues  in  America,  I.  220-221; 
work  of,  in  connection  with  Lords  of 
Trade,  257-258;  Professor  Channinn's 
error  relative  to,  II.  262  n. 
Blessing,  Carolina  proprietors'  vessel.  II. 

182. 
Blomc,  Richard,  cited,  II.  31,  55  n.,  .'<i, 
82,   169,   246;  quoti-d,  55  n.,   129  11, 
183  n. 
Bombay,  granted  to  England,  I.  5 
'  Bonds.  re<iuired  from  ships  in  colonial 
trade,    I.    73-74.    261-2(12,    II.    114; 
taken  from  vessels  loa  Il.ig  in  Ma>>.i- 
chusetts  (1663),  II.  247. 
!  H.K)k  o(  Rales,  the,  I.  i.'g. 
Boston,  anounl   of,   by   commission  uf 
i()<>4.  II.  245;   e.xiKjrl.s  of,  245-240. 
'  Boyle.  RolK.rl.  <iu.)lcd,  II.  250  n. 
Bradstreet,  Simon,  i|uotcd,  I.   i-'^   H 
283  n. ;    elected  (Jovcrnor  ol   .\la~^.i 
I      chusetts,    II.    280;    lontrailiils    Ran- 
dolph a>  to  extent  of  illiKul  trade  in 
Massaihuserts,    285   -Mi;    i|Uiit.il  on 
irregular  tradinK,  (lo;    requesi-  Ran- 
dolph not  to  taki  action  in   i.nk'lanil 
prejiuliiial  to  Mass.uhu.setts.  (02. 
Brazil,  as  a  source  01  -uppiv  oi  ^uirur.  II. 
5  n.:    attimiil   liv   l.nclish  to  i.ontrol 


sujjaf  trade   A,  5-0. 


INDEX 


361 


Braxiletto,  produced  in  the  Bahamas,  I(. 

87. 
Brazilian  sugar,  shipments  of,  tu  Kn^land 

afTccled  by  preferential  treatment  of 

I'olunial  products,  I.  150. 
Breda,  Treaty  of,  I.  184,  241 ;  terms  of, 

,534.  11.  ii5-j>0. 
Breedon,  Captain  Thomas,  quoted,   II. 

i\j  n. ;  on  the  indefKndcnce  of  views 

in  Massachusetts,  240. 
Brewster,  Sir  Francis,  quoted,  I.  J3-24 ; 

riled,  58,  H.  227. 
Hridk'eman,  William,  quoted,  I.  ,58  n. 
liridKcs.   Thomas,   ap|x)inted   (iovcrnor 

of  the  Bahamas,  II.  88. 
lirouncker,   Henry,   member  of  special 

'olonial  council,  I.  244. 
Hruce,  F.  A.,  riled,  I.   17  n.,  igj,  2q8, 

.i''8,    .175.    II.    >i'>,    I. '8   n.,    I4J    n. ; 

<iu(>ted,  I.  j()7  n. 
liryif,  James,  quoted,  II.  137. 
Buccaneers,    West    Indian,    I.    iji,    II. 

56  11. ;   condemnation  of  b<K>ly  of,  by 

Jamaica    .\dmiralty    Court,    I.    304; 

attempted  suppres.tion  of,  II.  63-04, 

South  Carolina  charged  with  harbor- 
ing, iqi-iQ4. 
li'ilkeley,  IVler,  agent  of  Massachusetts 

in  Kngland,  II.  2f>7,  271-173,  274  n. 
Hurghill,  Francis,  II.  97. 
B'lrnet,  Bishop,  anecdote  by,  I.  4  n. 
Htitler,  J.  I).,  cited,  I.  29. 
H\rd.  William,  .\uditor  of  Virginia  ac- 

lounts,  I.  222  n.,  II.  159  n. 

Cabal  government,  the,  I.  240. 

C.nao,  importations  of,  to  England 
(it)()2-i60},  i6()8-if)(K)).  I.  40  n.;  a 
staple  product  of  Jamaica,  II.  54; 
cnioiiraRcment  of  indu^iry,  55;  end 
1)1',  a,  a  staple  product  of  jamaiia. 
7g;    production  of,  in  ihe   Bahamas, 

CilviTt.  Charles,  salary  paid  to,  by 
Irta^ury  deiKirtmeni,  for  work  in 
i  oiiTKilion  with  cusloins,  i  .'7'i-J77, 
"11  purchase  of  slaves  in  .Maryland, 
.isi  n. ;  .tp|Kiintment  as  (nmrnor  of 
Marvland.  II.  170  Ute  Ballimore, 
l-Td  (Ihir.l). 

tai.iii  J  Case,  I.  90. 


Campeachy,  sack  of,  by  English  force,  I. 
328,  II.  57  ;  logwcKxl  cutting  at,  II.  64. 

Canaries,  wines  of  tbo,  and  Acts  of  1660 
and  ib03,  I.  78-79. 

Caribbce  Islands,  history  of  acquisitiop 
of  Crown  rights  in,  I.  171  fl. 

Carke»K,  cited,  I.  132  n.,  1  u  n. 

Carlisle,  Lord,  work  as  (lovemor  of 
Jamaiia,  I  211-214;  efforts  of,  to 
adjust  logwood  culling  dilVic  ullits,  II. 
70^-71. 

Carlisle  proprielar>-  rights  in  West 
Indies,  questions  risini;  fnim,  I.  171  flf. 

Carolinas,  question  of  trans|><irtalion  of 
lluguenols  to,  I.  .'7  .'S;  statistics  of 
trade  between  England  and,  42  n.;  a 
colony  of  the  plantation  pattern,  55; 
exemption  of  certain  products  of,  from 
Knglish  im|Mirt  duties,  55-56;  in- 
ducement? olTcred  to  si'ttlers  in,  56  n.  j 
early  unim|M>rtancc  of,  177;  economic 
aims  of  proprietors  of,  178  ff. ;  plans 
for  settlement  of,  179-182;  population 
in  1682,  187;  products  of,  188-189; 
ap|M)intment  of  cu.stoms  officials  for, 
i8i)-i9o.  Sir  North  Carolina  and 
South  Carolina. 

CariK'nter,  arlitle  by,  lited.  I.  71  n. 

Carix-nter,  Henry,  Commissioner  of  Cus- 
toms in  Leeward  Islands,  I.  287. 

Carr,  Sir  Robert,  a  Commissioner  to 
visit  New  England,  II.  243. 

Carteret.  Sir  {leorge,  meml>er  of  com- 
mittee on  state  of  Jamaica,  I.  229  n. ; 
a  member  of  Council  for  Foreign  Plan- 
tations, 232;  interested  in  African 
trading  comfiany.  326. 

Carteret,  I'hilip,  as  (io\ernor  of  East 
\ew  Jersey,  appointed  Collector  of 
Customs,  I.   ;7()  n. 

Cart  Wright,  (JeorL'e.  a  ( \)mmis,sioner  to 
visit  New  Knglanil,  II    .45 

Cary.  J<ihn,iiuotcd.  I.  (>  n  .  --4  -5,38-39, 
40  50.  5'>-57.  'o*).  1 1 1 

Cedar  wood,  e\|)<irt  of  and  illegal  trade 
in,  from  Bermuiias,  11.  <)i,  gj ,  vessels 
built  of.  102. 

Chalmers,  (icorgc.  lited,  I.  71  n.,  84  n., 
.'.'-•  11  ,  3,u,   i7J  n. 

Channel  Islands,  eflet  t  of  |«iliiy  of  enu- 
m  r.  ,i.i|i  11a  irad.-  of,  I,  85  11 


m 


\ 


1t 

^  .4 


H 


I 


'm:(Wjm^Hmm 


ffl 


n 


36J 


INDEX 


i 

I 

1         I 

1'. 

1  i 


ill 


i! 


11. 


•,    1 


OianninR.  Kdward,  error*  in  statements 
by,  I.  ugn.,  II.  Jhin. 

Charli*  n,  supiK»rl  given commiT'  uil  and 
coloni.il  interests  of  Kngland  t.y,  1. 
3-5;  tclintion  of  Jumaiia  imil  l>un- 
kirlc  t>v,  ami  PortUKuist-  marriaRe  of, 
4-5;  linancial  difticullics  of,  rtsultinR 
in  the  "Stop  of  llic  I.xchcJiuir."  147- 
148;  iKTsonal  investment  of,  in  Afri- 
can C<>mi>unic«,  .WS  3^7  .  K'fl*  "'  "'"' 
from  XirKinia  to,  U.  H7  » 

Charles  Town,  silllemeiU  at,  II.  181  « 

Cliild,  Sir  Josiali,  nuoted  and  cited,  I. 
13,  i7n.,34  ,<5.  48,  S".  .s8;  a  stauntii 
upliolder  of  tiic  rolonial  system,  107 
n. ;  a  patentee  of  Royal  African  Com- 

IKiny,  .U2 

Clarendon,  Karl  of.  ((uotcd,  1.  4  3S  3". 
102  ;  inleresl  of,  in  colonial  expansion, 
8;  'api)ointe«l  to  Council  for  Toreinn 
I'lantalions,  2^2  ;  on  effect  of  Couniil 
of  Traill-,  230 ;  a  i>aU;nlee  of  the  Caro- 
linas,  II.  178- 

Clarke,  Roljert,  Criivcrnor  of  Bahamas, 

11  8q.  ,     .     .  , 

Clayed  su^ar,  I.  152  n.;  duties  imiwscd 

on,  bv  t.-iriff  of  i<i8s,  U>4  "• 
Clillord,  Sir  Thomas,  member  of  Council 

of  Trade  (i(.(>8),  I.  243- 
Cloth,  premiums  for  manufacture  of,  in 

VirRinia,  II.  124.  127.  'S'). 
Coal,  exjKirt  duties  on  KnKlish,  I.  i.w  n. 
Coastwise    trade,    exclusion    of    foreiKn 
ships  from  Knglish,  by  Navigation  Act 
of  1 600,  I.  <)3. 
Cocoo-nuts,  question  of  duties  on.  I    <>5 
n.;   duties  on,  by  .\ct  of  i'>73.  Si-Sj. 
CcMlrinKton,  Christopher,  (luotcd,  II.   :7- 
Cohal>itation  .\cl,  for  encouraKement  of 
trade    and    manufacture    in    VirRinia 
{1680),  II.  149.  ■.?'■  '.^'• 
Coinage  .it  mimey  in  Massachusetts,  II. 

204- 

Coke,  Roger,  <|Uotcd,  I.  22. 

Collicrt,  duties  im|)Osed  on  foreign  re- 
lined  sug.irs  by,  I.  i.S5  n. 

Collectors  ol  the  cu>.i  >ms,  colonial,  I. 
277-278. 

Colleton.  James,  Go\  rrnor  of  the  Caro- 
linas,  II.  191.  IQ3 

Colleton,  Sir  John,  a  mcmU-r  of  Council 


for  Forci(?n  PUntalions,  I.  13 J,  237; 
interested  In  African  trading  comimny, 
326-327 ;  a  [Kitentec  of  the  Carolinas, 
11.  178. 
t  olleton.  Sir  Peter,  I.  154.  «f>5  I  »  I«"*'"- 
tec  of  Roval  African  Comimny,  u"; 
memUr  of  Committee  of  (■cntlemen 
Planters  in  Kngland,  349 ;    emleavnrs 
to  sei  ure  redress  for  grievano  s  of  Itar- 
bados,  II.  14.   19;    (|uoled,   10;    on  a 
suitable  governor   for  Harbailos,  27  n. 
Collins,  K.  I).,  cited,  I.  .u"^  n.,  372.  377  '» 
'  Colonial  Council  of  if)70.  L  ^44  1^ 
Colonial  exiKinsion,  held  to  lie  a  sut>or.li- 
nale  p.irt  of  movement  of  commen  i  d 
progress,  I.   18  ff. ;    differing  opinioni 
on  emigration  caused  by,  19  f. 
Colonial  proprietors,  revenue  derived  by 

frown  as  successor  to,  I.  171  1- 
t  .lonial  system,  lieginnings  of  Knglish, 
umler  the  Stuarts  and  Cromwell,  I.  -' ; 
expansion  of,   upon  the  Restoration, 

\  ff. 
C<)l<mies,  ilcportation  of  undesirables  t(., 
I.   29-32;    general  character  ol  i"ii- 
grants  to,  during  Restoration  iH.ri.-l, 
jo-31  ;   supposed  economic  tHiie(ii>  t'l 
Kngland  from,  35  1  i    viewed  a>  il:c 
economic  complements  of  the  moilur 
country.  37-38;  more  stress  laid  iii»mi 
as  sources  of  supply  than  as  mark.  N 
(or  go<Kls,  38-39;    statistics  of  tra.le 
b«'tween  Kngl.md  ami,  in  Restorati.n 
ix-ri.xl,  30-44 .    division  of,  into  lour 
classes,   45   n. ;    exclusion  of   foreitrn- 
built  shiiw  from  trade  with,  by  Nav  i-'.i 
lion  Act  of  i()(.o,  58  ff. ;  effect  ol  -NaM 
gallon  .\ct  of  iW)o  on  shipping  of.  '  ; 
04  ;   relations  between  mother  i  ouni  ry 
and,  as  n -ull  of  thi-ory  of  inii-''  ' 
defence,   loH  ff.;    military  eslabli-li- 
menl    in,    Ii4->i'>;     defence    ag.iii.-l 
buccaneers  an<l  pirates,  120-127;  pM- 
erential  treatment  ai corded  pro.li.  is 
of,  in  Knglish  markets,  127;   IhiMUs 
to,  fn.mprefer.ntial  treatment  oi|.r."l- 
ucts,     132-1...  ;     (lasMii.ation     i"'" 
proprieties  and  royal  provinces.  J02; 
fiscal  systems  of.  202  ff. ;   imiKfial  .i.l- 
ministrativc  ma.  iiinery  tor  gow  rnuii! 
the,  224  ff. ;    ap(x>intment  of  cori.><'l 


s 


♦  \\ 


INDEX 


363 


m»tom»offiriaUforthe,  i77-»84;  ron- 
flii'l  of  authority  in,  a  defect  of  the  cs- 
tabliihrd  adminiittrutivc  system,  jw- 
314 ;  division  of,  into  1  la^si-*,  ,u'>  .Ji7  ; 
gruupinK  of,  aciordioK  tn  ia|iul>iliiy  of 
dcvflopmcnt  as  new  wmrcrs  of  supply, 

3«  7-310 
Committee  for  Trade  and  Forci(;n  IMan- 

tation:!  of  1(175,  I.  i^O.    Sir  Lords  of 

Trade. 
Committee  for  Trade  and    Plantations, 

creation  of,    and    memljers,    I.    240- 

J41. 
Committee  of  (k'nllcmen  Planters  of  Bar- 

bado*  ill  Ixindiin.  I,  47,  II.  14. 
Commissioners  of  the  Customs,  ap|Kiint- 

ment  .uid  artivitiis  of,  I.  jjIk 
Committee  system  in  im|KTial  itdminis- 

traliie  mailiinery,  I.  i.'8  It. 
ComiKiny  of  Royal  .\dventurers  tradinR 

to    \(rita,    1.    i2(>  ^27.     Sir   African 

Company. 
Comptroller  and  Surveyor  (ieneral,  office 

of,  I.  280. 
Connecticut,  charter  Kranted  to  (i6<i--', 

II.  242;   royal  Commissioners  in,  244; 

trade  of.    245   n.,   iily-^iy;    plan   to 

unite,  with  Massachusetts  and  other 

New     Kn^land     colonies,     32,5-324; 

Randolph's  charges  aKainst,  and  issu- 

anie  of  writs  of  quo  li'iirrj/i/c,  324. 
Con\icts,    de|x>rtati<m    of,    to    English 

colonies,  I.  2g-30,  II.  52. 
Conv ,  Richaril,  tjovernor  of  Bermudas, 

II.  97 -gg. 
Cook,     Thomas,     Irish     shi|X)wncr,    I. 

C<H)iKT,  Sir  .\.  .\.,  apiH)intod  to  Council 
for  Foreign  Plantations,  I.  2i2.  Sif 
Shaftesbury. 

CorlxMl.  J.  S.,  cited  and  (juoted,  I.  122, 
II.  140  n.,  izy 

Corn  lK)unties  in  Kn^land,  I.  131  n. 

Cotton  or  colton«(M)t,  im|iorts  of,  to 
KnKland,  I.  40  n. ;  limitations  on  co- 
lonial exjxirt  trade  in,  by  Navigation 
.Nil  of  i(if)0,  72;  duties  on,  under 
.\i  ts  of  i(>()0  and  i')73,  82  n.  ;  imi)ort 
flulies  on,  under  taritl  of  iWio,  133; 
raised  in  Barbados,  II.  3  n.,  30;  e\- 
ixjrted  from  Ixeward  Islands,  37  ;  pro- 


duced  in   Jamaica,   54,    79  Ri ;    first 

rxiieriments   with,   in   the   (  arolimu, 

181. 
Council  for  I-'oreinn  Plantations,  creali.m, 

com|K>sition,  and  work  of,  I    231    234; 

end   of   activities   of,    in    iWjs,    J.»g; 

dealinKs  of,   with   .Ma.ss;ichusetti,   II. 

240-  242 ;  I  laims  of  Masim  and  (iorncs 

before,  252. 
Couniil     for    Tride    and     Plantations, 

created   (i''72),   I.    247;    memlK-rship 

anil  lareiT  of,  247   254;   revmatioii  of 

commission  (i'i74),  2^4;  succeeded  by 

Uirds  of  Trade,  2511. 
Council  of  Trade,  creation,  lomimsilitm, 

anil  duties  of,  I.  m  23  .  ,   eml  of,  in 

1(1(14,    230;     a|)|Kiinlmenl   of    a    new 

(i(.()8),  24,J. 
Courts,  admiralty  and  vice-a<lmiraUy,  I. 

21)2  tT. 

Couty,  Rabba,  case  of  ship  owned  by,  I. 
300-301. 

Ciivenlry,  Sir  Henry, on  logwoixl  cutlinR 

in  Yucatan,  II.  ()8  n. 
I  Coventry,  Sir  William,  quoted,  I.  21  -22. 
;  t.oym.ins,  firm  of,  I.  31)4  n. 

Crantield,  Kdwaril,  apjxiinled  Commis- 
sioner of  Customs  in  Barbadns,  I.  2.S7 
n.;  cited,  II.  70  n.,  84;  <|uolii|,  2(13 
n. ;  on  im|)ortalions  of  Kurojieau 
rikmU  to  Massiichusi'lts,  288  n. ;  on 
disloyal  spirit  at  Boston.  315  n. ;  a|)- 
|>ointment  as  (iovernor  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, 320;  fjuarrils  of,  with  leaders  of 
(uliiny.  321  ;  de|)arlure  of.  from  New 
Hampshire,  \22. 

Craven,  I^.irl  ol,  quoted.  II.  ig2. 

Crofts.  Captain.  e\|)erienies  of,  on  Vir- 
Hiiii.i  and  .Maryland  station.  I.  311- 
315.  II.  i'>3  iT. ;  on  ililVic  allies  con- 
nected with  suppressing  illegal  trading, 

II.  i(>4-i''5- 
Cromwell,  Oliver,  In-KinninKS  of  I'nKlish 
commeriial    and    colonial    supremacy 
under,     I.     2 ;     union     of     Kn^land, 
Scotland,   and    Ireland    elTccted    by, 

8v 
Crown,  revenue  derived  liy  KnuHsh,  as 
successor    to   colonial    proprietors.    I. 
171  iT. ;   suKi'i'ds  to  rights  of  London 
Company  in  \'ir;;ini.i.  102. 


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INDEX 


Crown  colonies,  fiscal  systems  of,  I.  202 
ff. ;  steady  increase  in  number  of, 
225-226. 

Crown  rights  and  royalties  among  colo- 
nies, I.  169. 

Cuba,  privateering  raids  on,  II.  60- 
61. 

Culiiepcr,  Lord,  quoted,  I.  117;  Vir- 
ginia grant  to,  by  Charles  II,  194.  H- 
1 31-13 2 ;  quoted  on  collection  of  quit- 
rents,  I.  195  n.,  :97  n. ;  on  discrimi- 
nation in  Virginia  against  English 
shipping,  206  n. ;  vice-president  of 
Council  for  Trade  and  Plantations, 
248;  becomes  Governor  of  Virginia, 
II.  141;  cited,  150  n.;  supports 
plea  of  Virginia  for  cessation  of  to- 
bacco planting,  150  n.,  151-152; 
intelligent  insight  by,  into  conditions 
in  Virginia,  152;  succeeded  as  Gov- 
ernor by  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham, 
157;  on  the  Albemarle  Sound  settle- 
ment, 199;  mentioned  for  Governor 
of  New  England  colonies,  292. 

Culpepper,  John,  leader  of  North  Caro- 
lina rebellion,  II.  198. 

Cunningham,  quoted  and  cited,  I.  4, 
14  n.,  21,  23s  n.,  239. 

Currey,  E.  H.,  cited,  I.  122. 

Customs,  Farmers  of  the,  I.  272-276; 
Commissioners  of  the,  276  S.;  appoint- 
ment of  Collectors  of,  for  the  colonies, 
277-278. 

Customs  duties,  supposed  benefit  to 
England  from,  on  colonial  trade,  I. 
35-37;  error  in  reasoning  concern- 
ing, 36-37 ;  under  Navigation  .\ct  of 
1660,  58  il. ;  increase  of,  by  Staple 
Act  of  1663,  77;  under  .\ct  of  1673, 
81-83,  on  negroes  imported  by 
Spanish  to  West  Indies,  129  n. ;  de- 
velopment of  dual  system  in  adminis- 
tration of,  291. 

Customs  officials,  compensation  of,  I. 
2S4-286;  difficulties  over,  in  colonies, 
2S7  tl.,  II.  171,  280  £f. 

Cult,  John,  II.  318,  320. 

Dampier,  William,  buccaneer,  II.  70. 
Danby,  Earl  of,  quoted,  I.  146  n. ;   rise 
of,  in  [Kililical  world,  254. 


Danforth,  Thomas,  Deputy-Governor  of 
Massachusetts,  II.  302. 

Davenant,  Charles,  quoted  and  cited,  I. 
13  n.,  15  n.,  50-51,  106,  II.  29s  n.; 
discussion  of  objections  to  colonies  by, 
I.  26;  a  champion  of  the  colonial 
system,  107  n. ;  appointment  of,  to 
office  of  Treasurer  of  Virginia,  193  n. 

Davics,  cited,  II.  3  n.,  32 ;  quoted,  48  n. 

Debtor  laws,  in  Barbados,  I.  347-348; 
in  the  Lcc-.vard  Islands,  352. 

Defence,  Ijurdcn  of  imperial,  assumed  by 
England,  I.  108;  conclusions  as  to 
colonial  trade  resulting  from  theory, 
1 10  ff . ;  colonial  military  establish- 
ment for,  1 14-120;  suppression  of 
West  Indian  buccaneers,  121;  im- 
munity secured  against  Barbary  cor- 
sairs, 122-127. 

Delaware,  reduction  of  Dutch  settle- 
ments in,  II.  341;  acquisition  of 
region  by  English,  341-342. 

Denton,  Daniel,  cited,  II.  344. 

De  Ruyter,  Admiral,  acts  against  Eng- 
lish in  West  Africa,  I.  333. 

D'Ewes,  Sir  Simonds,  on  naval  stores 
from  New  England,  II.  231  n. 

Dickerson,  O.  M.,  cited,  I.  251. 

Digges,  Edward,  a  member  of  Council 
for  Foreign  Plantations,  I.  233,  237; 
appointed  to  represent  Farmers  of 
Customs  in  Virginia,  275;  receives 
appointment  from  Commissioners  of 
the  Customs,  276;  withdrawal  of,  i,ii 
creation  of  office  of  Collector  01  Cus- 
toms, 278 ;  gift  of  silk  by,  to  the  King, 
II.  128  n. 

Diplomatic  service,  use  of,  in  execution 
of  laws  of  trade  and  navigation,  I.  259. 

Direct  taxation  of  colonics  by  Parlia- 
mentary duties  on  intercolonial  trade, 
I.  168. 

Dissenters,  English,  settle  in  the  Caro- 
linas,    II.     187. 

Dominion  of  New  England,  the,  I.  119, 
226,  II.  323,  324,  331  ff.;  New  York 
and  the  Jerseys  included  in,  II.  337, 
350-351;  dissolution  of,  351. 
Dongan,  Governor  of  New  York,  I.  201 ; 
quoted  concerniug  Dyre,  282  n. ;  ves- 
sel of,  charged  with  illegal  trading  to 


(n 


INDEX 


365 


/. 


Virginia,  II.  164,  166-167;  cited  and 
quoted,  346,  349,  353. 

Dorrell,  John,  II.  86. 

Downing,  John,  petitions  for  establish- 
ment of  government  in  Newfoundland, 
II.  216-217. 

Downing,  Sir  George,  career  of,  and 
prominence  in  furthering  English  com- 
mercial expansion,  I  9-1 1;  policy  of 
enumeration  devised  by,  71-73 ;  prom- 
inent in  enacting  legislation  affecting 
Irish  colonial  trade,  93  n. ;  a  member 
of  Council  for  Trade,  235;  member 
of  new  Council  of  Trade  (1668),  243; 
head  of  Commissioners  of  Customs, 
276 ;  cited,  333 ;  argues  against  relaxa- 
tion of  trade  regulations  in  favor  of 
Barbados,  II.  18-20. 

Doyiey,  Edward,  Cromwellian  Governor 
of  Jamaica,  II.  50. 

Drawback  system  applied  to  English 
sugar  manufacturers,  I.  153. 

Drax,  Henry,  member  of  Committee  of 
Gentlemen  Planters  in  England,  I.  349. 

Drax,  Sir  James,  member  of  Council  for 
Foreign  Plantations,  I.  233,  237. 

Drugs,  from  Jamaica,  II.  54. 

Du  Bois,  VV.  E.  B.,  cited,  I.  323. 

Dudley,  Joseph,  quoted,  II.  292  n. ;  sent 
to  England  as  agent  of  Massachusetts, 
293;  instructions  to,  293-296;  atti- 
tude taken  by,  on  loss  of  charter  by 
Massachusetts,  314  n. ;  entrusted  with 
temporary  governorship  of  Massachu- 
setts and  New  Hampshire,  323 ;  com- 
missioned Vice-Admiral,  330;  ad- 
ministration   of    New    England    by, 

331- 

Duke,  George,  secretary  of  Coimcil  of 
Trade,  I.  239  n. 

Dumont,  cited,  I.  334. 

Dunkirk,  English  acquisition  and  reten- 
tion of,  I.  5. 

Dutch,  commercial  rivalry  between 
English  and,  I.  5-6,  7,  9;  effect  on, 
of  Navigation  Act  of  1660,  60-61 ; 
rivalry  of,  in  .\frican  slave  trade,  325- 
326,  333;  end  of  rivalry  by  Tteaty  of 
Breda,  334;  tempwrary  permission 
granted  to,  to  trade  to  New  York,  II. 
343- 


Dutch  West  India  Company,  I.  326. 

Duties,  exemption  of  products  of  Caro- 
linas  from  the  import,  I.  35-56;  ton- 
nage and  poundage,  under  Old  Sub- 
sidy, 120  3. ;  preferential  treatment  of 
certain  imports  from  colonies,  132  ff. ; 
work  of  Treasury  in  enforcing  the 
plantation,  262-264;  import,  levied 
by  Virginia  on  liquors,  II.  163  n. ; 
collection  of,  in  North  Carolina,  195- 
197.    See  Customs  duties. 

Dutton,  Sir  Henrj',  I.  300  n. 

Dutton,  Sir  Richard,  Governor  of  Bar- 
bados, I.  165,  191,  365  n.,  375;  on 
jealousy  of  Leeward  Islands  by  Bar- 
bados, II.  39. 

Dyeing-woods,  limitations  on  colonial 
export  trade  in,  by  Navigation  Act  of 
1660,  I.  72;  duties  on,  under  Acts  of 
1660  and  1673,  82  n. ;  produced  in 
Jamaica,  II.  54 ;  produced  in  the  Ba- 
hamas, 87. 

Dyre,  William,  activities  of,  as  Surveyor 
General  of  Customs  in  American  colo- 
nies, I.  281-283,  II.  329;  complains  of 
being  arrested  in  performance  of 
duties,  II.  336;  commissioned  Col- 
lector of  revenue  in  New  York,  351  n. ; 
charges  against,  352. 

Eastchurch,  Thomas,  appointed  Gov- 
ernor of  North  Carolina,  II.  196- 
197. 

East  New  Jersey,  smuggling  from,  to 
New  York,  II.  347. 

Eleuthcra,  settlement  of,  II.  85. 

Emigration,  I.  18  ff. ;  attitude  toward,  in 
Restoration  period,  19-23;  estimates 
of,  from  England  to  America,  28  n. ; 
evils  of,  concerning  indentured  ser- 
vants   and    contract    laborers,    32- 

34- 

Endicott,  Governor  of  Massachusetts, 
correspondence  of,  with  Restoration 
government,  II.  239-240. 

England,  attention  of,  directed  under 
Cromwell  toward  commercial  and 
colonial  expansion,  I.  2 ;  era  of  expan- 
sion beginning  with  the  Restoration, 
3 ;  feudal  acknowledgment  of  suze- 
rainty of,  by  proprietary  colonies,  169. 


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366 


INDEX 


English  Empire,  extent  of,  in  1660,  I. 
53 ;  nature  of  colonies  constituting 
the,  53-54. 

Enumeration,  policy  of,  I.  72-73;  in- 
conveniences and  inconsistencies  re- 
sulting from,  80  S. ;  dit!iculties  result- 
ing from  application  to  Ireland,  93  fl. ; 
preferential  treatment  of  colonial  prod- 
ucts as  an  offset  to,  136  ff. ;  work  of 
the  Treasury  in  connection  with  en- 
forcement of,  260-264,  273;  objec- 
tions of  Barbados  to,  II.  3  ff.,  22  ff. ; 
comparatively  slight  complaint  against, 
in  Leeward  Islands,  45-46 ;  objections 
of  Massachusetts  to,  307-309. 

Esler,  case  of  seized  ship,  I.  302  n.,  307  n. 

Evelyn,  John,  quoted,  I.  s  n.,  11,  22  n., 
148,  248  n.,  249,  250  n.,  254,  II.  35 ; 
appointed  a  salaried  commissioner  of 
colonial  council,  I.  247;  quoted  con- 
cerning condition  of  New  England,  II. 
252,  253  n. 

Expectation,  case  of  the  ship,  II.  283, 
284. 

E.xport  duties.  Crown  revenue  from,  in 
Virginia,  I.  206. 

Exquemelin,  history  of  buccaneers  by, 
II.  61  n. 

Exton,  Sir  Thomas,  opinion  of,  I.  302- 
303- 

Fanshaw,  Sir  Richard,  Ambassador  to 
Portugal,  II.  6. 

Farmers  of  Customs,  action  taken  by, 
concerning  illegal  trade  in  colonics,  I. 
272-276. 

Farming  of  four  and  a  half  per  cent 
revenue  in  Barbados  and  Leeward 
Islands,  I.  186-IQO. 

Fcrrcro,  G.,  cited,  II.  236. 

Finch,  Sir  John,  member  of  special 
colonial  council,  I.  244. 

Fiscal  systems  of  colonies,  I.  202  ff. 

Fi.sher,  H.  ,\.  L.,  cited,  I.  210. 

Fisheries,  importance  of  the  Newfound- 
land, II.  201 ;  size  of  fleet  engaged  in 
Newfoundland,  222  n.;  of  Massachu- 
setts, 245 ;  competition  of  New  Eng- 
liind,  with  those  of  Newfoundland, 
256;   of  New  York,  344,  345. 

Fiske,  John,  cited,  II.  139,  143. 


Fitzhugh,  William,  II.  158  n. 

Flax,  unsuccessful  attempt  to  produce, 
in  Virginia,  II.  124  ff.,  126,  128,  155- 
156. 

Foodstuffs,  export  duties  on,  under  Old 
Subsidy,  I.  131. 

Forfeiture  of  unfree  vessels  trading  to 
the  colonies,  I.  69-70;  Crown's  share, 
in  case  of,  169,  170-171. 

Fortrey,  Samuel,  cited,  I.  20. 

Forts  of  Royal  African  Company  in 
West  Africa,  I.  369-370. 

France,  duties  imposed  on  foreign  re- 
fined sugars  by,  I.  155  n. ;  trade  regu- 
lations of,  compared  and  contrasted 
with  English  in  West  Indies,  II.  22- 
24,  32;  trade  to  Massachusetts  from, 
287 ;  dangers  from,  in  Newfoundland, 
205,  206,  227;  superiority  of  fbheries 
of,  to  English,  228-229;  dangers  to 
New  England  from,  237-238;  effect 
of  actiWty  of,  upon  attitude  of  Massa- 
chusetts on  loss  of  charter,  315-317. 

Frontier  spirit,  growth  of  the,  in  Vir- 
ginia, II.  135. 

Froude,  Philip,  secretary  of  Council  for 
Foreign  Plantations,  I.  232  n.,  236, 
238  n. 

Fuller,  Sir  T.  E.,  cited,  II.  186. 

Furs,  imported  to  England  in  Restora- 
tion period,  I.  40  n. ;  exportation  of, 
from  Maryland,  II.  168-169;  from 
New  York,  344,  345,  346. 

Fustic,  imports  of,  I.  40  n. ;  colonial  ex- 
port duties  on,  under  Acts  of  1660 
and  1673,  72,  82  n. ;  exported  from 
Jaraaica,  II.  80. 

Gardner,  W.  J.,  cited,  I.  31  n. 

Garroway,  quoted,  I.  22. 

Gascoigne,    Stephen,    appointed    Chief 

Commissioner  of   customs  duties   in 

Barbados,  I.  286,  380. 
Gaul,  ancient,  analogy  between  case  of 

New  England  and,  II.  235-236. 
Genoese,    slaves    supplied    to    Spanish 

colonies  by,  I.  $t,o. 
George,  Captain  of  frigate  stationed  at 

Boston,  II.  330-331. 
Gerbier,  Sir  Balthazar,  cited,  II.  47. 
Giesecke,  A.  A.,  cited,  II.  164  n. 


.'It 


INDEX 


367 


Gillam,  Zachariah,  II.  198. 

Ginger,  imports  of,  to  England,  I.  40  n. ; 
limitations  on  colonial  export   trade  , 
in,  by  Navigation  Act  of  1660,  72;! 
duties  on,   under  Acts  of    lOOo  and  I 
1673,  82  n. ;  import  duties  on,  under 
tarill  of  1 660,  133;    export  of,  from, 
Barbados,  II.  30;  a  staple  crop  in  St. 
Kitts,   32;    exported   from    Leeward 
Islands,  37 ;  produced  in  Jamaica,  54, 
80,  81 ;  experiments  with,  in  the  Caro- 
linas,  181. 

Godolphin,  Sir  William,  atiitude  and  ad- 
vice of,  on  logwood  business,  II.  66  67. 

Good  Intention,  case  of  the  ship,  I.  303  n. 

Goodrick,  cited,  I.  Son.,  162  n.,  170,  221 
n.,  282  n.,  283,  II.  264  n.,  275,  276, 
277,  288  n.,  291,  292,  320  ff.,  351; 
quoted,  II.  287  n.,  288  n. 

Gorges,  Ferdinando,  on  colonization  of 
the  West  Indies,  I.  47-48 ;  member  of 
Committee  of  Gentlemen  Planters  in 
London,  154;  member  of  special 
colonial  council,  244 ;  mentioned,  335 ; 
a  patentee  of  Royal  African  Company, 
342;  memorial  on  condition  of  Bar- 
bados by  (1673),  II.  IS ;  claims  of,  to 
Maine,  and  refusal  of  Massachusetts 
to  recognize,  251-252,  250-260,  264; 
claims  of,  bought  by  Massachusetts 
for  £1250,  278,  280. 

Governors,  colonial,  salaries  of,  and 
revenue  for  payment,  I.  203-205,  208- 
20Q,  211  n. ;  duties  of  royal,  in  execu- 
tion of  laws  of  trade,  264-265;  re- 
missness of  proprietary  and  charter, 
in  obeying  la-..s  of  trade,  265-267. 

Grain,  English  import  duties  on,  I.  134- 
13s ;   production  of,  in  Maryland,  II. 
169;  exported  from  New  York,  345. 
Granadilla,  imports  of,  to  England,  I. 

40  n. 
Greenland  whale  fishery,  encouragement 

of,  I.  63  n. 
Grew,  N.,  cited  and  quoted,  1. 18  n.,  35  n. 
Grey,     Thomas,     member     of     special 

colonial  council,  I.  244. 
Guinea  Company,  the,  I.  323. 

Hall,  Jacob,  buccaneer,  II.  192- 
Halstead,  Captain,  II.  182-183. 


Hamlin,  John,  French  pirate,  II.  73- 
Haring,  C.  H.,  cited,  I.  69,  328,  II.  56, 

S7,  192- 
Harris,   F.   R.,  cited,  II.   233  n.,   234, 

237  n.,  253  n. 
Harris,  William,  I.  1 23  n. ;   information 

by,  on  trade  of  New  England,  II.  261  n. 
Haversham,  Lord,  quoted,  I.  16. 
Hemp,  Act  for  making  planting  of,  in 

Virginia  obligatory,  II.  155-156. 
Hening,  cited  and  quoted,  I.  204,  206, 

II.  112,  113,  124  fl.,  147  n-.  '48  ff., 

163  n.,  200. 
Heydon,  Sir  John,  Governor  and  customs 

collector  in  Bermudas,  I.  279,  II.  92. 
Hickeringill,  E.,  cited,  II.  55. 
Hides,  exported  from  Jamaica,  II.  80, 

81;     prohibition   of    exportation   of, 

from  Virginia  (1682),  155. 
Hispaniola,  importation  of  commodities 

from,  to  Jamaica,  II.  85. 
Holdcn,  Robert,  Collector  of  Customs  in 

North   Carolina,   II.   199;    o"  'Megal 

trade  in  Massachusetts,  285. 
Holland,  trade  to  Massachusetts  from, 

II.  287. 
Holies,  Denzill,  member  of  committee  on 

state  of  Jamaica,  I.  230  n. ;    quoted, 

334  n. 
Holmes,  Sir  Robert,  I.  121,  326;  protec- 
tion of  English  slave  trade  by,  33^-333- 
Honduras,  logwood  trade  from,  II.  75, 

77  n-  ... 

Kooke,  Sir  Humphrey,  lease  of  \  irgima 

territory  to,  II.  130. 

Horses,  special  provisions  concerning, 
in  Act  of  1663,  I.  78;  export  duties 
on,  under  Old  Subsidy,  132  n.;  im- 
ported into  Barbados,  II.  31 .  245 ;  im- 
ported into  Leeward  Islands,  38; 
among  exports  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Connecticut,  326. 

Howard,  G.  E.,  cited,  II.  i35- 

Howard  of  Effingham,  Lord,  Governor  of 
Virginia,  I.  196,  iq8,  310,  II.  156,  157  ; 
disputes  of,  with  Captains  .Mien  and 
Crofts,  I.  311-312,  II.  164-167; 
troubles  of,  over  illegal  trading,  11. 
159,  i6i  fl. 

Hudson,  Henry,  on  causes  of  North 
Carolina  rebellion,  II.  197  n. 


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368 


INDEX 


Hudson's  Bay  Company,  founded  by 
Prince  Rupert,  I.  6;  favor  shown  to, 
in  matter  of  export  duties,  133  n. 

Hughson,  S.  C,  cited,  II.  74,  193. 

HuRuenots,  matter  of  transportation  of, 
to  Carolina,  I.  27-28;  as  settlers  in 
the  Caroli'  IS,  II.  187,  188. 

Hunter,  Sir  W .  W.,  quoted,  I.  346. 

Immigration  to  England,  attitude  of 
Restoration  statesmen  as  to,  I.  20-23. 

Indentured  servants,  abuses  pertaining 
to  tratfic  in,  I.  32-34. 

Indian  com  in  Barbados,  II.  31  n. 

Indians,  precipitation  of  political  crisis 
in  Virginia  from  uprising  of,  II.  137 ; 
establishment  of  rational  relations 
with,  142. 

Indigo,  imports  of,  to  England,  I.  40  n. ; 
produced  in  Jamaica,  54,  II.  79-81 ; 
limitations  on  colonial  export  trade  in, 
by  Navigation  Act  of  1660,  I.  72; 
duties  on,  under  Acts  of  1660  and  1673, 
82  n.,  133 ;  advantage  to  producers  of, 
from  preferential  treatment,  136 ;  ex- 
port of,  from  Barbados,  II.  30;  pro- 
duced in  Leeward  Islands,  37. 

Intercolonial  trade,  Parliamentary  taxa- 
tion of,  I.  168. 

Ireland,  emigration  from,  to  the  colonies 
encouraged,  I.  31 ;  effects  on  colonial 
trade  of,  of  Navigation  Acts  of  1660, 
1663,  and  1673,  gi  ff.;  results  of  ap- 
plication to,  of  Act  of  1671,  101-104; 
English  import  duties  directed  against, 
^3S ;  prohibition  of  production  of  to- 
bacco in,  138,  139;  imports  to  Bar- 
bados from,  II.  31 ;  imports  to  Lee- 
ward Islands  from,  38;  imports  to 
Jamaica  from,  82 ;  trade  between  Vir- 
ginia and,  129;  provisions  for  New- 
foundland fishing  fleet  bought  in,  222, 
224 ;  trade  to  Massachusetts  from,287. 
Irish  in  Barbados,  II.  ii  n.,  13. 
Iron  and  iron-works  of  New  England, 

II.  244,  261,  266. 
Isle  of  Man,  effect  of  Navigation  Acts 
on  trade  of,  I.  85  n. 

Jamaica,  acquired  under  Interregnum 
government,   I.   2;    retention  of,  by 


Restoration    government,    4-5,    227; 
convicts  transported  to,  30;    emigra- 
tion to,  encouraged,  31  n.;    customs 
paid  on  goods  from  (1676-1677),  37  n. ; 
statistics  of   trade  between   England 
and,  42  n.,  43;    arguments  for  colo- 
nization of,  I.  45-46 ;  rise  of,  to  wealth 
and  prosperity,  ss ;  seizure  of  foreign - 
built  ships  trading  to,  68-70;    mili- 
tary force  stationed  in,  114-115;   op- 
position  in,    to   impost   of    1685   on 
sugar,  163 ;  development  of,  a  favorite 
colonial  project,  208,  II.  49  ff. ;  efforts 
to  create  an  independent  revenue  in, 
I.  208  ff. ;   attempt  to  introduce  Poy- 
nings'  system  of  legislation  into,  210- 
214;    officials  and  mihtary  establish- 
ment in,  in  1679,  215  n.;    legislative 
measures  concerning  revenue  bills  in, 
215-220;    basis  of  a  permanently  es- 
tablished revenue  finally  laid  in,  220; 
question  of  logwood   trade  from,  to 
Campeachy,  250,  251-252;  position  of 
Naval    Officer    of,    271 ;     Admiralty 
Court  of,  301,  304;   slaves  in,  320  ff.; 
forces  from,  attack  Santiago  and  Cam- 
peachy,  328;  dissatisfaction  in,  with 
Royal  African  Company  over  supply 
of  slaves,  353  ff. ;   trouble  over  use  of 
light  Spanish  money  in,  357-358;  diffi- 
culties of  Royal  .African  Company  with 
interloping  traders  to,  377-378;    re- 
tention  of,   as   proof   of    interest   of 
Restoration    government    in    tropical 
colonization,  II.  47-48 ;   large  area  of, 
48;    slight  progress  of,  during  Inter- 
regnum, 48-49 ;  ap[X)intment  of  Lord 
Windsor  as  Governor,  50 ;  population 
in  1664  and  1670,  53  n. ;   progress  of, 
under  Modyford's  administration,  53- 
54;    chief  products  of,  54;    develop- 
ment of  cacao  and  sugar  industries  in, 
SS-56;     privateering    from,     56-59: 
losses  of,   through  privateers  turned 
pirates,  72-74;  no  complaints  against 
laws  of  trade  and  navigation  from,  83 ; 
small  amount  of  illegal  trading  in,  84 ; 
request  of  Bahamas  to  be  joined  to, 
88. 
Jamaica  Act,  fixing  price  of  slaves,  I. 
355.  358;   repeal  of,  359. 


i  V 


INDEX 


369 


-\ 


James  II,  early  commercial  ai.d  colonial 
interests  of,  I.  6-7. 

Jeffreys,  Herbert,  appointed  Commis- 
sioner and  Lieutenant-Governor  of 
Virginia,  II.  140-141. 

Jeffreys.  Judge,  on  Bermudas  as  a  strate- 
gic point,  II.  103. 

Jenlcins,  Sir  Lcoline,  on  withdrawal  of 
English  settlers  from  Newfoundland, 
II.  311  n. 

Jersey,  Island  of,  effect  of  policy  of  enu- 
meration on  trade  of,  I.  85  n. 

Jerseys,  the  (i:ast  and  West  Jerse\-). 
union  of,  with  New  York,  I.  226;  in- 
cluded within  Dominion  of  New  Eng- 
land, II.  337;  smuggling  from,  347. 

Jews,  special  licensing  of  three,  to  reside 
in  English  colonics,  I.  104  n. 

Johnson,  Sir  Nathaniel,  Governor  of 
Leeward  Islands,  I.  117,  376,  II.  43. 

Jones,  Captain,  on  trade  of  New  England 
to  Newfoundland,  II.  226-227;  on 
superiority  of  French  fisheries  in  New- 
foundland, 228. 

Kathcrinc,  Dongan's  trading  vessel,  II. 
164,  166-167. 

Kendall,  Thomas,  a  member  of  Council 
for  Foreign  Plantations,  I.  233,  237. 

Keyen,  Otto,  cited,  II.  47. 

Kidnapping  of  emigrants  for  American 
colonies,  I.  33. 

Kimball,  cited,  II.  290  n. 

King  Philip's  War,  II.  143. 

Kinnoul  annuity  from  Barbados,  I.  175- 
176,  192. 

Kirke,  Colonel  Percj',  escape  of  New 
England  from  governorship  of,  II.  323. 

Kirke,  Sir  David,  Governor  of  New- 
foundland, II.  205. 

Kirkes,  claims  of,  to  Newfoundland,  I. 

227- 

Knight,  Sir  John,  on  desire  of  Virginia 
planters  for  free  trade,  II.  11 5-1 16. 

Kyrle,  Sir  Richard,  Governor  of  South 
Carolina,  II.  193. 

Land  grants,  difficulties  over  Virginia, 

I.  194-199,  II.  130  ff. 
Langford,   .Abraham,  Naval  Officer  of 

Barbados,  I.  270. 

2B 


Laut,  \.  C,  cited,  I.  6,  II.  198. 
Laws  of  trade  and  navigation,  of  Res- 
toration period,  I.  58  ff. ;  execution 
of,  by  boards  and  committees  of  Privy 
Council,  259-260;  duties  of  colonial 
governors  relative  to,  264-265;  po- 
litical unrest  in  Virginia  in  connection 
with,  II.  143  ff. ;  conclusions  as  to  part 
played  by,  in  upheaval  of  1676  in 
Virginia,  147;  violations  of,  in  Vir- 
ginia, 159  ff.;  Newfoundland  and  the, 
221  ff. ;  grounds  of  Massachusetts' 
objections  to,  307-312;  improved  en- 
forci  mcnt  of,  in  New  England,  333- 
334;  'emporary  relaxation  of,  in  favor 
of  Dutch  trading  to  New  York,  343; 
enforcement  o,',  ir,  Acw  York,  351  ff. 
Leeward  Islands,  militiiry  establishment 
in,  I.  H5  n.;  laws  passed  by,  granting 
four  and  a  half  per  cent  export  duties, 
180;  question  of  separate  government 
for,  250;  temijorary  suspension  of 
Navigation  .•Xcts  in,  during  Dutch  war, 
274  n.;  corps  of  customs  officials  in, 
286-287;  slaves  in,  320  ff. ;  disputes 
between  Royal  .\frican  Company  and, 
over  supply  of  slaves,  351-352 ;  trade 
of  illicit  slave  dealers  to,  375-376; 
backwardness  in  development  of,  in 
i66o,  II.  31  ff. ;  economic  development 
of,  retarded  by  laws  of  trade,  32-33; 
disastrous  effects  on,  of  Dutch  and 
French  war,  33-34;  created  a  sepa- 
rate jurisdiction  from  Barbados,  34; 
population  of,  1671-1678,  36;  chief 
exports  and  imports  of,  37-38;  illegal 
trading  in,  39  ff. ;  efforts  of  Wheler 
and  Staplelon  to  enforce  laws  of  trade, 
40-43 ;  great  need  in,  of  slaves  and 
white  servants,  46. 

Lefroy,  cited,  I.  199,  II.  gi,  92,  180. 

Leighton,  Sir  Ellis,  secretary  of  English 
African  Company,  quoted,  I.  337-338. 

Leverett,  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  I. 
371  n. ;  as  agent  for  Massachusetts, 
called  before  Council  for  Foreign  Plan- 
tations, II.  241  ;  correspondence  be- 
tween Major  Thomson  and,  257  n.; 
quoted  by  Randolph,  267;  deposed 
from  governorship,  280. 

Lewin,  John,  II.  351  n.,  352,  353. 

(*) 


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370 


INDEX 


Lignum-vitaE,  imports  of,  to  England,  I. 
40  n. 

Ligon,  Richard,  cited,  I.  337  n.,  II.  2  n. 

Lilbume,  Robert,  Governor  of  the  Ba- 
hamas, II.  88  n.,  89. 

LiniiRc,  J.  dc  V.,  cited,  I.  364. 

Liquors,  import  duties  on,  in  Virginia, 
II.  i()3;  troubles  over  collection  of 
duties  on,  164-167;  illegal  trade  in, 
centring  in  Newfoundland,  222-^24. 

Lloyd,  Dr.  Richard,  I.  373. 

Locke,  John,  clerk  and  later  secretary  of 
Council  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  I. 
248. 

Lodge,  cited,  I.  21. 

Logwood,  duties  on,  under  Acts  of  i66o 
and  1073,  I.  82  n. ;  revenue  from, 
granted  to  Nell  Gwyn  by  Charles  II, 
82  n.;  Jamaica  trade  in,  to  Cam- 
peachy,  I.  250,  231-252,  II.  64,  65  ;  dis- 
pute with  Spanish  over,  I.  360-361; 
number  of  Jamaica  ships  engaged  in, 
II.  65 ;  continuance  of  trade,  in  1681, 
74-75;  strong  ix)sition  acquired  by 
New  Englaiiders  in  this  trade,  256. 

London,  foreign  trade  of,  at  period  of 
Restoration,  I.  14,  15. 

London  Company,  rights  of,  in  Virginia 
succeeded  to  by  Crown,  I.  ig2. 

Lords  of  Trade,  creation  of  committee 
known  as  the,  I.  256;  character  of 
committee,  membership,  and  duration, 
236-258. 

"Los!  Lady,  The,"  Governor  Berkeley's 
drama,  II.  134. 

Lovelace,  Francis,  Governor  of  New 
V'ork,  on  the  prosperity  of  the  colony, 

II.  344- 
Lucas,  C.  P.,  cited,  I.  6,  322,  II.  85,  198, 

316  n. 
Ludwell,  Thomas,  Secretary  of  Virginia, 

quoted,  II.  123  n.,  124,  126,131,161. 
Lumber,  importation  of,   to  Barbados, 

n.  31. 

Lynch,  Sir  Thomas,  Governor  of  Ja- 
maica, I.  208  n.,  209,  360,  361,  362, 
363;  quoted,  213  n.,  217-219;  reap- 
pointed Governor  of  Jamaica  in  1681, 
216-217;  perpetual  revenue  not 
deemed  essential  by,  218;  complaints 
of,    against    Council    for    Trade    and 


Plantations,  251-252 ;  on  negro  slaves, 
320;  on  trade  of  English  to  Spanish 
colonies,  with  slaves,  330;  on  supply 
of  slaves  in  Jamaica,  356  n.,  358;  on 
apparently  flourishing  condition  of 
Barbados  in  1671,  II.  29  n. ;  on  hope- 
less condition  of  Leeward  Islands,  34  n. ; 
cited,  52  n.,  53  n. ;  attempted  suppres- 
sion of  privateering  by,  63-64;  diffi- 
culties of,  over  logwood  cutting  in 
Spanish  territory,  75  3. ;  as  Governor 
in  1 68 1,  attempts  to  curb  West  Indian 
pirates,  72-74;  quoted  on  retreats  for 
pirates  among  American  colonies,  74  n. ; 
on  products  of  Jamaica  in  1672,  79. 
Lyttelton,  Sir  Charles,  Deputy-Governor 
of  Jamaica,  I.  328,  II.  51. 

McCrady,  E.,  cited,  II.  43,  90, 181,  187. 
McKarland,  R.,  cited,  II.  316  n. 
McGovncy,  D.  O.,  cited,  I.  62  n. 
Mcllwain,  C.  H.,  cited,  I.  91. 
Madagascar,  trade  in  negroes  from,  I. 

374-375- 

Madeiras,  provisions  concerning  wine  of 
the,  in  Act  of  1663,  I.  78. 

Magazine  ship  of  Bermuda  Companv, 
II.  90. 

Maine,  claim  of  Gorges  to,  II.  251  ff. ; 
stress  laid  by  Gorges  upon  economic 
value  of,  to  the  Empire,  254;  Eng- 
lish judges  decide  that  Massachusetts 
has  no  jurisdiction  over,  271 ;  claims 
of  Gorges  bought  by  Massachusetts, 
278;  Massachusetts  disregards  King's 
demand  for  surrender  of,  280;  in- 
cluded in  one  government  with  other 
New  England  colonies,  318. 

Manchester,  Earl  of,  member  of  Com- 
mittee of  Privy  Council,  I.  228;  ap- 
pointed to  Council  for  Foreign  Plan- 
tations, 2i2. 

Maracaibo,  sacked  by  buccaneers,  II.  61. 

Marlborough,  Earl  of,  interest  of,  in 
colonization  of  Jamaica,  II.  49. 

Martyn,  Richard,  II.  320,  321. 

Maryland,  statistics  of  trade  between 
England  and,  I.  42  n. ;  difficulties  over 
customs  duties  in,  98-100;  Calvert's 
work  in  connection  with  customs  in, 
275-276;     admiralty    court   in,    20O; 


INDEX 


371 


slow  expansion  of  slavery  in,  3(17 ; 
policy  of  English  Kovernraent  toward 
tobacco  industry  in,  II.  104  fl. ;  in- 
cluded in  Virginia's  plan  to  curtail 
pr<xluction  of  tobacco  (lOOi),!'?,  i^i; 
fails  to  agree  on  date  for  cessation  of 
tobacco  planting,  121-1J2;  economic 
development  of,  as  a  tobacco  colony, 
167-168;  character  of  trade  of,  168- 
i6g;  character  of,  as  a  proprietary 
colony,  i6q;  appointment  of  customs 
oQicials  in,  an  inroad  on  proprietor's 
jurisdiction,  169-170;  troubles  of  cus- 
toms ollicials  in,  170-175;  violations 
of  law  of  trade  and  navigation  not 
extensive  in,  175-176. 

Mason,  Robert,  memorial  by,  I.  108; 
controversy  between  Massachusetts 
authorities  and,  over  claims  to  New 
Hampshire,  II.  251-252,  25Q-260. 

Massachusetts,  contribution  of,  to  Bar- 
badian expedition,  I.  113;  trial  of  ad- 
miralty cases  in,  296-2Q7 ;  negroes 
from  Madagascar  brought  to,  374  n. ; 
suspicious  view  held  by,  of  the  imperial 
relation,  II.  237  fl. ;  forces  which 
compelled  allegiance  to  restored  mon- 
archy, 237-238;  complaints  against. 
spirit  of,  received  by  home  government, 
240;  validity  of  charter  confirmed, 
242;  report  of  royal  Commissioners 
concerning,  245-246;  ships  of,  in 
1665,  246;  inquiry  of  royal  Commis- 
sion into  violations  of  Navigation  Act 
in,  247-248;  rejwrt  of  Commission  on 
political  questions  concerning,  250- 
251 ;  claims  of  Mason  and  (iorges 
attract  fresh  attention  to,  251  IT.; 
irregular  trading  from,  and  resultant 
dangers  to  integrity  of  colonial  sys- 
tem, 255-261 ;  ordered  by  King  to 
send  agents  to  London  to  answer 
claims  of  Mason  and  Gorges,  260; 
Randolph's  detailed  report  concern- 
ing, 265-267;  beginnings  of  movement 
to  ibrogate  charter  of,  2O9-270;  sig- 
ance  of  Randolph's  appointment 
as  Collector  of  Customs,  277;  un- 
popularity and  diflicullies  of  Ran- 
dolph in,  280  ff. ;  extent  of  illegal  trade 
in,  2.S5-28S;    hatred  of  Randolph  in, 


as  an  unasked-for  rcprcscntiitive  of  the 
home  government,  28g ;  fresh  charges 
by  Randolph  against,  on  his  return  to 
Kngland,  2qo-2Q2  ;  King's  rebuko  to, 
for  treatment  of  Randolph  and  neg 
lect  to  send  agents  to  Kngland,  203; 
the  Naval  Office  Act,  296-301 ;  char- 
ter of,  annulled,  304;  abrogatiot.  of 
charter  the  only  alternative  to  com- 
plete severance  of  [xjlitical  tics  with 
England,  304-313 ;  attitude  of,  on  loss 
of  charter,  314-318;  reiwrts  of  illegal 
trading  in,  from  1683  to  1686,  329; 
united  with  other  New  Kngland  colo- 
nics under  one  government,  318-319; 
admiralty  court  erected  in  and  frigate 
stationed  at,  329-330;  a  part  of  the 
short-lived  Dominion  of  New  England, 

337- 

Masts,  gift  of,  from  Massachusetts  to 
Royal  Navy,  I.  113,  II.  249;  supply 
of,  reported  available  in  Maine  and 
New  Hampshire,  II.  254-255. 

Mather,  Cotton,  II.  290  n. 

Maverick,  Samuel,  a  Commissioner  to 
visit  New  England,  II.  243;   quoted, 

339  n- 

Mein,  Patrick,  Surveyor  General  ol 
Customs  in  .American  colonics,  I.  283- 
284;  cited,  311  n. ;  on  observation  of 
trade  laws  in  ^laryland,  II.  176. 

Military  -sLablishment,  colonial,  I.  114- 
120;   in  Jamaica  in  1679,  215  n. 

Miller,  Thomas,  Collector  of  Customs  in 
North  Carolina,  I.  279,  II.  196-197. 

Mims,  S.  L.,  cited,  I.  69  n.,  156  n.,  343  n., 
II.  2i  n.,  38  n.,  311  n.;  quoted,  U. 
40  n. 

Mint,  the  Massachusetts,  II.  294  n. 

Mi.ssclden,  cited,  I.  14  n. 

Mocenigo,  Pietro,  quoted,  I.  18  n. 

Modyford,  Sir  Thomas,  appointed  Gov- 
ernor of  Jamaica,  I.  329-330,  II.  52; 
once  an  agent  of  the  Royal  .\frican 
Company,  I.  380-381 ;  progress  of 
Jamaica  under  administration  of,  II. 
53-54;  difficulties  01,  over  privateer- 
ing from  Jamaica,  56  fif. ;  letters  of 
marque  issued  by,  58-59;  quoted, 
61  n. ;  dismissed  and  imprisoned  for 
permitting  privateering,  62. 


372 


INDEX 


■•?  •• 


iH 


Molasses,  export  of,  from  Barbados,  II. 

30.  3«- 

Molcsworth,  Hcndcr,  quoted,  I.  163, 166, 
356  n. ;  in  charge  of  Jamaica  on 
Lynch's  death,  303;  quoted  on 
Spanish  trade  in  slaves  to  West  Indies, 
363  n. ;  attacks  un  policy  of,  in  en- 
couraging Spanish  slave-trade,  364- 
366 ;  seizure  of  illegal  logwood  trader 
by,  II.  75- 

Money,  use  of  light  Spanish,  in  Jamaica, 
I-  357~358;  current  in  Massachusetts, 
II.  2g4  n. 

Montserrat,  statistics  of  trade  between 
England  and,  I.  42  n. ;  condition  of, 
in  1671,  II.  35-36.  See  Leeward 
Islands. 

Morgan,  Sir  Henry,  Deputy-Governor 
of  Jamaica,  I.  118,  215-216,  306-307; 
quo'ed,  356  n. ;  cited,  377 ;  severe 
injuries  inflicted  on  Spanish  by  (i668- 
1671),  II.  60-62;  honored  and 
knighted,  62 ;  work  as  Deputy-Gov- 
ernor of  Jamaica,  72  n. 

Morice,  Secretary  of  State  and  member 
of  Committee  of  Privy  Council,  I.  229. 

Morley,  John,  cited,  I.  85. 

Morton,  Joseph,  Governor  of  South 
Carolina,  II.  190,  193. 

Moryson,  Francis,  agent  of  Virginia  in 
England,  II.  132;  sent  as  commis- 
sioner to  Virginia,  140. 

Mulberry  trees,  obligatory  planting  of, 
in  Virginia,  II.  124,  127. 

Murray,  A.  E.,  quoted,  I.  94  n. ;  cited, 
135- 

Muschamp,  George,  Collector  of  Cus- 
toms in  South  Carolina,  II.  189-191. 

Muscovado  sugar,  I.  151  n. ;  duties  im- 
posed on,  by  bill  of  1685,  161. 

Muscovy  Company,  the,  II.  152. 

Myers,  .\  C,  cited,  I.  20,  23  n.,  36,  55, 
322,  II.  338  n. 

Nagle,  Richard,  Commissioner  of  Cus- 
toms in  Leeward  Islands,  I.  287. 

Naturalization  laws  passed  by  colonies, 
L70. 

Naval  Office  Act  in  Massachusetts,  I. 
268  n.,  II.  296  ff. ;  questioning  of,  by 
Randolph,  II.  297-298 ;  objectionable 


clauses  in,  jqq;  as  an  obstacle  in 
Randolph's  way,  299-301. 

Naval  Officers,  position  of,  in  colonial 
administrative  system,  I.  267  ff. ; 
practice  concerning  appointment  of, 
269-273;  remuneration  of,  272. 

Naval  stores,  New  England  as  a  source 
of,  I.  245-246,  II.  231 ;  report  of  royal 
Commission  of  1664  concerning,  II. 
246;  reports  to  im|H.-rial  government 
as  to,  in  Maine  and  New  Hampshire, 
^•254-255- 

Navigation  Act  of  1650,  I.  2,  12,  60. 

Navigation  .\ct  of  1651,  I.  2,  12,  61. 

Navigation  .\ct  of  1660,  importance  of, 
realized  by  English  statesmen,  I.  12- 
13;  passage  of,  58;  significance  of, 
regarding  Dutch  rivals,  60-61 ;  pro- 
visions affecting  England's  European 
trade,  61-63 ;  effect  on  shipping  of 
colonics,  63-64;  provisions  regarding 
non-E^nglish  parts  of  America,  Africa, 
and  Asia,  64;  provisions  regarding 
colonial  trade  proper,  65  ff. ;  provision 
confining  colonial  export  trade  to 
England,  Ireland,  or  some  other  Eng- 
lish colony,  71-74 ;  extended  by  Staple 
Act  of  1663,  76-79;  provisions  affect- 
ing trade  between  Scotland  and  colo- 
nies, 85  ff. 

Navigation  Act  of  1673,  I.  81-84. 

Navigation  Acts,  machinery  for  adminis- 
tration of,  I.  259  ff. ;  application  of,  to 
Virginia,  and  criticisms  of  policy,  II. 
105-115;  not  responsible  for  the 
political  disturbances  in  Virginia,  143 
ff. ;  steps  taken  by  Massachusetts  to 
make  effective,  247.  See  Laws  of 
trade  and  navigation. 

Navy,  interest  of  James  II  in,  I.  7 ;  ad- 
vance of,  after  passage  of  Navigation 
Act  of  1660,  13 ;  numbers  of  men  in 
English,  in  peace  and  in  war,  105  n. ; 
use  of,  in  capturing  illegal  trading 
vessels,  308-314. 

Negroes.    See  Slaves. 

Nevis,  statistics  of  trade  between  Eng- 
land and,  i.  42  n. ;  Admiralty  Court 
of,  299,  302,  303,  310;  illegal  importa- 
tions of  slaves  to,  376;  protest  of, 
against  laws  of  trade  and  aavigati.in, 


INDEX 


373 


n.  3J ;  chief  centre  of  trade  in  Leeward 
Islands,  35.     iVc  Leeward  Islands. 

New  Amsterdam,  surrender  of,  to  Eng- 
lish, II.  341. 

New  Kngiand,  statistics  of  trade  be- 
tween Kngland  and,  I.  42;  arguments 
advanced  against  colonization  of, 
45-40, 48  ff. ;  advantages  from  colonics 
in,  50-51 ;  in  general  not  adapted  to 
English  colonial  scheme,  51-5,?.  '•■ 
231,  234-235;  recalcitrant  altitude  of, 
toward  imixirial  control,  1.  108-iog, 
II.  236  tr. ;  imixirts  to  England  from, 
not  accorded  preferential  treatment,  I. 
134;  brief  union  of,  with  New  York 
and  the  Jerseys  under  one  government 
(Dominion  of  New  England),  226,  II. 
337 ;  hoiK's  for,  as  a  source  of  i.aval 
stores,  I.  245-240;  II.  231;  attention 
paid  to,  by  Council  for  Trade  and 
Plantations,  I.  250;  naval  ollices 
established  in  (1682),  2O8  n.,  II.  206; 
illegal  slave  trade  by  ships  of,  I.  371 ; 
negroes  from  Madagascar  in,  374  n. ; 
imports  to  Leeward  Islands  from,  II. 
38;  provisions  imported  to  Jamaica 
from,  54;  ships  from,  engaged  in  log 
wood  trade,  70;  trade  of,  to  Ber- 
mudas, Q3 ;  illegal  trading  to  Virginia 
by  vessels  of,  it)o;  close  commercial 
relations  of,  with  North  Carolina,  195- 
196,  198,  200;  trade  of,  to  Newfound- 
land, 223,  224,  225-227;  difference 
between,  and  other  colonies,  231 ; 
main  economic  advantage  of,  to  mother 
country  its  consumption  of  English 
goods,  232-233;  analogy  between 
ancient  Gaul  and,  235-236;  dangers 
to,  from  other  Euroix^an  powers  than 
English,  237-238;  royal  Commission- 
ers sent  to  (16O4),  243  ft.;  vessels  of, 
in  1671,  246  n. ;  renewed  attention 
drawn  to,  by  claims  of  Mason  and 
Gorges,  251  S.;  irregular  trading  of, 
threatens  disruption  of  colonial  sys- 
tem, 255-261 ;  investigation  by  Lords 
of  Trade  of  irregular  trading  of,  262- 
264;  merchants  from,  summoned  be- 
fore Lords  of  Trade,  263-264;  Ran- 
dolph appointed  Collector  of  Customs 
in,   27O-277 ;    Randolph's  suggestion 


of  uniting  colonies  constituting,  under 
one  general  governor,  2g2;  English 
plan:,  for  |K)litical  reconstruction  of, 
318  fl. ;  unificati<m  of  colonies  into 
the  Dominion  of,  324  ff. ;  dissolution 
of  Dominion  of,  II.  337,  351. 

Newfoundland,  tisheries  of,  as  a  school 
for  seamen,  1.  32,  II.  204,  221,  2?0; 
Haltimore's  province  of  Avalon  in, 
227  n.,  II.  203,  204,  221-222;  uni(|ue 
position  of,  as  a  colony,  I.  319;  im- 
[Kjrtance  of  fisheries  of,  II.  201 ;  vari- 
ous claims  of  patentees  of.  202  ;  dis- 
putes lielween  settlers  and  English 
fishermen  in,  202,  209-21 1,  220;  agita- 
tion for  ap|M)iniment  of  a  royal  gov- 
ernor, 2O4-20f>;  regulations  recom- 
mended for,  by  Council  for  Planta- 
tions, 207-208;  naval  convoy  sent 
with  fishing  fleet  to,  208;  plan  of 
government  to  remove  settlers  from, 
208,  210-214;  renewed  agitation  after 
Dutch  war  for  royal  governor,  209  ff. ; 
Berry's  report  on  settlers  and  condi- 
tions in,  214-216;  reports  of  Downing, 
Poole,  and  Talbot  on,  216-219;  set- 
tlers allowed  to  stay  in,  but  no  gov- 
ernor apijointed,  219-220;  size  of  fleet 
engaged  in  fisheries  of  (1O80),  222  n.; 
ordered  to  be  held  outside  of  trade 
regulations,  222;  regulations  for  ships 
engaged  in  fisheries,  222-223;  re- 
ported to  'oe  a  seat  of  illegal  trade, 
223;  New  England's  trade  to,  223, 
224,  225-227;  figures  of  the  fish- 
eries (1615-1684),  277-229;  Krench 
fisheries  in,  superior  to  English,  228- 
229;  on  the  whole,  a  valuable  im- 
perial asset,  229;  competition  of 
fisheries  of  New  England  with  those 
of,  256. 

Newfoundland  Company,  the,  II.  202. 

New  Hampshire,  claim  of  Robert  Mason 
to,  II.  251  ff. ;  stress  laid  by  Mason 
upon  economic  value  of,  to  the  Empire, 
254 ;  Massachusetts  adjudged  by  Eng- 
lish authorities  to  have  no  jurisdiction 
over,  271;  establishment  of  Crown 
government  over,  278 ;  failure  of  royal 
government  in,  318  ff. ;  Cranfield's 
troubles    as    Govi;r:iur    uf,    3.-0-3---'; 


I'-i 


■I 

■  i 


I 


'm' 


111 


I* 


374 


INDEX 


futile  effort*  of  Cranfield  to  enforce 
Mason's  rights  in,  331 ;  Cranfield'c 
departure  from,  321;  included  in 
new  crown  colony  of  New  England, 
3'i- 

New  Jersey,  arguments  of  proprietors  of, 
conrcming  emigration,  I.  32  n.  Sie 
Jerseys. 

New  Nctherland,  acquisition  of,  by  Eng- 
lish. I.  343,  11.  341. 

New  Plymouth,  report  of  Charles  II's 
commission  on,  II.  ^44;  united  with 
crown  colony  of  New  England,  324; 
protlutts  of,  3J(). 

New  Providence  settlement  of,  II.  86; 
degenerates  into  a  resort  for  pirates, 
88. 

New  York,  James  II's  interest  in  develop- 
ment of,  I.  7 ;  statistics  of  trade  be- 
tween England  and,  42;  restricted 
trade  \  itli,  permitted  to  Scottish 
merchants,  88-80;  regular  garrison 
stationed  in,  115;  inclusion  of,  in 
Dominion  of  New  England,  226,  II. 
J37,  350-3.51  i  negroes  'rom  Mada- 
gascar in,  I.  374  n. ;  revenue  from,  as  a 
royal  province  under  James  II,  201- 
202 ;  acquisition  of,  by  English,  I.  334, 
II.  341 ;  development  of,  as  an  Eng- 
lish colony,  II.  337  fl. ;  industries  of, 
344,  34Si  346 ;  ofticials  of  revenue  and 
customs  in,  351  n.;  charges  of  malad- 
ministration in,  352-354. 

Nicholas,  Sir  ""dward,  member  of  Com- 
mittee of  Privy  Council,  I.  2:9,  230. 

Nicholson,  Francis,  appointed  Licu- 
tenant-Ciovernor  of  New  England,  II. 
337- 

Nicolls,  Colon  ;l  Richard,  quoted,  II. 
186;  a  Con  missioncr  to  visit  New 
England,  245;  capture  of  New  York 
by,  341-34^- 

Nocll.  Martin,  I.  231 ;  appointed  to 
Committee  for  Foreign  Plantations. 
^ii^  •'37 ;  interested  in  African  trading 
company,  32;. 

Norih,  Roger,  quoted,  I.  160  n. 

North,  Sir  Dudley,  financier  and  econ- 
omist, I.  102  n.,  107 ;  bill  devised 
by,  levying  additional  duties  on  to- 


North  Carolina,  beginnings  of,  in  AIIk-- 
marlc  Sound  community,  II.  180,  kji, 
■94  fl. ;  trade  relations  of,  with  New 
England,  iQS-iq6,  r  "  200;  trade  in 
tobacco  from,  195-11,  ,  attempts  to 
collect  cxixirt  duties  on  tobacco  in, 
«05-«97;  customs  ollicials  appointed 
for,  106;  rel)cllion  in,  led  by  John 
CuliK[)|>er,  iq8-iQo;  iK)pulation  and 
comlilions  in.  in  i()82,  200.  See  also 
Carolinas. 

Ni)rthcrn  Neck  of  Virginia,  troubles 
raised  by  crown  grants  of  land  in  the, 
I.  IQ4-IW,  II.  130  (I. 

Norwixxl,  Henry,  claims  quit-rent  rev- 
enue in  Virginia,  I.  IQ3. 

Nova  Scotia,  acquired  by  English  during 
Interregnum,  I.  2 ;  question  of  dis|K> 
sition  of,  upon  Restoration,  227; 
Temple  claim  to,  22g ;  French  demancl 
for  restitution  of,  231 ;  restored  to 
France,  II.  315. 

Oath  of  fidelity  to  the  colony  imposed 

by  Massachusetts,  II.  274. 
O'Brien,  case  of  the  ship,  I.  66  n.,  301- 

303. 
Oflicials,  colonial  revenue  for  payment  of 

salaries  of,  I.  203-205,  208  0. 
Old  Subsidy  (English  tariff  of  1660),  I. 

62  n.,  82,  129  ff.;    the  basis  of  the 

English  customs  revenue,  147. 
Order    in    Council    of     1621,    I.    59- 

60. 
Orgill,  Andrew,  on  tropical  colonization, 

I.  45-46. 

Osborne,  Sir  Thomas.    See  Danby,  Earl 

of. 
Osgood,  cited,  I.  120,  II.  96,  139,  142, 

304- 
Otter  skins,  imports  of,  to  England,  I. 

40  n. 
Over-popul.-tion,  colonization  advocated 

as  a  remedy  for,  I.  ig. 

Painter,  Sir  Paul,  I.  335. 
Palmer,  John,  cited,  II.  i;^i  n. 
Pamphleteers,  on  the  brilliant  prospects 

of  the  Carolinas,  II.  188. 
Panama,  capture  of,  by  Henry  Morgan, 

II.  61. 


INDEX 


375 


Paue^,  rules  for  IssulriK,  to  thipt  trad- 
ing to  colonies,  II.  }68. 

Penn,  William,  quoted.  I.  i()-Ju,  1$  n., 
36;  line  of  colonial  commercial  de- 
velopment sought  by,  55. 

Pennsylvania,  statistics  of  trade  between 
England  and,  I.  4J ;  slight  commercial 
im|)ortance  of,  in  1688,  II.  338. 

Pepys,  Samuel,  quoted,  I.  10  n.,  311, 
333  n.,  II.  5«;  tiled,  I.  105  n.,  14.?, 
II.  50,  loq,  134;  Secretary  of  the 
Admiralty,  1.  30Q;  menliontd,  II.  165. 

Perpetual  revenue  Act,  in  Virginia.  I. 
305- J06;  proposed  for  Jamaica,  in. 

Perry,  Thomas,  captain  of  H.  M.  S. 
Diptford,  I.  3«2. 

Phipps,  William,  e.Tpcdition  of,  I.  i('0, 
II.  102  n. ;  activities  of,  against 
Spanish  trading  for  slaves  in  Jamaica, 
1   $b5  n. 

Pimento,  produced  in  Jamaica,  II.  S4i 
80. 

Pirates,  England's  protection  of  colonies 
against,  I.  121,  122-124'.  levies  by  the 
Crown  on  goods  seized  from,  i(^; 
in  Caribbean  waters,  II.  56  fl. ;  in 
South  Carolina,  iqi-iq4.  -S"  Buc- 
caneers. 

Placentia,  French  settlement  at,  II.  205. 

Plantation  colonies,  arguments  for  fa'or- 
ing,  I.  44  S.,  II.  47-48,  232 ;  devel- 
opment of,  by  negro  slavery,  I.  320  ff. 
Plantation  duties,  imposition  of,  by  .\ct 
of  1673,  I.  81-84;  work  of  Treasury 
in  enforcing,  262-264;  of  1673,  II.  25''- 
"Plantation   Work,   the   Work  of   this 

Generation,"  pamphlet,  I.  18. 
Playfair,  cited,  I.  123,  1:4- 
Plowman,  Matthew,  Collector  at  New 

York,  II.  348  n.,  352  n. 
Pollexfen,  John,  cited,  1.  17  n.,  38  n., 

345  n. 

Pollock,  John,  quoted,  I.  254. 

Poll-tax,  re-onue  from,  on  immigi  .nts  to 
Virginia,  I.  206;  unrest  due  to  im- 
position of  a  general,  in  Virginia,  II. 
132,  136,  142 ;  a  main  cause  of  Bacon's 
rebellion,  163  n. 

Poole,  S.  L.,  quoted,  I.  126  n. 

Poole,  Sir  William,  report  by,  on  condi- 
tions in  Newfoundland,  II.  217  21S. 


Popish  Plot,  I.  07.  n.  J78,  270. 

J'orcio,  Nicolas,  I.  363  »•.  364  n. 

Portugal,  alliance  of  England  and,  I.  5 , 
refined  sugar  from,  imiKirted  to  Eng- 
land, 150;  vessels  from,  engaged  in 
Newfoundland  fisheries,  II.  228  n. 

Potash,  priiduction  of,  in  Virginia,  II. 
126,  I. '7. 

Pounilage  duties  granted  Charles  II  by 
Old  Subsidy,  I.  I  2Q. 

Povcy,  Thomas,  quoted,  I.  174  n.,  231, 
2,54 ;  apiM)inted  to  Council  for  Foreign 
i'lantations,  233,  236,  237;  criticism 
of  Council  for  Tra<le  and  Plantations 
in  his  papers,  253;  interested  in  Afri- 
can tra.ling  companies,  327,  342. 

Povey,  William,  quoted,  I.  170  n. 

Poynings'  system  of  legislation,  attempt 
to  intrcKluce  in  Virginia  and  Jamaica, 
I.  205  "•.  210-214. 

Preferential  features,  of  England's  fiscal 
system,  I.  127,  132  ff.;  advantages 
derived  from,  by  colonies,  135-137  i 
given  by  Massachusetts  to  its  own 
shipping,  II.  246. 

Price,  W.  H.,  cited,  I.  372- 
Privateers,  in  the  West  Indies,  II.  56- 
50 ;   attempted  supprcssioa  of,  by  Sir 
Thomas  Lynch,  63-64;   evolution  of, 
into  pirates,  72-74;    sailing  from  Ba- 
hamas, 80.    See  Buccaneers. 
Privy  Council,  character  and  functions 
of,  as  an  adminislrative  body,  I.  227 
ff.;    appointment  of  a  Committee  of 
the  (1660),  228-229;    various  special 
committees  of  the,  220-230;  reorgani- 
zation of  work  of.  in  ifi()8,  240. 
Prizes  of  war,  right  of  Crown  to  share 
of,  I.  170;    condemnation  of,  in  Ja- 
maica .\dmiralty  Court,  304. 
Proprietary  colonies,  fiscal  systems  of, 

I.  202;  political  organization  of,  316- 

317. 

Prothero,  R.  E.,  quoted,  I.  131  n. 

Providence,  seizure  of  the,  I.  96  n. 

Provisions,  exemption  of,  from  enact- 
ments in  Staple  .-Vet  of  1663,  I.  78; 
exports  of,  from  England  to  the  colo- 
nies, 135  n. 

Puerto  Principe,  Morgan's   capture  of, 

II.  60. 


I 


li; 


I 


I         I 


!li^ 


I' 


376 


INDEX 


Quakers,  emigration  of,  to  America,  I. 
29 ;  protest  of,  against  negro  slavery, 

Quarry,  Robert,  Secretary  of  South  Car- 
olina, II.  193;  removal  of,  for  col- 
lusion with  Carolina  pirates,  193-194. 

Quit-rent  revenue  in  Virginia,  difficulties 
over,  I.  192  ff. ;  amountL.  realized 
from  (1684-1690),  198  n. 

Quit-rents,  in  New  York  province,  I. 
201-202;  in  Jamaica,  209,  214,  214  n., 
2ig ;  Arlington  and  Culpepcr  granted 
right  to  collect,  in  Virginia,  II.  132; 
inability  of  Mason  to  collect,  in  New 
Hampshire,  318-319;  Cranfield's 
vam  efforts  to  enforce  collection,  in 
New  Hampshire,  321. 


Rabbeno,  Ugo,  quoted,  I.  20  n. 
Randolph,  Bernard,  II.  328-329. 
Randolph,  Edward,  Collector  of  Customs 
and  Deputy  .Auditor  for  New  Eng- 
land, I.  222,  278,  II.  276-277 ;  source  of 
payment  of  salary  of,  II.  285;  quoted, 
374  n.;  suggested  for  governorship  of 
Bermudas,   99   n.;   commissioned   by 
King   to   investigate   New    England, 
261 ;  poor  reception  of,  in  Boston,  264 ; 
prejudice  of.  excited  against  Massa- 
chusetts, 265 ;  detailed  report  of,  265- 
267 ;   memorial  by,  attacking  validity 
of  Massachusetts  charter  and  recom- 
mending settling  country  under  royal 
authority,     269;     difficulties    of,    in 
Massachusetts,  280  ff.;  "Narrative  of 
the  State  of  New  England  "  by,  281  n. ; 
returns  to  England  and  again  urges 
abro^aticn  of  Massachusetts  charter, 
290-292 ;   sent  back  to  New  England 
with  mcreased  powers,  292-293 ;  varied 
activities     of,     297     ff.;      particular 
grounds  of  hatred  of,  in  Massachusetts, 
311-312;   the  moving  spirit  in  plan 
for  unification  of  New  England,  324; 
offices  secured    by,   in   Dominion  of 
New   England,   328;    career   as   Sec- 
retao'  of  New  EnKland,  330-332. 
Receiver-tJencral    of   Revenues   of   the 
Foreign  Plantations,  creation  of  office 
(1663),  I.  220  n. 
Reeves,  John,  cited,  I.  62  n. 


Reresby,  Sir  John,  cited,  1. 160  n. 
Revenue,    imperial,    from    sugar    and 
tobacco  imposts,   I.    166-168;    from 
various  sources  of  direct  taxation  of 
colonies,  168  ff.;    derived  from  fines, 
forfeitures,  wrecks,  prizes  of  war,  etc., 
168-171;    from  succession  to  colonial 
proprietors,   171   ff.;    farming  of,  in 
Barbados  and  Leeward  Islands,  i86ff.; 
acts    for    granting    perpetual,    from 
colonies,   205-206,   211;    granting  of, 
in  crown  colonies,  202  ff. 
Reynell,  Carew,  cited,  I.  22  n.,    28  n.  • 
quoted,  49  n.;  on  the  benefits  from 
tobacco  planting  in  England,  145-146. 
Rhode  Island,  charter  granted  to  (1663), 
II.    242;     royal    Commis.sioners    in, 
244;    Randolph  secures  writ  of  quo 
warranto  against,   324;    exports  and 
imports  of,  326;  incorporated  in  new 
crown  colony  of  New  England,  328. 
Rhodes,  Cecil,  proprietors  of  Carohnas 

contrasted  with,  II.  186-187. 
Richards,  John,  sent  to  England  as  agent 

of  Massachusetts,  II.  293-295. 
Righton,  William,  cited  and  quoted,  II. 

94>  98  n. 
Riots,    tobacco-plant-cutting,    in    Vir- 
ginia, II.  153-155. 
Ripley,  W.  Z.,  cited,  II.  163  n. 
Robinson,     Sir    Robert,    Governor    of 
Bermudas,  I.  201,  II.  99-102;  candi- 
date for  governorship  of  Newfound- 
land,   II.    206;    on   New   England's 
trade  to  Newfoundland,  226  n. 
Rogers,  J.  D.,  cited,  II.  201,  202,  220. 
Root,  W.  T.,  cited,  I.  300  n. 
Rousby,  Christopher,  1. 90  n. ;  appointed 
Collector  of  Customs  in  Maryland,  2  78 ; 
troubles  with  colonial  authorities,  II.' 
170-172;    murder  of,  173. 
Routh,  E.  M.  G.,  cited,  I.  288,  II.  109, 

323- 
Royal  African  Company,  incorjioration 
of.  I-  341;  patentees  of,  341-542; 
trade  of,  and  profits,  342-343  ;  horrors 
of  slave  trade  of,  343-346 ;  continuous 
disputes  of,  with  colonies,  346  ff. ;  the 
controversy  with  Jamaica  o\er  supply 
of  slaves,  353  ff. ;  dealings  of,  with 
Virginia     and     Marvland,     -if^-r-^fm- 


INDEX 


377 


agents  of,  in  Virginia,  368;  friction 
over  interlopers  in  the  West  African 
trade  monopoly,  369-378 ;  main  injury 
to,  from  competition,  the  rise  of 
prices  of  negroes  in  Africa,  378;  chief 
purposes  of,  attained,  though  at  cost 
of  friction  with  colonies,  379;  policy 
of  appointing  agents  of,  to  official 
positions  in  colonies,  380-381. 

Royal  fifteenths  of  prizes  of  war  taken 
at  sea,  I.  170. 

Royal  provinces,  increase  in  number  of, 
in  Restoration  period,  I.  225-226. 

Ruijven,  Comelis  van,  Collector  at  New 
York,  II.  344. 

Rum,  export  of,  from  Barbados,  II.  30, 

31- 
Rui)ert,  Prince,  commercial  and  colonial 

activities  of,  I.  6. 
Russell,  Colonel  James,  I.  228. 
Russell,  James,  Boston  Naval  Officer,  II. 

297  n. 
Russell,  Sir  James,  controversy  between 

St.  Lo  and,  II.  43-44. 
Russia,  proposed  as  a  market  for  Virginia 

tobacco,  II.  152. 

Saba,  captured  from  Dutch,  II.  58. 

St.  Albans,  Earl  of,  land  grant  to,  in 
Virginia,  I.  194,  II.  130-131,  133. 

St.  Eustatius,  taken  by  privateers,  II. 
S8. 

St.  Kitts,  request  of,  for  convicts,  I.  30; 
military  establishment  in,  115;  poor 
treatment  of  soldiers  in,  116;  disputes 
with  Royal  .African  Company  over 
supply  of  slaves,  352  n. ;  complaints 
concerning  debtor  laws  in,  352  n. ; 
conditions  at,  in  1671,  II.  36.  Sie 
Leeward  Islands. 

St.  Lo,  Captain,  I.  301-302,  309-310; 
aclivilics  of,  in  Leeward  Islands,  II. 

43-44- 

Salaries  of  colonial  officials,  revenue  for 
payment  of,  I.  203-204. 

Salley,  i\.  S.,  cited  and  quoted,  II.  86  n., 
90  n.,  180,  188  n. 

Salt,  exemption  of,  from  provisions  of 
Act  of  1663,  I.  78;  application  of 
Virginia  concerning  im^xirtation  of, 
from   European   ports,   II.    143-144; 


purchase  of,  for  the   Newfoundland 

fisheries,  in  European  ports,  j  2  2-2  23, 

224. 
Sandwich,   Earl  of,  member  of  special 

colonial   council,    I.    244;   opinion  of 

New  England  situation  by,  II.  233- 

234-  327  n. 
Sanford,   PeL'g,  quoted,  I.   297  n.,  II. 

326. 
Santen,  Lucas,  New  York  Collector  of 

Customs,   II.    167   n.,   340,    352   n. ; 

charges  by  Governor  Dongan  against, 

353- 

Santiago,  Cuba,  plundering  of,  by  Eng- 
lish force,  I.  328,  II.  57. 

Sargant,  E.  B.,  cited,  I.  70  n. 

Sarsaparilla,  duties  on,  by  tariff  of  1660, 

I.  64  n. 

Saxby,  H.,  cited,  I.  135. 

Sayle,  Governor,  on  fertility  of  the  Caro- 
linas,  II.  181. 

Scelle,  Georges,  cited,  I.  330  n. ;  account 
by,  of  contracts  with  Spanish,  364  n. 

Schoolcraft,  H.  L.,  cited,  I.  326,  II.  341. 

Scotland,  immigration  into  colonies  from, 
encouraged,  I.  31 ;  regulation  of  trade 
between  English  colonies  and,  by 
Navigation  •\cts  of  i66o  and  1663, 
85-91 ;  agitation  for  removal  of  trade 
restrictions   between    Barbados    and, 

II.  lo-ii,  17,  21  n.;  unlikelihood 
of  free  trade  between  Barbados  and, 
adding  to  island's  white  populati.m, 
24-25 ;  request  for  free  trade  with,  by 
St.  Ritts  Council,  46 ;  trade  to  Massa- 
chusetts from,  287. 

Scott,  John,  cited,  I.  320  n.,  II.  10  n. 

Scott,  W.  R.,  cited,  I.  6,  14  n.,  idq,  244  n., 
323.  335.  341,  II-  92;  on  the  agitation 
against  the  Bermuda  Company,  II. 
96  n. 

Scottish  Navigation  .Act  of  1661,  I.  87. 

Sea  power,  early  realization  of  imiwr- 
tance  of,  by  English,  I.  12,  16;  de- 
pendence of  safety  of  English  Empire 
upon  adequate,  11 2-1 13. 

Seayrcs,  John,  Royal  .\frican  Company 
agent  in  Virginia,  I.  368  n. ;  quoted, 
371  n. 

Seeley,  "Growth  of  British  Policy"  by, 
cited,  I.  5,  S5. 


:   ,'   iU    ,1 


1 


W 


378 


INDEX 


Seizures  of  prizes,  disputes  over,  I.  292- 
2Q3;  courts  for  trial  of,  304-307;  by 
Randolph,  of  Massachusetts  ships, 
II.  283-284,  300,  330. 

Seligraan,  E.  R.  A.,  library  of,  I.  151  n., 
341  n. 

Shaftesbury,  Earl  of,  quoted,  I.  s ;  prom- 
inence of,  in  n.  vement  toward 
colonial  and  commercial  expansion, 
7 ;  on  emigration  and  immigration,  20- 
21 ;  interest  of,  in  Council  of  Trade, 
242-243;  president  of  Council  for 
Trade  and  Plantations,  248 ;  dismissal 
of,  254;  a  patentee  of  Royal  African 
Company,  341.  Su  also  Ashley, 
Lord. 

Shaw,  W.  .\.,  cited  and  quoted,  I.  71  n., 
147  n. 

Shelfer,  quoted,  I.  167  n. 

Shi[>-building  in  Virginia,  II.  123. 

Shipping,  increase  in  English,  after  Navi- 
gation Act  of  1660, 1.  13-14;  effect  of 
.\merican  colonial  trade  on  English, 
16-17;  figures  of,  from  England  in 
1690,  43;  protection  of  English,  by 
Navigation  .\ct  of  1660,  sS  B. ;  effect 
on  colonial,  of  Navigation  Act  of  1660, 
63-64 ;  discrimination  against  English, 
in  laws  of  Virginia,  206-208;  dis- 
crimination against  English,  in  Ja- 
maica laws,  214  n. ;  failure  of  pref- 
erential treatment  of,  in  Virginia,  II. 
125,  128. 

Shrigley,  Nathaniel,  cited,  II.  i6q. 

Silk,  from  Carolinas,  exempted  from 
English  import  duties,  I.  5s;  culti- 
vation of,  attempted  in  Virginia,  II. 
1 24  ff. ;  gift  of,  to  Charles  II  from 
Virginia,  127  n. ;  failure  of,  as  a  Vir- 
ginia product,  128. 

Slave  labor,  development  of  sugar  and 
tobacco  colonies  by,  I.  320  ff. 

Slaves,  number  of,  in  West  Indies  (1666- 
1670).  I-  320  n.;  prices  of,  331,  337, 
340,  346.  347  n-,  348  n.,  349,  353,  355  ; 
controversy  between  Barbados  and  the 
African  Company  over,  335-340; 
terrific  mortality  among,  in  transit, 
343-346;  number  of,  imported  into 
Jamaica  (1680-1688),  357  n. :  rise  in 
price  of,  in  .\frica,  due  to  competition 


of  interloping  traders,  378;  increase  in 
number  of,  in  Barbados  (1643-1666), 
II.  10;  increase  in,  in  Barbados  from 
1668  to  1 688,  30;  number  of,  in  Lee- 
ward Islands  (1678),  37  n. ;  niunber  of, 
in  Jamaica  in  1675,  79. 

Slave-ships,  list  of,  I.  334  n. 

Slave-trade,  interest  of  England  in  the 
African,  I.  6-7 ;  English  share  of,  44, 
342-343;  reasons  impelling  England 
to  share  in,  323-325;  Spanish  vessels 
authorized  to  engage  in,  with  West 
Indies,  104,  129  n. ;  illegal  trade  to 
West  Indies,  371  ff. 

Slingesby,  Henry,  member  of  special 
colonial  council,  I.  244. 

Smith,  Goldwin,  cited,  I.  85. 

Smi.h,  Robert,  agent  of  Virginia  in  Eng- 
land, II.  132. 

Smith,  W.  H.,  cited,  I.  323. 

Snow,  Alpheus  H.,  quoted,  I.  233  n. 

Sothell,  Seth,  I.  122  n.,  123,  II.  198-199. 

Southampton,  Earl  of,  member  of  Com- 
mittee of  Privy  Council,  I.  229;  ap- 
pointed to  Council  for  Foreign  Plan- 
tations, 232. 

South  Carolina,  a  type  of  the  plantation 
colony,  I.  55;  as  a  retreat  for  pirates, 
II.  73-74.  191-103;  founding  of, 
181.     See  Carolinas. 

Southwell,  Sir  Robert,  quoted,  I.  9  n., 
123  n. ;  work  of,  in  connection  with 
Lords  of  Trade,  256-257;  requests  Sir 
George  Downing  to  report  on  rules 
for  issuing  passes,  II.  268  n. 

Spanish,  English  treaty  of  1656  with,  I. 
4-5 ;  conflict  between  English  and, 
in  West  Indies,  327  ff. ;  allowed  to 
trade  to  West  Indies  for  purchase  of 
negroes,  329,  360,  361-363 ;  opposition 
to,  in  Jamaica,  364-366;  attacks  of  buc- 
caneers on,  II.  57, 62 ;  troubles  between 
English  and,  over  logwood  cutting.  65 
ff. ;  hostile  collisions  between  vessels 
sailing  from  Bahamas  and  the,  89. 

Spencer,  Nicholas,  Secretary  of  Virginia 
and  Collector  of  Customs,  I.  279; 
quoted,  II.  136  n. ;  cited,  148-140, 
151,  153  n. ;  remedy  for  economic 
conditions  in  Virginia  proposed  by, 
IS4-ISS- 


( 


M 


INDEX 


379 


Spices,  altempt  to  produce,  in  Jamaica, 

II.  54. 

"Spiriting"  of  servants  for  American 
colonics,  I.  33. 

Staple  Act  of  1663,  I.  31  n.,  66;  an 
extension  of  Navigation  Act  of  1660, 
76-79;  provisions  in,  affecting  Irish 
colonial  trade,  92  ff. ;  effects  of,  on 
Barbados,  II.  10-13;  the  basis  for 
objections  to,  by  Massachusetts,  309- 
310. 

Stapleton,  Governor  of  Leeward  Islands, 
I.  iisn.,  n6,  269 n., 300 n., 306,309 n., 
352,  376 ;  project  of  exchanging  Mont- 
serrat  for  French  portions  of  St. 
Kitts,  II.  23;  on  French  and  English 
governments  in  Leeward  Islands,  24 ; 
appointment  as  Governor,  35;  cited, 
37>  38,  39;  enforcement  of  laws  of 
trade  by,  41-43 ;  death  of,  43. 

Start,  cited,  I.  71  n. 

Stede,  Edwyn,  customs  'official  in  Bar- 
bados, I.  171  n.,  279,  286;  quoted,  165, 
190  n.,  11.  27;  an  agent  of  the 
Royal  African  Company  as  well  as  a 
government  official,  I.  372,  380. 

"  Stop  of  the  Exchequer,"  the,  I.  148. 

Stoughton,  William,  agent  of  Massachu- 
setts in  England,  II.  267,  271-273, 
274  n.;  quoted,  307  n. ;  position  taken 
by,  upon  loss  of  charter  by  Massachu- 
setts, 314  n. 

Stuyvesant,  Peter,  II.  342,  343. 

Style,  John,  on  the  West  Indian  priva- 
teers, II.  63. 

Sugar,  imports  of,  to  England  (1662- 
1663,  1668-1669),  I.  40  n. ;  from  Bar- 
bados, 47-48 ;  effect  on  colonial  export 
trade  in,  of  Navigation  Act  of  1660, 
72 ;  duties  on,  under  .Acts  of  1660  and 
1673,  82-83,  130.  133;  lacl'^  of  clear- 
ness of  classification  of,  in  .\ct  of  1660, 
134  n. ;  advantageous  effects  on,  of 
preferential  treatment,  136;  attempts 
in  1 67 1  to  levy  additional  duties  on, 
148  ff. ;  effect  on  Brazilian,  of  prefer- 
ential treatment  of  colonial  product, 
150;  refining  of,  in  England  and  Bar- 
bados, 151 ;  failure  of  bill  to  impose 
additional  duties  on,  150;  additional 
duties  levied  on,  in  1685,  160-161 ; 


method  of  throwing  burden  of  duties 
on  the  consumer,  162 ;  advantages  and 
disadvantages  of  impost  of  1685, 166- 
168;  discontinuance  of  duty  on,  in 
1693,  167 ;  effect  of  advent  of  industry 
on  demand  for  slaves,  323 ;  dissatis- 
faction in  Barbados  over  fall  in  price 
of,  U.  I  ff. ;  immense  increase  in 
wealth  of  Barbados  due  to,  9-10; 
French  trade  regulations  concerning, 
in  West  Indies,  compared  with  Eng- 
lish, 22-24;  chief  commodity  jf  Lee- 
ward Islands,  37 ;  exports  of,  from 
Leeward  Islands,  in  1676,  37-38;  pro- 
duction and  export  of,  from  Jamaica, 
55-56,  79-81. 

Sugar-cane,  introduction  of,  into  Bar- 
bados, I.  172  n. 

Sugar  refining  in  England  and  Barbados, 

L  151. 

Sun-dried  sugar,  I.  152  n. 

Surinam,  colony  of,  I.  53;  ceded  to 
Dutch,  334. 

Surveyor  and  Auditor  General  of  reve- 
nues in  America,  appointment  of 
Blathwayt  as,  I.  220-221. 

Surveyors,  appointment  of  salaried,  by 
Commissionf^rs  of  the  Customs,  I.  276- 

277- 
Swallow,  case  of  the  seized  ship,  I.  305  n. 

Talbot,  Captain  Charles,  I.  305  n.,  310; 

report  on  Newfoundland  by,  II.  218- 

219. 
Talbot,  George,  murderer  of  Christopher 

Rousby,  II.  173. 
Tangier,  ceded  to  England,  I.  5. 
Temple  claim  to  Nova  Scotia,  I.  229. 
Thomas,  Dalby,  cited  and  quoted,  I.  23, 

48-49,  II.  24,  30,  62. 
Thomson,    Major    Robert,   quoted,  II. 

257". 
Thornborough,  Colonel,  I.  349,  II.  14  n., 

IS- 
Tillinghast,  J.  A.,  cited,  I.  322. 
Titus,  Silas,  member  of  special  colonial 

council,  I.  244. 
Tobacco,  freight  rates  on,  from  Virginia 

to  England,  I.  17  n. ;  statistics  of  im- 

portsof  (i662-i6'i3, 1668-1669),  40  n.; 

limitations  on  colonial  export  trade  in, 


I1 


I 


j-rf 


mm 


•  I 


1' 


h 


380 


INDEX 


by  Navigation  Act  of  1660,  72;  duties 
on,  under  Acts  of  1660  and  1673,  82- 
8j,  133;  Act  prohibiting  growing  of, 
in  England  and  Ireland,  q2  n. ;  cflfccts 
of  prohibition  of  direct  trade  between 
Ireland  and  colonics  in,  94-95 ;  illegal 
importation  of,  into  Ireland,  95-96; 
appiaisal  of,  for  levying  duty  under 
Old  Subsidy,  130;  advantageous  efifects 
on,  of  preferential  treatment,  136; 
imports  to  ICngland  of  Spanish  and  of 
English  colonial,  contrasted,  136  n. ; 
steps  leading  to  prohibition  of  produc- 
tion in  England  and  Ireland,  138-139; 
difficulty  of  enforcing  law  forbidding 
raising,  in  England,  140-146 ;  attempts 
in  167 1  to  levy  additional  duties  on, 
148-149;  additional  duties  on,  in 
1 685 , 1 00 ;  method  of  throwing  burden 
of  duties  on  the  consumer,  162;  op- 
position in  colonics  to  new  impost  on, 
162-164;  advantages  and  disadvan- 
tages of  impost  of  1685,  166-168;  re- 
newal of  duties  on,  in  1693,  167;  pay- 
ment of  Virginia  quit-rent  revenue  in, 
193;  superseded  by  money  for  pay- 
ment of  quit-rents,  197;  illegal  ship- 
ment of,  to  New  Netherland  and 
Europe,  272;  officers  sent  out  by 
Farmers  of  Customs  to  prevent  illegal 
trade  in,  273 ;  production  in  Leeward 
Islands  in  1660,  II.  32;  abandonment 
of  production  in  Leeward  Islands,  37 ; 
staple  crop  of  Bermudas,  90-91 ; 
amount  produced  in  Bermudas,  91 ; 
illegal  exportation  of,  91-94;  policy 
of  home  government  toward,  in  Vir- 
ginia and  Maryland,  '-i  108;  price 
of  (1649-1662),  iiP  ■  :.  )t  to  cur- 
tail production  of,  i.  .lia  (1661), 
116  iT. ;  failure  of  plans  for  cessation 
of  planting,  in  Virginia  and  Maryland, 
121,  123-124;  remains  the  staple 
product  of  Virginia,  128-129;  over- 
production of,  in  Virginia,  leading  to 
crisis  of  1680,  148;  renewed  agitation 
for  cessation  of  planting  in  Virginia 
after  Bacon's  rebellion,  148  ff. ;  de- 
struction of  crops  of,  in  Virginia  (1682), 
'3ji  hti'T  efforts  to  rurtail  crop  in 
Virginia,  157-158;    production  of,  in 


Mar>'land,  167-169;   in  North  Caro- 
lina, 195. 
Tonnage,  revenue  from  dues  in  Virginia, 

I.  20(). 

Tonnage  and  Poundage  Ac  o.  i'joo,  I. 
129  fl. 

Tonnage  duties  granted  Charles  II  by 
Old  Subsidy,  I.  129. 

Tools,  exemption  of  planters',  from  cus- 
toms duties,  I.  133  n. 

Toppan,  cited,  I.  296,  297,  374  n.,  II. 
175,  248  n.,  260,  261,  265,  269  ff., 
314  n.,  317,  324  ff.,  352  n. 

Tortoise-shell,  imports  of,  to  England,  I. 
40  n. 

Treasure,  recovery  of  sunken,  I.  169- 
170,  II.  102. 

Treasury,  work  of  department  in  execu- 
tion of  laws  of  trade  and  navigation, 
I.  259-260,  264. 

Trevelyan,  G.  M.,  cited,  I.  30. 

Tropical  colonization,  arguments  in  favor 
of,  I.  44  ff.,  II.  232 ;  English  territorial 
expansion  takes  an  opposite  course  to, 
I.  53 ;  interest  of  Restoration  govern- 
ment in,  shown  by  retention  of  Ja- 
maica, II.  47-48. 

T/ott,  Perient,  opponent  of  Bermuda 
Company's  monopoly,  II.  92,  94. 

Trott,  Samuel,  quoted,  II.  98  n. 

Turner,  E.  R.,  cited,  I.  323. 

Turtle  industry  of  Jamaica,  II.  82, 
83  n. 

Van  Rensselaer,  Mrs.  S.,  cited,  I. 
2S1  n. 

Vaughan,  Lord,  Ciovemor  of  Jamaica,  I. 
210,  353,  362,  373;  troubles  of,  over 
logwood  cutting  and  privateers,  II.  6g- 
70 ;  on  New  Enf.land  and  the  logwood 
trade,  256  n. 

Vera  Cruz,  raid  on,  by  buccaneers,  II. 
192. 

Virginia,  freight  rates  on  tobacco  from, 
1. 1 7  n. ;  secures  exemption  from  trans- 
portation of  convicts  to,  30;  statistics 
of  trade  between  England  and,  42  n. ; 
military  establishment  in,  after 
Bacon's  rebellion,  115,  11 7-1 18,  II. 
141 ;  opposition  in,  to  imjinst  on  to- 
bacco (1685),  I.  162-163;   difCculties 


li 


INDEX 


381 


over  collection  of  quit-rent  revenue  in, 
192  ff. ;  revenue  from  quit-rents  in 
(1684-1690),  198  n. ;  revenue  for  pay- 
ment of  salary  of  Governor  of,  204-205 ; 
establishment  of  a  perpetual  revenue  in, 
205-206 ;  discrimination  against  Eng- 
lish shipping  in  laws  of,  206-208; 
amount  of  revenue  from,  208  n. ;  ap- 
pointment of  Digges  to  act  for  customs 
department  in,  275,  276;  collectors  of 
customs  in,  278,  279;  admiralty  court 
in,  297-298;  difRcultics  of  naval  com- 
manders in  preventing  illegal  trading 
to,  310-314,  II.  162-167;  slaves  in,  I. 
320  n.,  367;  limited  business  of  Roj'al 
African  Company  with,  367-369; 
illicit  trade  in  negroes  to,  375 ;  policy 
of  English  government  toward  tobacco 
industry  in,  II.  104  ff. ;  attempts  to 
curtail  tobacco  output  of,  and  diver- 
sify economic  life,  116  ff.;  encourage- 
ment of  silk,  flax,  ship-buildinf;,  and 
other  industries  in,  124  ff. ;  failure  of 
projects  regarding  other  products  than 
tobacco,  127-129;  population  in  1671, 
129,  148;  unrest  in,  due  to  King's  ill- 
advised  land  grants,  133  ff. ;  oligarchi- 
cal system  of  government  in,  134-137  ; 
Bacon's  rebellion,  137-139;  recall  of 
Berkeley  and  sending  of  commission- 
ers and  soldiers,  140-141;  connection 
of  laws  of  trade  and  navigation  with 
uprisings  in,  143  ff. ;  renewed  agi- 
tation for  cessation  of  tobacco  plant- 
ing in  (1680),  148  ff. ;  illegal  trade  in, 
during  Governor  Howard's  adminis- 
tration, 159  ff. 
Virginia  Act  of  1684,  I.  208  n. 

Waldern,  Richard,  II.  320,  321. 
Waller,    Edmund,    member    of    special 

colonial  council,  I.  244. 
Washington,  John,  collectf  r  of  customs 

in  Virginia,  I.  279. 
Wentworth,  Hugh,  II.  86-87. 
VVentworth,  John,  Governor  of  Bahamas, 

II,  86.  87-88. 
West,   Joseph,    customs    collector    and 

Governor  of  South  Carolina,  I.  279, 

II.  181. 
Wtsl    Africa,    trade    to.    See    African 


Company  and  Royal  African  Com- 
pany. 

Western  Adventurers,  the,  II.  202. 

Western  Charter,  the,  II.  203,  220. 

West  Indies,  early  possessions  in,  of  the 
English,  I.  2,  5 ;  statistics  of  trade  be- 
tween England  and,  40  n.,  42  n.,  43 ; 
arguments  for  the  colonization  of,  45 
ff. ;  rise  of,  to  wealth  and  prosperity, 
55 ;  trade  in  products  of,  confined  to 
England  and  her  colonies,  by  Naviga- 
tion Act  of  1660, 72  ff. ;  colonial  military 
establishment  in,  114-116;  suppres- 
sion of  buccaneers  in,  121 ;  question  of 
the  Carlisle  patent  in,  171 ;  effects  of 
war  with  Dutch  felt  by,  183;  develop- 
ment of,  by  African  slave  labor,  320  ff. 
See  Barbados,  Jamaica,  and  Leeward 
Islands. 

Whale  fishery,  of  the  Bermudas,  II. 
9c,   102;    off    Long    Island,    N.    V., 

344- 

Wheat,  exportation  of,  from  New  York 
(1678),  II.  345  n. 

Wheler,  Captain,  report  by,  on  New- 
toundland  trade  (1684),  II.  225, 
227  n 

Wheler,  Sir  Charles,  first  Governor  of 
Leeward  Islands,  I.  189  n.,  249,  299, 
351,  II.  34;  unsatisfactory  conduct 
and  recall  of,  II.  34-35 ;  attempted  sup- 
pression by,  of  illegal  trading,  40. 

Whitfield,  Daniel,  II.  276. 

Whitworth,  Sir  Charles,  cited,  I.  15  n., 
41  n. 

Williams,  Sir  William,  opinion  by,  II. 
76. 

Williamson,  Sir  Joseph,  I.  9,  242 ;  nuoted 
and  cited,  73  n.,  182  n.,  192. 

Willoughby,  Francis,  Lord,  proprietor 
and  later  Governor  of  Barbados,  I. 
I73~i76>  measures  taken  by,  to  gain 
Crown  a  revenue  from  Barbados,  1 78- 
180;  disputes  and  difficulties  of,  over 
application  of  revenue,  183-184;  a 
member  of  Council  for  Foreign  Plan- 
tations, 232;  protests  of,  against 
government  trade  regulations  as 
affecting  sugar,  II.  7-8;  on  suffering 
of  I.«eward  Islands  from  laws  of  trade 
and  '.lavigdtion,  iJ-a. 


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INDEX 


Willoughby  .William,  Lord,  1. 158 ;  follows 
brother  in  government  of  Caribbee 
Islands,  184,  II.  9;  troubles  of,  over 
four  and  a  half  per  cent  revenue,  I. 
184-187 ;  on  negro  slaves,  321 ;  letter 
of,  to  King  on  state  of  Barbados  and 
suggesting  remedies,  II.  10-11;  death 
of,  IS- 

Willson,  Beckles,  cited,  I.  6. 

Wilson,  Reginald,  oflScial  in  Jamaica,  I. 
322,  271  n. 

Wilson,  Samuel,  pamphleteer,  cited,  II. 
188  n.,  i8g. 

Winch,  Sir  Humphrey,  I.  24^. 

Windsor,  Lord,  Governor  of  Jamaica,  I. 
327,  II.  so. 

Wines,  duties  on,  in  Navigation  Act  of 
1660,  I.  62  n. ;  provisions  concerning, 
in  Act  of  1663,  78-79 ;  tonnage  duties 
on,  in  Old  Subsidy,  129;  Virginia  Act 
of  1684  imposing  duties  on,  2^8  n. ;  im- 
ported into  Jamaica  from  the  Made- 
iras, II.  82 ;  application  of  Virginia  for 
extension  of  privileges  as  to  importa- 
tion of,  143-144;  illegal  trade  in,  by 
way  of  Newfoundland,  223;  question 
of  legality  of  importation  of,  to  Mas- 
sachusetts from  Canary  Islands,  287. 

Winslow,  Governor,  quoted,  I.  297  n.; 
on  trade  of  Plymouth,  II.  326. 


Winthrop,  John,  Jr.,  on  exports  of  Con- 
necticut, II.  24s  n. 

Wolstenholme,  Sir  John,  quoted,  I.  1 10, 
II.  237  n. ;  a  member  of  Council  for 
Trade,  I.  23s. 

Wormley,  Ralph,  Collector  of  Customs 
in  Virginia,  I.  279. 

Worsley,  Benjamin,  msmber  of  Council 
of  Trade  (1668),  I.  243 ;  salary  granted 
to,  244  n.;  appointed  secretary  of 
Council  for  Trade  and  Plantations, 
248. 

Wrecks,  Crown  rights  to  share  of 
proceeds  from,  I.  169-170,  II. 
102  n. 

Wybome,  Captain,  memorial  of,  on 
Massachusetts'  illegal  trade,  II.  257- 
2S8. 

Vellowes,  ex-privateer,  logwood  vessels 
captured  by,  II.  67. 

Yucatan,  cutting  of  logwood  in,  by 
English,  I.  360-361,  II.  64, 6s ;  Spanish 
reprisals  for  logwood  cutting  in,  II. 
67-68;  temporary  settlements  of 
English  in,  68;  indeterminate  status 
of  logwood  settlements  in,  77  n. ;  im- 
ports to  Jamaica  from,  82 ;  position 
acquired  by  New  England  in  logwood 
trade  of,  256. 


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BRITISH  COLONIAL  POUCY 

1754-1765 
B7  GEORGE  LOUIS  BEER 


Cloth    8vo    xii  +  327  pages    $2.00  net 


"  Mr.  Beer  has  treated  the  period  in  question  with  a  fulness 
of  knowledge  and  an  absence  of  bias  greater  than  those  of  any 
previous  historian."  —  T/te  English  Historical  Review. 

"  Mr.  Beer's  new  book  on  an  old  subject  will  add  to  the  repu- 
tation he  has  already  won  in  this  field.  ...  It  is  primarily  a 
piece  of  imperial  economic  history,  worked  up  from  unpublished 
sources  of  information  —  the  State  papers, '  virtually  undisturbed 
since  they  were  filed  away  a  century  and  a  half  ago.'  To  these 
Mr.  Beer  has  added  the  contemporary  pamphlet  literature,  and 
a  mass  of  other  information  drawn  from  journals,  colonial 
records,  and  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission.  1  he  re- 
sult is  a  book  exceedingly  well  documented,  but  also  thoroughly 
readable,  because  its  subject-matter,  intrinsically  interesting,  is 
handled  in  an  interesting  way.  And  the  wealth  of  matter  from 
the  unpublished  sources  in  the  elaborate  notes  makes  the  volume 
a  valuable  book  of  reference  to  critical  students."  —  The  Eco- 
nomic Journal. 

"  Mr.  Beer  has  given  us  a  well-reasoned,  and  in  the  main  con- 
vincing, study  of  eighteenth-century  imperial  problems.  The 
book  shows  throughout  unusual  mastery  of  printed  and  manu- 
script sources,"  —  Political  Science  Quarterly, 

"  It  is  strange,  in  view  of  the  absorbing  interest  which 
Americans  have  in  the  history  of  the  Revolution,  that  no  ade- 
quate study  has  ever  been  made  of  the  deeper  causes  of  that 
event.  .  .  .     Mr.  Beer  now  comes  before  us  with  a  new  essay 


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upon  the  subject  For  some  years  he  has  been  known  as  a 
student  of  England's  commercial  policy  and  a  writer  of  marked 
ability  in  dealing  with  problems  of  this  nature.  For  the  writing 
of  this  essay,  which  is  but  the  first  part  of  a  larger  whole,  he 
has  made  unusual  preparations.  No  one  before  him  has  ever 
attempted  to  examine  in  detail  or  systematically  the  evidence 
which  the  British  archives  furnish.  ...  He  has  brushed  aside 
all  secondary  considerations  that  obscure  the  main  issue,  and 
has  presented  in  all  its  seeming  hopelessness  the  one  cause  that 
made  the  Revolution  inevitable." —  TAg  Evening  Post  and  The 
Nation,  New  York. 

"The  writer  of  this  notably  excellent  historical  essay  is  a 
historian  who  studies  the  original  sources  with  tireless  industry. 
He  is,  moreover,  master  of  an  admirably  clear,  succinct,  and 
luminous  mode  of  presentation  of  historical  facts  and  causes. 
Although  he  confines  himself  to  the  one  decade,  his  essay  makes 
that  so  intelligible  that  it  does  much  to  illuminate  a  vastly  wider 
range  of  historical  movement,  struggle,  and  evolution."  — 
Tribune,  Chicago. 

"  From  all  the  preceding  books  upon  his  subject  and  period, 
Mr  Beer's  British  Colonial  Policy,  17 54-1 765,  differs  radically 
in  respect  either  of  its  method  or  of  its  point  of  view.  From 
most  of  its  predecessors  it  differs  in  both  respects.  And  its 
differences,  with  scarcely  an  exception,  are  to  Mr.  Beer's  credit 
and  to  his  reader's  profit.  ...  It  constitutes,  in  the  reviewer's 
opinion,  the  most  substantial  contribution  to  an  understanding 
of  the  causes  of  the  American  Revolution  that  has  appeared 
since  Mellen  Chamberlain  wrote  his  chapter  for  the  sixth  volume 
of  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History,  twenty  years  ago ; 
while  upon  its  own  direct  subject  it  is  not  only  unrivalled  but 
unapproached  by  any  one."  —  The  American  Historical  Review. 


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Origins  of  the  British  G>lonial  System 

157&-1660 
By  GEORGE  LOUIS  BEER 


Cloth    8vo    X  +  438  pages    $300  net 


"The  third  contribution  of  Mr.  G.  L.  Beer  to  the  history  of 
the  policy  of  Great  Britain  towards  her  American  colonies  main- 
tains the  high  standard  of  scholarship  established  by  the  author 
in  his  previous  works."  —  Annals  of  the  American  Academy  of 
Political  Science. 

"  L'ouvrage  de  M.  Beer  forme  une  cxcellente  introduction  4 
I'histoire  du  syst^me  colonial  qui  fut  appliqui  dans  I'empire 
brittanique  avant  I'^poque  du  libre-^change.  .  .  .  Elle  a  ^t^ 
admirablement  pr^sent^e  par  M.  Beer  dans  une  s^rie  de  chapitres 
substantiels,  remplis  de  faits  pulsus  aux  sources  les  plus  varices 
et  bien  choisis." — Revue  Historique. 


"  In  this  and  his  preceding  volume  Mr.  Beer  has  rendered  an 
important  service  both  to  the  history  of  the  American  colonies 
and  to  economic  history.  No  student  of  this  or  any  other  period, 
whatever  his  predispositions,  can  fail  to  welcome  a  work  which 
is  so  effective  and  so  satisfying  in  its  conclusions  as  this." 
—  Political  Science  Quarterly. 

"  In  1907  Mr.  Beer  issued  the  first  volume  of  his  series  upon 
the  old  colonial  policy  of  Great  Britain,  in  which  he  presented  in 
a  new  and  convincing  fashion  the  fundamental  causes  of  the 


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separation  of  the  colonies  from  the  mother  country,  fie  now 
turns  back  to  the  beginnings  of  his  subject  and  analyzes  with 
great  thoroughness  and  slciU  the  origins  of  British  policy." — T/u 
American  Historical  Review, 

"  In  method  Mr.  Beer's  work  leaves  little  to  be  desired.  His 
research  has  been  exhaustive,  his  point  of  view  is  that  of  the 
scientific  historian,  his  grasp  of  the  larger  aspects  of  world- 
history  is  firm  and  comprehensive."  —  TAe  Nation  and  The 
Evening  Post,  New  York. 

"  No  mere  enumeration  of  chapter  subjects  can  convey  an  ade- 
quate idea  of  the  richness  of  Mr.  Beer's  volumes  for  the  economic 
historian  of  our  colonial  period.  Almost  every  page  abounds 
with  information  or  suggestion."  —  The  Economic  Bulletin. 

"  One  of  the  most  remarkable  contributions  to  the  historical 
literature  of  this  country  which  it  has  been  my  pleasure  to  read 
is  George  Louis  Beer's  newly  published  volume,  The  Origins 
of  the  British  Colonial  System,  15^8-1660.  .  .  .  What  makes 
Mr.  Beer's  work  remarkable  and  distinctive  is  the  fact  that, 
unlike  most  of  the  historians  of  that  period,  he  recognizes  from 
the  very  first  that  the  political  systems  and  developments  of  the 
time  cannot  be  understood  apart  from  the  prevailing  economic 
conditions.  .  .  .  Such  equipment  and  temper  as  Mr.  Beer 
brings  to  the  undertaking  ought  to  result  in  a  work  of  monu- 
mental importance." —  The  International  Socialist  Review. 


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